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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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Photogr^hic 

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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

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32X 

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premiere  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminant  par 
la  dernidre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 

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dernidre  image  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
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symbole  V  signifie  "FIN". 

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fiimis  d  des  taux  de  rMuction  diffdrents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grand  pour  dtre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  clich6.  ii  est  film6  i  partir 
de  I'angle  supirieur  gauche,  de  gauche  h  droite, 
et  de  haut  en  bas,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  Les  diagrammes  suivants 
illustrent  la  mithode. 


1 

2 

3 

32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

d^-^iai^^  ^  ^C^«  ^  ''-''^  ^ 


EDOUARD     RICHARD 


ACADIA 


MISSING  LINKS  OF  A  LOST  CHAPTER 


IN  AMERICAiN    HISTORY 


BY 

AN'   \r\DI.\\ 

bx-mkmi;i:k  ,11.-  ■nil.   n.^Lik  ui-  lo.mmo.vs  or  cavad/* 


Vol.  I. 


NKW    VORK 


MONTFiKAl. 

JOHN     l^UVKKl,   a     SOX 


Hi 


Z63819 


') 


,\ 


Enlcreil  nccoiding  to  Act  of  Parliament,  in  tlic  yoai  one  lliousand  ciglit 
hundrol  and  ninety  livj.  by  I-jmhaki.  Kn  iiakh,  in  tlie  oflice  of 
the  Minister  <if  At^riciillure  rnd  Stnii>tit>.  at  Uiiawa. 


I 


T     '    % 

I  I  I 


INTRODUCTORY  REMARKS. 


The  work  T  am  now  niulertaking  has  never  Ijeen  done 
bef'oiv.  Tliis  sweeping  assertion  may  iustonish  the 
leafier:  hnt  there  is  this  very  good  reason  tor  making 
il :  the  arehives  of  the  most  im[)ortant  part  of  this 
history  have  l)een  either  carried  off,  or  destroyed,  or 
simply  lost.  Which  of  these  alternatives  is  the  most 
likeh'  will  appear  later  t»n. 

An  American  writer,  Philij)  H.  Smith,  treating  of 
the  same  subject,  gave  his  book  this  title :  '•  Acadia — • 
A  Lost  Cliapter  in  American  History."  Though  he  lia<l 
not  the  documents  neede<l  for  a  comj)lete  reconstnit  lion, 
yet,  with  his  sound  judgment  and  great  imparti;iiity,  by 
making  good  ise  of  what  he  had  in  hand,  he  luis  man- 
aged to  hit  upon  a  line  of  development  tliat  affords 
a  glimpse  of  wliat  was  liiddeu  in  thj  missing  docu- 
ments. 

That  lost  chapter  I  believe  I  have  reconstructed  in  its 
essential  parts.  The  reader  will  judge  if  the  title  I 
have  chosen  suits  the  work  I  lay  before  him.  Have  I, 
then,  found  the  missing  portion  of  the  archives  ?  Yes 
and  no.  A  considemble  part  of  them  will,  probably, 
never  be  found ;  but  good  liujk  has  put  in  ray  way  frag- 
ments of  them,  which  are  amply  sufficient  to  throw 
light,  if  not  upon  the  secret  details  of  this  history,  a* 


INTHODUrxOUY    KKMAItKS. 


;  I ' 
Mi 


! 


leiwt    upon   its   main   outlines,     (lose   and   continue*! 
thought  has  done  the  rest. 

It  is  eiusy  to  untlei"stand  what  lively  interest  these 
events  excite  in  a  great  grandson  of  the  transported 
Acadians.  That  which  for  others  was  only  a  matter  of 
curiosity  heeanie  for  mean  intense  attraction,  urging  ma 
to  undertake  lesearclies  an<l  meditations  that  seem  to 
jiave  disheartened  those  who  have  hitherto  ap[)roaehed 
the  (question.  The  very  mystery  that  enshroufls  it  luw 
ilrawn  to  it  many  writers  :  hut  lahor  that  is  continually 
running  against  all  sorts  of  diftieulties  soon  hcciuues 
wearisome,  and  so  it  hius  haiijiened  that  all  these  writers 
have  ended  either  hy  leaving  a  hlank  here  or  hy  copying 
the  shadowy  sketch  found  in  authors  who  had  opened  the 
way. 

All  the  importauiuj  of  this  history  of  Acadia,  from 
the  English  concpiest  in  1710  initil  1T<»8,  was  centered 
in  the  events  that  brought  ahout  the  transportation, 
in  the  transportation  itself  and  in  its  conseipienccs ; 
that,  is  to  say,  in  the  period  that  extends  from  1743 
to  1763,  or  even  to  17GG.  Before  that,  tluue  is  noth- 
ing but  unimportant  facts.  No  one  will  tarry  to  de- 
scribe a  river  peacefully  flowing  through  a  valley 
where  the  landscape  on  all  sides  is  monotonous  in  its 
sameness  ;  but,  once  this  tiresome  monotony  is  past,  if 
we  reach  mighty  and  fantastic  cliffs,  overhanging  rocks, 
foaming  surges  dashing  from  chasm  to  chasm,  we 
stop,  we  are  thrilled  with  wonder  at  the  wild  wreck 
wrought  by  the  ceaseless  buffeting  of  the  waters.  This 
is  the  aspect  of  the  story  I  am  about  to  tell.  It  is 
the  only  part  of  Acadian  history  that  presents  a  real 
and  varied  interest,  it  ought  therefore  to  have  l>een 
related  in  detail ;  and  yet,  all  we  have  of  it  so  far  \a 


iNTi;ni»i  <  roi;v   kkmaijks. 


8 


a  MMi^li  skt'tcli  tliiit    h'iivt's  out  tlu!  palpitiiting  pity  of 
it  all. 

Mow  «'iini.'.s  it  tliiit  tlui  (locinmMits  of  so  important  a 
period  liavi;  (lisJij)[K?sirtMr/  Was  tliis  tin*  ii'sult  (»!  ac- 
citlciit  or  (li'sign?  Many  writci-s  have  asj<c<l  this 
<]iH'stioii  l)oforo.  'riios«j  who  liav«^  answered  il  have  all 
done  so  in  tlic  saiim  way.  Otlicrs  liavcf  ignored  it. 
j;lviii<^  tlie  rcadi'r  no  liint  of  tins  stiani:,'!!  disappt'iiiaucf. 
( J  ranting  that  tlu'so  hitter  did  not  share  the  suspicions 
of  tlie  former,  it  seems  evident  that  they  ought  at  least 
to  have  condjated  tliose  susj>ieions,  or  at  all  events  to 
have  mentioned  the  disai)pearivnee  of  the  doeiuuents,  were 
it  only  to  let  the  reader  know  why  they  were  sohrief  in 
their  treatment  of  so  imjjortant  an  ei)oeh.  Did  tin  y 
think  that  obvious  inferences  uni)alatal)Ie  to  them  were 
easy  to  (h'aw?     Perhaps. 

However  this  may  be,  fttw  writers  have  l)estowed  on 
this  '*  Lost  Chapter"  as  nnuh  as  one-sixth  of  thes[)a(i' 
I  am  giving  to  it.  Nf)W,  unless  I  be  des[»airingly 
prolix,  this  fact  suilic^es  to  show  that  I  must  have  under- 
gone serious  labor  ami  havt*  found  much  informatiou 
that  is  new.  On  this  score  I  may  assun;  the  reader 
that  he  will  not  be  disappointed.  What  opinion  soever 
he  may  form  of  my  work,  lie  will  not  Ijc  able  to  denv 
that  lie  has  been  interested  by  a  mass  of  unetlited  doi  u- 
meuts,  by  novel  views,  and  by  inferences  from  which  it 
is  hard  to  escape.  Most  of  my  readei-s,  I  am  sure.  ■\\  ill 
readily  admit  that  this  book  is  (juite  a  revelation,  that  it 
solves  a  problem  over  which  the  world  has  l)een  puz- 
zling for  more  than  a  century. 

Kv(M"y  one  knows  how  dee[)  are  the  impressions  pi  "•- 
duced  ou  a  child  by  the  tales  he  has  heard  at  the  lire- 
side,  esi)ecially  when  their  very  character  is  full  of  dra- 


T"^ 


INTKODl't'TOUV    KKMAItKS. 


1^1 


m 


0  i 


iiMiii'  interest ;  iind,  il'  tlit.'se  events  are  jieisoiml  to  the 
Jiiitli(ti's  of  oiii'  U'lMj^f,  then  they  take  on  portenttms  pro- 
poi'tions  and  iH'eoine  ineradieahly  riveted  in  <>ni- minds. 
So  it  has  h»'iMi  I'oi'  nie  with  tho  events  tliat  pieeeded, 
iieeompiinied  iind  foUowed  the  (h'poitation.  Sitting  nu 
my  Jnolher's  knee,  I  have  heard  them  repeated  a  hun(h-ed 
times,  and  the  teaix  they  often  drew  Irom  me  wouhl 
alone  snllie(!  to  jierpetnate  lh(!  lememhraiici!  <»!'  them. 
The  whoU'  of  my  chihlliuod  was  spent  in  the  midst,  of 
an  Acadian  settK;ment.  'I'hen  were  still  alive  tin;  sons 
of  those  who  liad  het'n  deported,  facts  were  still  fresh  in 
their  memories,  and  each  family  could  reeonstrnct  tht! 
series  of  its  misfortunes  from  thetinu'it  IcftfJraml  l*re, 
lioauhassin  or  Port  lloyal  till  its  linal  si-ttlemeut  in 
Canada.* 

Since  that  time  the  yi'iicration  that  was  <lyinj,'  out 
has  made?  way  for  a  new  one.  I  have  myself  loni,'  left 
my  childhood's  home,  ami  those  memories,  persistent 
lhout>li  they  he,  have  lost  the  precision  tliat  was  needed 
to  <;ive  them  the  weight  of  carefully  eollei'ted  traditions. 
Uesides,  as  my  lecollections  hear  only  on  the  purely 
material  facts  of  the  deportation  and  of  the  misfortunes 
that  followed  in  its  train,  they  would  affoid  but  slendei' 
inttjrest  to  my  readers.  This  only  will  I  say,  that  the 
Invariahle  answer  of  all  whom  I  questioned  ivs  to  the 
cause  of  this  de[)ortation  was  :  the  refusal  to  take  the 
oath  of  allesriiuice  unless  it  were  stipulated  that  they 
should  not  bear  arms  against  the  French. 

"  But,"  I  used  often  to  reply,  "  that  cannot  be  ;  your 
fathers  must  have  Ixumi  guilty  of  some  act  of  hostility, 

*  I  still  have  by  mo  an  aged  hik-Ii-— Itaphael  Richard — who  n-iiR'nilHirfl 
very  distinctly  ha vinp  heard  his  grandfather  relate  tho  incidents  of  the  do- 
portatiOD,  of  which  be  had  l>een  himself  a  Tictim  at  the  age  of  elovea. 


Il 


1  to  the 
oils  pnw 
r  minds. 
ivcimKhI, 
Itin^  on 
liuiidrcd 
■  would 
>r  llieni. 
iiidst  ot" 
\\\v  soils 
IVcsli  ill 
nict  tilt' 
iiid  I'll', 
lucnt    ill 

:\\['^  out 
loiit^  left 
crsistent 
■i  needed 
aditions. 

!  piiiely 
fortunes 
slender 
lat  the 
to  the 
ake  the 
it    they 

;  your 
ostility, 

•iiii'mlHirfl 
tuf  thodo- 
olovoa. 


iNTUoiUMToKV  i:i:mai;ks.  5 

in  one  way  or  anoilk-r,  wliicii  foired  the  ( Joveinnient 
to  ai  t  with  rij,'or  :  the  jmnishinent  was  too  severe,  and 
yet  the  choice  nf  means  alone  seems  hlameworthy." 
Ami  there  came  hack  always  the  |)i*eeise  and  formal 
answer — that  never,  at  anytime,  ilid  the  j)eo|ile  dwellinfjf 
in  the  j»ei:insnla  on  Mni^lish  territory,  take  n|i  or  i-veii 
threaten  to  take  \\[>  aims. 

In  spite  uf  their  alViriiiatinns  I  had  always  tlioiitilit 
that  they  were  niislakcii  ;  and.  stranj^i'  as  it  may  seem, 
my  only  wish  had  Ijeen  to  convince  myself  tliat  they 
\\  fit-  wrony:.  Thus  at  least  would  the  hitteniess  e\  i»kc<l 
liv  these  memories  have  heeii  lessened  hy  tiit;  certainty 
that  the  cause  of  all  this  w(»e  was  to  some  extent  a 
righteous  one.  1  would  then  have  likened,  or.  at  any 
rate,  tried  to  liken  these  sad  events  to  so  many  ntliei- 
talamities  that  have,  in  l)y^n)iie  aj^^es.  hefalleii  all  ntlicr 
nations  indiscriminately.  Whatever  may  Im;  the  (luclty 
(if  a  chiistisemeiit,  it  is  some  consolation  to  know  with 
» crtainty  that  it  was  partly  deserved  :  forgiveness  and 
ohlivion  l)eeome  jxjssihle,  nay,  ]»erha|iN  a  duty. 

No  such  (MHisolation  has  issued  from  my  conscientious 
researches.  I  am  convinced,  heyond  all  donht.  that 
tradition  faithfully  rej»roiluced  historic  truth  :  hut 
— eagerly  do  I  proclaim  it.  incredihle  though  it  may 
seem — the  Home  (fovernnient  had  nothing  to  do  with 
either  tlie  resolving  np(tn  or  the  i-arrying  out  of  this  act 
of  harharity  that  has  left  upon  tlu^  civili/ed  world  an 
impression  of  ineradicahle  and  unassuageahle  i)ain. 

'I'here  are  events  ami  nu'ii  that  lill  a  large  ]ilace  in 
the  eyes  of  their  contemporaries.  I'hey  hid  fair  to  be 
long  held  in  rememhrance  and  [)erliaps  to  he  immortal- 
ized in  history:  yet.  hardl}' have  they  disajipeared,  when 
every  trace  of  tliem  is  forgotten.     Others  again  there 


1: 


»     ; 


U 


lNTI!nIHr(Vr(MtV    ItKMAItKS. 


Hit',  apitiii'tMitly  less  iiii|H)rti(iit,  less  iioticcMl  ut  the  time, 
wliiili  never  seem  tf»  l«>se  the  iiitoivst  tliiit  clings  to  tliein. 
Kiiiiilly,  there  are  other  events  and  men  that  may  be 
Nii<l  to  |,M(UV  in  ma<rnitu<h^  with  the  veiy  jjrowth  of  the 
(hstiinre  that  separates  us  t'roni  them.  To  this  hutt 
<iitei;ory  lH*h)n^.  in  ancient  liistory,  th«'  sie^e  of  Troy, 
the  hatthi  of  ihermopyhe ;  nuMi  like  Homer,  I'luto, 
Socrates:  and,  in  modtMii  history,  the  sipnin^  of  tlie 
Mag'na  Charta,  the  massacre  of  St.  Hartholemew, 
Columhus,  Shakespeare,  Washinjjlon.  So  will  it  be,  I 
venture  to  think,  with  the  deportation  of  the  Aeadians. 
This  uni({ue  fact  of  the  dispersion  of  a  people  will  prow 
SIS  time  prows.  'J'he  very  effort  made  to  blot  out  all 
trace  of  it,  by  supjuessinp  Iwth  the  documents  and  th 
names  that  .should  enprave  it  on  the  memory,  vill 
contribute  more  than  anythinp  eb»e  to  make  tli« 
recfdlection  of  it  lastinp.  Where  the  historian  cannta 
jHMietiate  the  ])oet  enteis.  'I'hese  mutilated  or  lost 
chapters  of  history  then  beeome  a  field  from  which 
the  ]K)et  pleans  the  polden  prain  that  has  escaped 
destrut'tion,  and  pives  to  prateful  humanity  tlM«se 
touchinp  poems  for  which  he  is  repaid  by  immoi'tality. 
And.  indeed,  what  liehl  can  offer  him  a  richer  harvevSt 
than  this  one?  A  happy  and  prosperotis  people  rudely 
snatched  from  its  home,  dispei-sed  on  every  shore ;  families 
rent  usiuider,  so  that  scattered  memltei-s  .seek  each  other 
durinp  many  long  years  ;  the  melanclioly  monotony  of 
lives  consecmte*!  to  sorrow  and  suffering, — all  this  is  so 
charged  with  "  the  slings  and  arrows  of  outrageous 
fortune  "  as  to  produce  in  him  who  poiulers  it  all,  after 
more  than  a  century,  an  indetinable  feeling  of  sadness. 
The  victims  of  this  dismal  drama  still  tug  at  your  lieart 
strings  like  the  wailings  of  some  hero  of  ancient  trag- 


INTItoiMTTnlJY    Itl'.MAItKS. 


im|\.  riif  (M)iisi'C|iU'ii(t's  dl"  iliis  ilispiTsioii  (iiiiiiot  Imj 
ini'iisiiii-d  :  tlii'V  liiivc  icucIkmI  nut  into  ('V(M'y  family  and 
to  lacli  iik'IiiIm-i'  1)1'  cvfiv  I'aniily:  each  licurt  litis  felt  lliu 
tnitlMf.  rarh  iicivc  llir  criU'l  tuillj^c. 

if  I  lia\<  not  Imtii  al>lc  to  liixl  in  i1ii'S(>  cveiits  that 
coint'oii  wliii  li  ill*-  ('t>rlilu<l«' of  ii  merited  cliastisi'inciit 
mi-^'lit  have  alVoiihil  me.  I  must  admit  that  theiini>-]iurtiei- 
|i,iiion  of  (lie  Moiiie  (iovei'iiiiieiil  has  heeii  a  j^Tt'at  lelief 
fioiii  the  NJiiisiei'  thoughts  that  haunted  niv  inain.  No; 
thi-  l-Ji^'li>h  <  ioveiiinienl  neverordei  v  I  this  de|)oi-tatii)n, 
iioi  cMT 'Hd  anyihinji;  lliat  niiL>hl  im|'.  it;  (|iiite  thu 
eoiitiaiy.  This  work  will  yive  in(Usputal»h)  )iio(»i'  that, 
at  the  \ery  moment  when  (Jov  .or  La wn?n  .  falsely 
!akin«;llis  Ahijesly's  name.  \\  as  exeen  ^nj,'  the  |>r()jeet 
lu'  liail  ioni;  enlerlaiaed,  oiih'ix  wrr'-.  auihosst'd  to  him 
eondenniinjL:'.  in  eneij^«'lie  teiins,  the  mitiifated  jirojoct  h« 
iiad  snlanitted  to  the  lamls  of  Tiad*'  It  is  a  stmngo 
thinj; — w  hieh  shov.s  Jiow  sui>erf'ii'ially  history  is  sonu'- 
tinies  wiitten — that  not  one  of  the  dixMimunts  ostublish- 
itij,'  so  impoitatit  a  faet  lias  Imh'Ii  cited  hy  any  English 
hisioiian.  Koi-  some,  tlm  motive  of  theii*  silenee  will 
npjieai-  in  the  eoui'se  of  this  narrative.  For  others,  it 
was  a  <|nestion  of  following  tlu;  Ix'ateii  jiatli  latlier  than 
laeing  the  lalMir  o(  cutting  thiough  a  jungle. 

It,  is  not  my  intention  to  indicate  »'ven  hriefly,  in 
these  preliminary  remarks,  the  important  data  on  which 
this  l»o(»k  rests.  Thai  would  «ause  unnecessai-y  delay. 
Siit'tiee  it  to  assnri'  those  who  take  a  deep  intei'est  in 
mailers  of  hisiory.  that  they  will  iind  in  ihis  volume 
ainph'  salisfiiction  for  theii' curiosity,  and,  prohahly,  the 
snhition  of  the  riddle  that  has  long  tea.sed  them.  J*er- 
haps  they  will  he  still  hetter  [)leased  to  follow  gradually, 
withoul   further  explanations,   the  connected  series  of 


8 


lNTIM)l»r(TOI!Y    ItKMAItKS. 


hi 


i    '    i 


facts  brought  to  liglit  l)y  mjiiiy  hitherto  luipublished 
documents  to  he  found  lieiv. 

I  iini  fully  iiwiixe  of  the  prejudices  that  may  uiise  in 
the  minds  of  my  leadeis,  prejudices  whose  Jianie  very 
likely  is  legion  ;  hut  I  am  also  aware  that  they  avIU 
disappear  one  by  one,  till  the  last  of  them,  I  hope,  a\  ill 
evaporate  long  before  the  reading  of  my  last  clia[)ter. 
Far  from  wondering  at  these  prejudices,  I  should  l>e 
liable  to  them  myself,  were  I  in  the  reader's  i)lace  ;  I 
coiild  ndt,  at  first  blush,  shake  off  the  impression  that 
he  who  relates  events  with  which  his  ajieestors  have 
been  so  painfully  connected,  cannot  view  them  with 
that  calm  im[)artialit3'  which  is  a  requisite  of  liistorv.  I 
unhesitatinglj'  confess  that  these  events  liave  luodnced 
on  me  the  keiMiest  of  impressions,  that  my  heart  has 
bled  at  the  recital  of  the  woe  that  crushed  my  forefathers. 
Still,  desi)ite  all  this,  I  hope  to  convince  the  reader  that  I 
have  not  been  biassed.  No  doubt  education  has  a  mighty 
influence  in  giving,  from  childhood,  a  fixedness  t<^  the 
opinions  of  one's  whole  life.  For  most  men  early  educa- 
tion is  everything,  they  are  its  slaves  from  the  cradle  to 
tlie  grave ;  it  has  eiiuipped  them  with  spectacles,  green 
or  blue,  through  which  they  look  at  and^jronoume  with- 
out appeal  on  the  most  varied  colors.  Hut,  there  are 
others  who,  thanks  to  a  more  elastic  temperament,  are  able 
to  make  a  clean  sweep  of  whatever  is  cumbrous  in  their 
past,  to  begin  to  examine  anew  whatever  is  not  certain, 
and  thus  to  break  througb  the  narrow  liorizon  that  shut 
them  in.  Ft)r  better  or  for  worse,  this  is,  in  a  very 
marked  degree,  my  own  disposition. 

This  work  was  first  intended  for  my  French  com- 
patriots: but,  on  second  thoughts,  I  decided  to  present 
it  also  to  my  Knglish-s[)eaking  fellow-countrymen. 


INTKODUCTOKY    KEMAIIKS. 


9 


lublished 

aii.se  in 

line  very 

liey   will 

ope,  uill 

clia[)ter. 

Iioiild  l>e 

[)laee  ;   I 

sioii  tliiit 

ors  have 

em   witii 

story.     I 

produced 

leart    lias 

•efatluMs. 

lertlial  \ 

11  mighty 

!ss  to  the 

ly  educa- 

evadle  to 

es,  green 

ue  with- 

here  are 

,  aie  al)le 

in  their 

:  certain, 

hat  shut 

1  a  very 

ch  com- 
)  present 
len. 


Albeit  historians  are  not  wont  to  dilate  on  their  own 
pei-sonality,  I  will,  nevertheless,  make  boid  to  say  that,  as 
far  ivs  I  may  jndge,  my  chief  characteristic  Is  kindliness. 
Wherever  1  could,  without  too  greatly  jeopardizing  the 
truth,  I  have  been  delighted  to  lean  to  the  :idc  of  indul- 
gence. When  I  might  have  called  in  question  the  sin- 
cerity of  several  historians,  I  refrained  from  doing  so  ; 
nay,  I  have  sometimes  been  so  indulgent  as  to  suppose, 
against  my  plain  convictions,  honorable  intentions,  on 
the  principle  i,hat  it  was  better  to  sin  b}'  excess  of  silence 
and  mercy  rather  than  by  too  great  severity.  But,  when 
brought  face  to  face  with  systematic  attempts,  unmistak- 
able and  continually  renewed,  to  falsify  histor}',  I  have 
thought  that  silence  l)ecame  a  fault,  and  that  the  finger 
of  scorn  must  be  laid  on  these  dishonest  practices,  and 
on  those  who  perpetrated  them  with  malice  prepense. 

The  exception  I  have  just  hinted  at  bears  on  the 
ccmipiler  of  tlie  volume  of  Archives  of  Nova  Scotia  and 
on  Mr.  Parkman.  Regretfully  do  I  say  this  ;  but  the 
evidence  leaves  no  possibility  of  doubt. 

As  I  advance  nothing  without  proof,  the  public  will 
be  in  a  position  to  judge  whether  or  not  my  motives  are 
solidly  grounded.  I  know  that  I  am  laying  myself  open 
to  reprisals;  but  I  believe  that  I  can  successfully  face 
them,  and  that  I  can  defend  my  position  still  more 
strongly  than  I  have  done  here.  However,  despite  my 
efforts  to  master  the  question,  I  may  have  made  some 
mistakes;  some  secondary  or  even  important  facts  may 
liave  escaped  my  knowledge  ;  this  would  not  be  suri)ris- 
ing,  since  I  am  engaged  in  reconstructing,  in  a  lost 
cliapter,  the  fragments  that  have  not  been  destroyed. 
If  there  are  mistakes,  I  will  willingly  acknowledge 
them  ;  but  it  is  one  thing  to  be  ignorant  of  unpublished 


Wi 


\ 


Ml 


»  ' 


i! 


10 


INTUODUCTOltV    It  KM  AUKS. 


facts,  tand  quite  another  to  duitoit  or  suppress  what  one 
cannot  but  know. 

However,  my  conclusions  agree  in  the  main  with 
those  of  most  historians.  During  more  than  a  liundred 
yeai*s  all  that  was  written  on  the  subject  was  pretty 
much  from  tlie  same  standpoint.  Fii-st,  comes  Kaynal, 
who  wrote  al)out  1780,  shortly  after  tlie  deportation. 
His  work  might  possess  some  value,  if  lie  had  lived 
in  the  country,  or  if,  at  least,  he  had  visited  it  and  col- 
lected information  on  the  si)ot.  Being  a  contemporary 
of  the  events — he  was  l)orn  in  171-3 — he  might  have 
written  a  work  of  much  weight.  Unfoitunately  lie  did 
not  avail  himself  of  his  opportunities.  So,  without  ques- 
tioning his  sincerity,  I  attach  so  little  value  to  his  say- 
ings and  his  opinions  that  I  do  not  quote  him  even 
once.  His  views  have  no  importance  except  as  a  reflec- 
tion of  the  ideas  and  sentiments  that  then  were  current 
in  France.  Besides,  Kaynal  does  not  strike  me  as  a 
serious  writer ;  at  best,  he  is  a  superfine  story-teller  in 
the  pompous  and  turgid  style  of  the  epoch.  The  flat- 
tering picture  he  draws  of  Acadian  manners  is,  I  admit, 
too  ideal  not  to  have  been  somewhat  emliellished  by  his 
imagination.  And  yet  we  have  numerous  proofs  that, 
in  Halifax  itself,  a  goodly  portion  of  the  citizens  did  not 
think  him  very  unreal.  Haliburton,  who  Avrote  forty 
yeais  later,  quotes  Raynals  appreciations,  and  points 
out  that  he  was  not  so  far  from  the  truth  as  people  might 
imagine. 

After  Raynal  comes  Haliburton  himself  (Thomas 
Chandler  Haliburton).  Here  we  have  no  longer  a  for- 
eigner, nor  a  superfine  story-teller,  but  a  son  of  the  soil, 
whose  grandfather,  a  Loyalist,  had  immignited  to  the 
country  after   the  American  war  of  Independence ;  a 


INTIIODl'l TOl:V    I;K.MAIMv!S. 


11 


uv.xu.  inorcover,  wlio  rose  to  the  Supieine  Court  lU*ncli 
(if  liis  j)i(»viiK;t',  a  reuiarkable  autlior,  wlio  enjoyed  the 
ies|i('(i  of  his  fenow-eoiintryinen,  anil  was  honored  hy 
]ii>i  Sovereign.  His  position,  his  eharacter,  his  judicial 
iiiiinl,  liis  great  and  varied  talents  mark  him  out  jus  the 
lujhlest  representative  of  the  eminent  men  this  highly 
favoied  province  lias  produced. 

His  Ifistorv  of  Nova  Scotia  does  not  tjive  us  the  full 
measure  of  his  literary  ability  :  l)ut  it  does  of  his  noble 
( humcter.  of  his  reetitiule,  and  of  the  efforts  he  made  to 
;u(juire  a  n^astery  of  his  subject,  so  as  to  guide  the  public 
along  the  path  liis  conscience  showed  him.  He  founded 
ilie  history  of  his  ])rovince,  for  which  he  received  a  vote 
of  thanks  from  the  J-.egislature.  To  this  da}^  Jiis  work 
is  continually  consulted  as  an  authority,  and  is  a  founda- 
tion for  most  of  those  who  treat  of  local  liistory.  This 
liook  was  i>ublished  in  1820.  As  it  wjis  in  preparation 
lor  many  years  previo  s  to  that  date,  and  as  he  was  then 
■A  middle-age<l  man,  Ik  may  1k!  said  to  have  been  a  con- 
tempomry  of  some  of  the  men  who  figured  at  the  time 
of  the  deportation.  'JMins,  besides  his  researches  in  his- 
torical documents,  he  could  take  advantage  of  much 
oral  information  on  matteis  that  wei'e still  fresh  in  men's 
memories.  The  sequel  will  show  that  his  conclusions 
do  not  differ  materially  from  mine. 

Thirty  years  later  (1M")1>),  Kameau  published  "La 
France  aux  Colonies ''  and,  in  1880,  ''line  Colonic  F^odale 
tn  Amerique."  In  18(15  appeared  ihv  "  History  of  Nova 
Scotia  "  by  Beamish  Murdoch.  The  volume  of  "  Nova 
Scotia  Archives,"  l>egun  in  1857,  was  completed  lnl8r»0. 
Campbell's  "  History  of  Nova  Scotia  '*  came  out  in  lH7o, 
which  year  also  gave  us  Moreau's  "  Histoire  de  l*  \ca<lie." 
Hannay's  '"History  of  Acadia"  is  dated  1870:  Philip 


:  I 


!  i 


i 

I 
i    i 

i    ' 
1  ! ,    t 

rM   1 


M 

I 


i. 


i  I 


^^/ 


12 


INTi:ni)rCTOKY    KEMAHKS. 


H.  Sinitli's  "  Aciidiii — A  Lost  Chapter  in  Anieriuaii  His- 
tory," 1884  ;  ( 'iisg rain's  "  P^lerinage  au  Pays  d'Evan^t'- 
line,"  1888;  and  Parkinan's  "Montcalm  and  WoltV;* 
which  contains  a  good  deal  about  Acadia,  1884. 

With  the  exception  of  Ilannay  and  Parkniaii.  and 
perhaps  of  Murdoch,  wlio,  however,  liardly  expres-scs 
any  o[)inion  on  the  events  lie  describes,  all  the  oUhm- 
writers  named  above  hold  nearly  the  same  view  as  Uali- 
burton. 

Of  late  years  history  has  been  enriched  by  an  exceed- 
ingly precious  collection  of  documents,  which  throw  a 
Hood  of  light  on  the  very  darkest  i)art  of  the  period.  It 
is  leally  unfortunate  that  men  like  Murdoch  and  Ilaiuiay, 
who  seem  to  liave  been  sincere,  bad  not  access  to  this 
collection.  As  to  I'aikman,  I  have  the  positive  proof 
that  he  knew  of  it  but  chose  to  ignore  it. 

This  voluminous  collection  is  due  to  the  Uev.  Andrew 
Brown,  Presbyterian  minister,  who  died  at  Edinburgh, 
when  he  was  Professor  of  Rbetoiic  in  the  university. 
Wliile  living  at  Halifax,  from  1787  to  175*"),  lie  collected 
materials    with   the  intention  of  writini>'   a    historv  of 

O  4 

Jsova  Scotia.  This  history,  incomplete  and  in  ni;inu- 
script,  was  found  with  all  the  original  and  other  docu- 
ments that  accompanied  it,  in  a  grocer's  slio[).  and 
bought,  Nov.  13th,  18r)2,  by  Mr.  Grosart,  wlio  sold  it  to 
the  British  ]\Iuseum  in  London.  Some  years  ago  it  was 
copied,  in  whole  or  in  part,  by  the  Historical  Society  of 
Iltalifax,  in  whose  archives  it  is  now.  T  am  particularly 
indebted  to  this  collection,  from  which  numerous  extracts 
have  l)een  published  in  "  T^e  Canada  Franqais,"'  it  I  am 
in  a  position  to  recompose,  almost  entirely,  this  lost 
chapter.  The  imjiortance  of  this  MS.  is  obvious.  An 
historian  was  needed  who  should  be  a  closer  contemporary 


INTCDIU'CTOItY    ItKMAItKS. 


1.", 


ot'  lln'  ()l)Sfure  periotl  tliiin  Ilalil)Uit(>ii.  Tliis  want  is 
now  supplied,  aiul  all  the  more  effectually  l)ecause 
Hiowm's  [)osition  and  cliai'aetei'  would  satisfy  the  most 
fastidious  critic. 

The  volume  of  iVrchives,  published  in  1800  by  order 
of  the  Legislatuie.  was  edited  by  Thomas  H.  Akiiis, 
Commissioner  of  the  Public  Aichives  of  the  Province. 
I  do  not  hesitate  to  aflirm  that  the  documents  have  been 
selected  with  the  greatest  partiality,  and  with  the  [»ur- 
pose,  i)Oorly  disguised  in  the  very  preface,  of  gcstting' 
together  sucli  papers  as  might  justify  the  deportation  of 
the  Acadians.  This  accusation  I  liav(^  not  delibei'ately 
striven  to  support  by  hunting  U[»  exam[>les,  and  y(;t  the 
pioofs  of  it  have  incidentally  accumulated  insmdi  j»ro- 
fusifni  as  to  open  the  eyes  of  those  who  are  not  wilfully 
])lind.  It  is  easy  to  see  that  this  compilei' aimed  at  start- 
ing a  reaction  against  the  opinions  and  sentiments  that 
liad  been  current  for  more  than  a  cent  uiy.  I  lis  intention, 
evidently,  was  to  make  this  volume  an  arsenal  for  all 
who  wanted  weapons,  for  he  was  fully  aware  that  few 
writei-s  would  give  themselves  the  trouble  to  go  behind 
Ills  compilation. 

A  mere  summary  of  documents  will  not  do  duty  for 
the  history  of  this  period.  He  who  should  accomplish 
no  more  than  this  would  have  written  nothing  that  even 
remotely  resembled  history  ;  first,  because  of  the  scarcity 
of  materials,  and  then  because,  up  to  1758,  we  are  face 
to  face  with  the  omnipotent  authority  of  the  governor 
an<l  of  a  soldier  at  that.  Inured  to  military  discipline, 
tliese  governoi-s  knew  only  how  to  command  and  imperi- 
ously to  enforce  passive  obedience.  Will  any  one  pre- 
tend that,  under  such  conditions,  history  can  be  written 
solely  with  the  orders  of  this  potentate,  and  his  letters 


1 


r 


r 
I 


I 

I  i 


i'li 


I 


14 


iNTUoDicTouv  i:kmai;ks. 


to  tlie  Sccretiiiv  ol"  State,  wliosu  ri'inesciitiitives  in  iliis 
case  were  llie  Louis  ul'  Trade  ?  Siidi  a  itietciisioii 
\VL'!L*  aUsurd.  Clearly,  these  letters  exhibit  one  side 
oidy  of  the  question,  the  governor's;  they  are  sure  to 
contain  nothing  that  is  unfavorable  to  him,  nothin;^'  that 
etmUl  militate  against  him  and  in  favor  of  those  who, 
most  of  the  time,  silently  obeyed  his  unjust  orders,  or 
wliose  recriminations  are  not  recorded,  liadtliey  plueked 
up  enough  courage  to  contradict  hiin  or  to  utter  a  inui- 
mur.  And  yet  these  are  the  only  <loeuments  we  possess 
for  this  period;  nay,  even  these  one-sided  statements 
li.ive,  in  great  part,  disa[)peared.  'Vha  only  thing  a  man 
can  do  who  undertakes  to  give  the  public  a  somewhat 
faithful  picture  of  the  reality  is — for  the  satisfaction  of 
liis  readers  as  well  as  his  own — to  make  the  best  use  of 
these  wretched  renmants,  to  piece  them  togethei',  to  try 
to  penetrate  their  hidden  meaning,  the  motives  by 
wliich  this  des[>()t  may  have  been  actuated:  in  a  word, 
to  get  hold  of  some  evidence  from  which  an  opinion  may 
Le  formed  of  his  character  and  his  acts.  If,  in  the  teeth 
f»f  these  dirticulties,  tlie  historian  succeeds  in  explaining 
the  governor's  acts  by  means  of  tlie  hitter's  own  docu- 
ments, in  which  he  has  said  only  what  he  chose  to  say ; 
if,  moreover,  the  historian  detects  the  motives  wliicli  he 
had  every  reason  to  hide  with  every  facility  for  hiding 
tliem,  so  as  to  convict  him  of  this  or  that  evil  design 
against  those  who  have  left  nothing  in  their  own  defence  ; 
such  a  result  is  indeed  surprising. 

Yet  that  is  what  I  have  done,  and  more  i)articularly 
for  Lawrence  and  his  accomplices.  All,  or  almost  all 
previous  writers  seemed  to  have  perceived  that  the  con- 
duct of  the  Acadians,  even  as  re[)resented  by  Lawrence 
himself,  had  not  justified  their  deportJition.     For  a  hun- 


INTItonrCTnllY    UKMAUKS. 


16 


tlreil  years  tli«M»!  has  been  seareely  a  dissentient  voice  an 
this  point.  Sueli  l)einj^  the  ease,  if  it  is  true  tluit  the 
English  Government  never  ordeied  the  deportation,  Law- 
rence must  h.ave  had  some  motive  for  acting  as  lie  did. 
This  motive  I  had  some  inkling  of  directly  I  began  to 
study  thy  question.  Soon  I  undei-stood  clearly  what  it. 
was.  That  was  not  the  difficulty.  The  great,  the  im- 
mense diffi(^ulty,  lay  altogether  in  proving  the  motive, 
when  all  helpful  documents  had  disappeare*!.  Jt  has 
beejj  said,  with  more  wit  than  truth,  that,  if  3'ou  want  to 
ferret  out  a  crime,  you  must  *'  tind  the  woman  in  the  case.*' 
Though  this  may  sometimes  hold  for  a  crime  in  the  singu- 
lar, it  caiuiot  be  true  of  a  crime  in  the  plural,  as  this  one  is. 
Here  I  should  say:  "  Find  what  profit  the  criminal  got." 
This  profit  I  have  fovuid  and  the  proof  thereof,  clear 
enough  to  satisfy  any  court  of  justice,  though  it  were 
absurd  to  require  the  evideiu^e  of  law  courts  for  events 
that  took  place  almost  140  years  ago. 

It  is  liompai'atively  easy  to  write  the  history  of  a 
country  enjoying  representative  institutions,  or  of  a  long- 
settled  nation  like  France  or  England.  The  State  pajjci-s 
are  confirmed  ov  contradicted  by  so  many  other  docu- 
ments tliat  there  is  not  much  need  of  commentary  in  quot- 
ing authorities.  But,  in  this  case,  nothing  like  history  can 
be  written  without  meditating,  weighing  probabilities, 
and  drawing  legitimate  inferences.  I  should  have 
found  it  much  easier  to  be  a  mere  compiler  ;  but  then,  I 
might  as  well  have  done  like  so  many  othera  and  copied 
right  and  left,  or,  better  still,  have  written  nothing  at 
all.  Othei-s,  possibly,  may  have  examined  more  docu- 
ments ;  but  perhaps  no  one  has  brought  to  bear  on  the 
question  so  much  of  the  deep  consideration  needed  for 
grasping  the  dominant  purpose  of  the  interested  parties, 


'   t 

I.  i 

H.  1 


I 


m 


'  '     '  i  ii! 


niii 


HM 


11,  Hi 


M 


16 


1NTKI)IH(    r<>i:V    I.'KMARK.S. 


the  intontions  and  feelings  lurking  between  tlio  lines  of 
ofliiiiil  or  other  doeuments. 

Addressing  myself  to  the  subject  with  all  the  impar- 
tiality at  my  lommand,  I  thought  I  should  lind  at  least 
a  ]»artial  justilicalion  of  the  dei)ortation.  and  that  thus  I 
should  free  my  soul  from  a  burden  that  weighed  heavily 
upon  it.  This  justilication  I  did  not  discover  ;  I  reached 
a  contrary  conclusion  ;  but  I  have  at  all  events  the  von- 
solation  of  knowing  that  the  guilt  does  not  bear  directly 
upon  a  nation,  but  upon  individuals  whom  history  lias 
not  yet  properl}'  branded.  This  book  will,  in  my  jiidg- 
ment,  effectually  clear  England's  Home  Government's 
honor  of  the  deepest  historic  stain  ever  attached  to  it. 
Let  the  stigma  be  obliterated  which  England  has  hitherto 
boi'ue  ;  burn  it  into  the  foreheads  of  Lawrence,  Belcher, 
Wilniot,  Morris,  and  their  accomplices. 

If  it  is  true,  on  the  one  hand,  that  the  polic}-  of  Eng- 
land has  always  been  one  of  self-interest,  rather  than  of 
sentiment,  it  may  be  held  that,  as  far  as  the  Ilonu' 
Government  is  concerned,  its  policy  has  been  in  general 
lionorable  and  compares  favorably  with  that  of  any 
other  nation.  England  owes  its  high  standing  to  the 
wisdom  and  large-mindedness  of  its  statesmen.  Minis- 
tries rose  and  fell ;  but  the  main  lines  of  its  policy  were 
unchanged.  Im[»ervious  alike  to  sudden  enthusiasm,  to 
gradual  apathy,  and  to  unexpected  revei'sals,  Enghiml 
pursued  its  ends  with  unvarying  resolution  and  change- 
less tenacity  of  i»uri»ose.  Obstacles  seemed  only  to 
whet  its  ambition,  and  to  strengthen  its  determination. 

The  policy  <»f  France,  on  the  other  hand,  may  be 
described  in  nearly  opposite  terms.  Colonies  were 
founded  w^ith  enthusiasm,  only  to  be  left  to  themselves 
a  few  years  later.     This  is  precisely  what  took  place  'm 


lNTI!()I)rCT(H:V    UEMAUKS. 


17 


Acadiiv.  About  a  huiulrt'd  fumilies  were  settled  there, 
and  llu'ii  Itift  without  adt'(iuato  assislance  to  carr}'  ou 
heroif!  .suugi^des  acfainst  a  much  more  jioworf'ul  ciiciny. 
\yhen  tliis  liaiidful  ol"  colonists  became  a  happy  and  pros- 
perous cnihryo  nation,  when  it  was  seen  what  stnio 
England  si-t  by  kccpin;^-  its  hold  i»ii  ihcni,  France  begau 
again  to  covet  what  slic  had  neglected  or  forsaken. 

Instead  oi"  founding  colonies  by  multi[)lying  the  cohv 
iiists.  she  thought  she  could  found  them  with  fortresses. 
One  singhi  Jnillion  out  of  Ihi'  thirty  millions  spent  on 
tho  rock  of  Louisburg  would  ba,vc  j)eopled  Acadia  in  a 
way  to  insure  its  permanent  {iossession  by  France. 
Whilst  Canada,  with  its  sixty  thousand  souls,  was  clu^ck- 
matiiig  New  l^ngland's  twidxe  hundred  thousand, 
France,  the  i)rey  of  courtiers,  was  making  merry.  Vol- 
taire, leader  of  the  high  court  of  witlings,  declared  that 
Canada  was  only  "  a  few  acres  of  snow  : "'  and  Canada 
was  lost. 

These  colonies  had  duties  towards  France,  and  the}' 
fullilled  them  nobly.  Can  slie  in  her  turn  say  as  much'' 
Hits  the  father  of  a  family  no  duties  beyond  the  beget- 
ting of  children  ?  Does  he  not  owe  them  also  education 
and  protection  ? 

A  fter  more  than  a  century  of  forgetf ulness,  that  same 
France  has  recollected  that  tliat  child,  conceived  in  a 
burst  of  love  and  carelessly  cast  off,  is  now  grown  up 
and  keeps  a  fond  remembrance  of  his  mother.  She  has 
likewise  perceived  that  those  acres  of  snow  are  an 
empire,  the  possession  of  which  enriches  her  rival.  Vain 
regrets  !  England  has  long  since  appropriated  all  the 
desirable  lands  of  our  planet.  Its  tongue,  its  institu- 
tions, its  capital  accumulated  through  the  colonies 
themselves,  now  encircle  the  entire  globe.     In  these  are 


fill 


! 


,  >l 


I 


I 


:Vh 


IH 


INTUODUCTOllY    ItKMAUKS. 


its  might  and  its  wealth.  While  France  was  making 
merry,  England  svius  attending  to  business ;  which  was 
Kurely  worth  Voltaire's  witty  saying,  which  people 
liiughed  at  one  day,  Jind  would  have  forgotten  the  next, 
had  not  France  been  mourning  over  it  '!ver  since. 

J^oor  France!  In  order  ever  to  retain  a  firm  hold  of 
your  sceptre,  you  had  invented  the  Salic  law.  You 
would  not  be  governed  by  queens,  and  yf)u  have  been 
nded  by  harlots.  You  were  rich  and  honored ;  those 
wonuni  squandered  your  (;oiiis  iind  your  honoi'.  What 
liiivoe  hits  wrought  in  you  the;  wit  of  your  madcaps? 
You  are  now  striving  to  retain  the  privilege  ol'  drying 
your  lish  on  a  corner  of  this  continent  that  once  be- 
longed to  you.  or  at  least  might  have  been  entirely 
youis :  it  wonld  still  be  yours,  with  all  the  wealth 
hidden  unch'i'  its  acres  of  snow,  if  you  had  hud  less  of 
the  Mil  that  eVii))oratcs  and  more  of  the  wit  tliat  bcais 
fruit. 

^'ou  arc;  u'l'llinu'  wisiT  :  \  on  tardilv  ackno\vlcd'>c  ijic 
folly  of  youi'  wit  :  you  perceive  that  Kngland  has 
becouK!  strong  and  wealthy  just  because;  of  a  wiser 
ai)preciation  of  what  you  despised.  But  it  is  too  late  ! 
A  few  acres  of  sand  in  the  Sahara,  where  yoiu'  people 
cannot  live,  a  few  thousand  negroes  in  Senegal, 
Dulujuiey  or  Congo,  will  never  make  up  for  the  loss  to 
you  i)f  those  French  hearts  that  would  have  throbbed  in 
the  vast  and  healthy  plains  of  this  marvellous  conti- 
nent. 

O  France  !  Forgive  to  a  son  of  those  unfortunate 
Acadians  the  recalling  of  these  cruel  memories  .... 
our  sufferings  have  been  so  bitter. 

Forsaken,  forgotten,  the  Canadians  have  always  kept 
their  love  for  France.     They  i-hanged  their  allegiance. 


i 


iNTi:«»i>r(T«»i!V   i:i:mai:ks. 


19 


making 

ch    WOH 

people 
le  next, 

hold  of 
,'.  You 
ve  been 
I;  those 
What 
ladcaps  ? 

f  drying 
once  be- 


entirely 

i 

'    wealth 

id  less  of 

i:it    lu'iivs 

t'di^r   tilt- 

liilid    iu\s 

1 

;i    wiser 

J 

tod  lute  ! 

ur  people 

Senegal, 

,| 

le  loss  to 

robbed  in 

A 

)us  conti- 

1 

ifortunate 

les 


ways  kept 

ille'^iauee, 


but  only  to  bectniie  ei'e  long  the  niaslei"S  of  their  own 
desiiiiv.  llieir  late,  exi-ept  inasimieh  as  tliey  were  for- 
irulieii  l»y  I'ranee,  was  not  otherwise  u  cruel  one.  Not 
s<i  wiiii  till'  Aeachans.  Can  tliey  fnr^'et  the  woes 
wiDii^liL  by  that  abandonnienl  / 

However,  though  wo  cannot  forget  the;  incalcnlabh> 
wiongs  InHicted  (»n  us,  we  now  can,  with  a  jnster  ap- 
preciation of  facts.  f(»rgive  the  l^nglish  (loveinnieiit  the 
share  it  may  have  liad  in  them.  IJnt  we  cannot  ae(piit 
the  tnl(^  cul{)rits;  we  cannot  absolve  those  wlio,  without 
any  causi'.  without  orthu's  oi-  against  tlu;  or(h'rs  of  tin; 
Home  Government,  impelled  solely  by  soidid  motives, 
di'spoiled  us  and  cast  us  on  foreign  shores.  No  ;  such 
injustices,  such  wrcuigs  cainiot  he  forgotten.  So  long 
as  our  children  shall  Ikj  able  to  retract;  their  origin,  they 
will  recall  and  l)eni(»an  the  sutTerings  of  their  fathers. 
It  is  not  in  our  power  to  blot  out  from  our  hearts  thest; 
poignant  recolh'ctions.  We  may  still  cherish  and  bless 
the  lliig  that  th)ats  al)ove  our  ia^ads  :  we  may  excuse 
and  con<loni'  whatever  share  Kngland  may  liavi'  had  in 
these  events;  but  we  cry  enough  I  to  those  who  throw  '' 
dirt  at  us  in  order  to  whitewash  a  dozen  misereanls 
whom  all  the  wati'rs  of  Niagara  could  not  cleanse,  l.ct 
honest  men  ioin  in  restoring  tlu;  historic!  truth  which 
cci'tain  histoiians  of  most  rei-ent  date  have  done  tlieir 
best  to  i)ervert.  l)ritish  fellow-countrymen!  show  us 
that  British  fair  play  is  not  an  em[)ty  word.  Brand  the 
I'ulpiits  with  the  stigma  tliey  deserve.  Then,  will 
Acadians  forgive,  bless,  nay,  perliaps  forget  ....  pro- 
vided that  be  possible  after  so  many  misfoitunes. 

A  veiy  natural  curiosity  impelled  me  to  study  this 
perioil  (if  history  :  dee])  convictions  led  me  on  to  wi'ite. 
I  icgict    this   curiosity  ;     it   has   flung  upon  iny  life  a 


i't 


fii  1 


fh  .i^ 


20 


INTIMHHCTOItV    UK.MAKKM. 


uloiiil  <ii'  siidiicMs  which  iKilhiiig  ciiii  icinove.  I  hiivit 
«l(M)iin'<l  myst'lf  to  cliiiih  iigiiiii  imct'iisingly  this  ("iilviiiy 
ol"  siifl'('iiii|n.  huniiliiitioii  iiixl  i<,Mi(»miiiy,  to  whi(;h  my 
foicliilhcrs  wvAv  condfiiiiu'd.  'Sly  iiiiiid  has  lastened 
itsi'ir  ii|ii)ii  this  iiioiind'ul  v[nv  us  Pygiiiidioii,  of  ancient 
i'ahh.  livcU'd  his  soul  upon  the  statue  ht;  hail  made ; 
with  this  ossentiid  dilVcrcncv'  that  hc^  h'll  in  h)Ve  with 
thr  work  ol  his  hands,  wlieieas  I  am  haunted  by  a  cease- 
less ami  merciless  nightmare.  I  have  wished  to  see ; 
I  liavi!  seen  :  I  iceoiled  with  hoiroi',  l»ut  the  «lie  was 
east,  i.ihe  the  lover  who  could  not  icsist  his  loniriie" 
to  hehold  once  nunc  the  dead  face  of  Iht  who  had 
chaiined  away  his  heart,  I  drew  back  hoii'ilied  :  and  yv\ 
1  must  needs  bear  the  jianj^s  my  rashness  has  provoked. 
A  thoughtful  writer  Thueydides — has  said,  "Happy 
the  people  whose  annals  are  vacant."  This  saying  has  a 
para<loxieal  sound  to  lis  who  behold  on  all  sides  nations, 
whether  mighty  or  fei^blc,  whether  lowly  or  haughty, 
glorying  in  their  past,  viewing  it  over  and  over  again 
with  complacency,  as  if  to  renew  in  themselves  the  joy 
they  taste  in  contemplating  the  feattnes  of  their  ances- 
tors magnilied  by  the  enchanting  distance  and  by  the 
illusions  of  h)ve.  Hut  can  this  be  the  case  for  Acadians? 
To  recall  the  contentment  and  the  virtues  of  their 
fathers,  the  joys  of  the  century  tiiat  preceded  their  depor- 
tation, is  to  recall  the  deportation  itself  and  the  century 
that  followed.  Tlieir  evil  fortune  is  inseparable  from 
their  good  fortune  ;  to  look  at  the  one  is  to  look  at  the 
other :  to  magnify  the  one  is  to  magnify  the  other.  Their 
history  is  a  Janus  with  two  faces,  of  which  the  more 
recent,  tiie  fresher  to  their  memory,  the  hideous  one,  is 
ever  staring  at  them.  Crladly  would  they  turn  him  lound 
to  view  his  other  face,  on  which  their  eyes  would  rest 


r! 


'0 


INTKOnrCTOKV    KKAtAKKS. 


I    llllVc! 

I  Ciilviuy 
'liiuli  my 

liistened 
f  ancient 
1(1  made ; 
love  with 
V  a  ceasf- 
(l  to  see ; 
:  die  was 
s  lon^in^' 
wlio    had 

;  and  yet 
[)i()V()ked. 
I,  "Happy 
yintjlias  a 
!S  nations, 

lianglity, 
iver  again 
es  tlie  joy 
leir  ances- 
nd  by  the 
Acadians  ? 
i   of   their 
leir  depor- 
lie  century 
L-able  fiom 
look  at  the 
er.     Their 
1  the  more 
oils  one,  is 

him  round 
would  rest 


21 


witli  delight.  Hut,  whenever  they  conjun!  up  the  past, 
tiie  sad,  the  hideous  face  will  always  eclipse  the  sweet 
and  agreeable  one :  the  nearer  will  absorb  tln'  larlher. 
Woo  will  ever  be  a  mightier  reality  than  weal  ;  the 
former  is  the  positive  element,  the  latttr  is  merely,  so  to 
speak,  a  negative  (luanlity.  For  .\eadians  the  paradox, 
"  llap|»y  the  people  whose  annals  are  vacant,"  will  bear 
repeating. 


LAM      m^^m^^fff^ 


mmmm 


^^^ni 


H, 


\\\  ill 


ACADIA: 


MISXING  LINKS  or  A  LOST  CUAl'TKl!  IX  AMERICAN  HISTORY, 


CIIAI'TKU  T. 


*fc 


Discovciv  of  Acadia  (ICOl).— Foundation  of  Port  Roynl  (160.")).— 
Brief  Suinniarv  of  the  Colony's  Histoiy  under  the  French 
Regiint'  until  its  Cession  to  England  in  ITIO. 

With  the  cliHcoverv  of  a  new  continent  a  new  era  had 
beyuii  for  the  civilized  world.  Coktnibiis  had  been  that 
providential  man  who,  braving  prejudices,  breaking- 
through  ol)staelcs,  liad  dowered  the  Old  World  with 
these  unknown  lands. 

The  liorizon  opened  out  by  this  discovery  to  the  eyes 
of  wondering  F.urope  was  too  innnense,  too  dazzling  in 
its  novelty  to  be  clearly  pictured  in  tlie  mind,  (neat 
must  have  been  the  sensation  produced ;  but  it  were 
dillioult  to  realize  how  far  tlie  consequences  that  shouhl 
flow  therefrom  were  understood.  It  is  possible  that  tlie 
enthusiasm  of  tlie  moment  gave  a,  glimpse  of  the  [»ro- 
digiory  development  we  are  wiln-'ssing  to  day.  Tliat 
enthusiasm,  wliieh  suiMenly  bursts  fortli  from  a  great 
di-^covt'iy.  is  often  tlie  best  guide  to  the  grasjung  of  the 
ivniote  coiistMiueiiees  it  implies.  All  at  once,  under  its 
inrtut'iiee,  the  ntind  is  illumined  like  the  horizon  aflame 
with  the  lightning  flash  tliat  cleaves  the  clouds  (.f  a 
sununer's   night.     In  that  brief  moment,  swifter  than 


nH»B! 


mm 


mmmm 


Hm 


■i 


24 


VAIN  i:ri"()i;Ts  at  ('()L(>mzation, 


thouiU'lit,  the  eve  lias  lollowcc]  iluj  liiu'  of  li^lit  Icariiig 
lliroiii^ii  spacr:  it  lias  M-fii  clouds  licaitcil  ii[),  strange 
foinis,  I'oiitouis  vividly  outlined;  yd.  tlic  mind  has 
I'clainediscaicely  tinytliinnot'  this  niai;nilict'nt  panoiMuia, 
I'or  the  view  was  too  sudden  and  too  laijid  to  enj^iaNe 
on  tlie  retina  the  nniltitudiuous  details.  The  baek- 
Hioiiiid  alone  oi"  this  dazzling-  scene  Avas  visihle  ioi-  a 
moment;  all  the  foreground  was  overlooked.  Su(  h, 
likely,  was  the  ease  with  ("olumbus's  discovery.  The 
enthusiasm  of  the  moment  afforded  a  g;limpse  of  the  far- 
off  scene  which  the  new  Continent  was  to  lay  before 
Europe.  It  was  a  scene  of  treasures  lieaped  up,  of 
numberless  ships  plouohing  the  main  to  bring*  to  Kurojie 
the  wealth  of  this  unknown  world,  of  new  gatherings  of 
men,  of  cities  springing  up  in  the  wilderness.  Kings 
foresaw  em[)ii"es  to  found,  men  of  wealth  and  station 
domains  to  acipiiie,  tiie  poor  man  a  plot  of  land  to 
live  on. 

That  was,  perhai)s,  the  baekgroiuid  of  the  picluri'; 
but  the  eye  bail  caught  nothing  of  the  vague  space  l)e- 
tween.  That  space  must  soon  ix;  crossed  by  whoever 
longed  to  I'cacli  wliat  was  promised  by  the  iridescent 
vision  of  the  tiansient  scene.  'I'hen  Avere  to  arise 
dilTHculties  unnund)ered  and  ever-recurring,  luiforeseen 
obstacles  which  would  cast  doubts  on  the  reality  of  that 
vision.  Nevertheless,  the  eye  had  not  deceived,  enthu- 
siasm had  not  warped  the  judgment.  Oidy,  four  cen- 
tuiies  will  barely  sulTice  to  reach  the  brilliant  future  of 
wliicli  tliat  scene  had  afforded  a  glimitse. 

We  maivel  to-day  tliat  more  than  a  century  was 
needed  to  take  final  possession  of  the  beautiful  con- 
tinent wo  inhabit.  To  understand  this  fact,  we  must 
take  inU)  account   the  nuu'.berless   diiliculties  cnuoun- 


VAIN    KFFOllTS   AT   COLONIZATION. 


25 


L  iL'iin ug 
,   stran<i;e 
nind   li;is 
iiii(»iiiin;i, 
)  L'iiyi;i\L' 
he    buck- 
il)lo  lor  ii 
I.     Such, 
'vy.     TliL' 
if  llie  I'iir- 
l;iy  l)ul'(tre 
3(1   up,  of 
to  Eurojic 
lierings  ot" 
s.     Kings 
1(1  statiou 
if  land   to 

picUuc; 
spaL'f  lu.'- 

wlioevt-r 
lidescent 

to   arise 

uiforc'si'cu 

ity  of  lliat 

d,  fiiUiu- 

four  ci-'ii- 

future  of 

ituiy  was 
itiful  cou- 
,  wo  must 

^.S    t'UL'OUU- 


f4 


1 


teivd  by  the  fust  exph)iers.  Not  less  then  sixteeu  legular 
expeditions  were  organized  by  England,  Franee  and 
l^orlugal  in  the  eourse  of  a  ceutuiy,  eitlier  to  discover  a 
northwest  passage  to  China,  or  to  explore  the  North 
American  continent  itself,  or  for  purposes  of  inuuediate 
settlement.  Not  one  of  these  attempts  had  any  prac- 
tical result.  Some  of  them,  rather  more  fortunate  than 
the  others,  first  gave  rise  to  great  hopes ;  but  they  weio 
invariably  followed  by  some  other  ex[)editions  so  disas- 
trous as  to  remove,  for  several  years,  fj-om  the  nation 
that  had  suffered,  all  idea  of  founding  a  colony.  TIich, 
again,  a  little  later,  some  other  nation  had  its  turn. 
( )ne,  two,  and  sometimes  even  three  expeditions  followed 
in  quick  succession,  to  end  in  a  new  disaster,  ami  the 
game  was  given  up.  Disgust  took  the  place  of  enthu- 
siiism ;  but  as  often  also,  enthusiasm,  sharpened  \)y 
gi'eed,  ambition  or  jealousy,  was  rekindled  only  to  issue 
in  disheartening  results.  Each  nation  hoped  to  do  better 
than  its  rival,  each  expedition  hoped  to  avoid  the  faults 
of  its  predecessors  ;  and  the  sum  total  of  them  all  was 
uniform  failure.  Tempting,  indeed,  must  have  been  the 
jiri/.e,  since  men  were  not  utterly  repelled  by  the  danger 
and  sterility  of  so  many  efforts. 

Of  these  numerous  expeditions  four  were  lost  in  the 
depths  of  the  ocean,  some  others  were  scattered  by 
storms  and  partly  destroyed,  and  almost  all  were  deci- 
mated by  disease  and  destitution,  so  that  any  fresh 
attempt  was  discouraged  for  a  time. 

The  expedition  which  came  nearest  to  lasting  success 
was  undertaken  in  1541  by  Roberval,  whom  Francis  I. 
had  appointed  Viceroy  of  New  France,  with  Jac(iues 
Cartieras  Captain  General  of  the  fleet.  The  enter{)riso 
wjis  on  a  larger  scale   than  any  of  those  which  had  [.ic- 


Mil!!   lUi 

III  hlli 


I 


Hi 


26 


VAIN    KI"I'<H!TS    AT    r()IA)N'lZATrON. 


ceded  it :  lait  it  failed  iH'Cinisf  tlio  ships  did  not  start 
togetliev  iind  l)e(*ause  ol'  misuiMlerstaiiiliiii[;s.  Hoberval 
was  ti)  })eiisli  w  itb  liis  eiiliic  fK-et  in  a  I'lt'sli  allenipt ; 
and  tims  success  was  delayed  for  sixty-tJnee  years  more. 

It  would  l)e  a  niistake,  however.  Id  imagine  that, 
besides  tliese  official  ex[)edilions.  America  was  not  at 
ali.oi'  was  not  often  visited.  As  caily  as  ir)04  its  coasts 
weie  fi'e([uent(!d  by  Basque,  Breton  and  Xornian  lisher- 
men  very  regularly.  "Sometimes."'  say>  Tla(?kluyt, 
"there  were  not  less  than  a  hundred  boats  fishinff 
there."  Lescarbot  mentions  a  man  called  Savalet  who 
had  made  forty-two  voyages  to  the  coasts  of  the  Gulf  (d' 
St.  Lawrence. 

These  annual  and  reqular  vovaqes.  icijcated  ihirinof  a 
whole  century,  had  made  the  jiublic  of  the  maritime 
towns  both  in  France  and  iMiLiland  runiiliai'  with  this 
part  of  America.  Frant'e  was  the  first  lo  resume,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  seventeenth  century,  the  projects 
of  colonization  I'ormtHl  and  so  (jften  abandoiuid  in  the 
preceding  centiiiy.  'J'liis  time,  if  the  succi'ss  was  not  yet 
equal  to  the  hopes  entertained,  the  founding  of  a  colony 
was  to  be  detinitive  ;  and  the  exam])le  was  soon  to  be 
followed  bv  KiiLi'land  and  other  nations. 

De  Monts,  a  nobleman  of  Heni'y  H'.'s  court,  organized 
this  ex])edition.  He  set  out  from  Havre  de  Cirace 
]\Lirch  7, 1<'»04.  at'companied  by  de  Pontgrave.  the  Baron 
de  l^outrincourt.  de  Champlain,  d'Orville.  ("hampdore, 
and  oihers.  Their  destination  was  the  peninsula  of 
Nov;i  Scotia,  then   called  la  thulic  or  VArmlic.  and  the 


place  detinitively  chosen  for  the  colony  was  Port  Roj'al, 
of  wliieh,  with  the  adjacent  teriitor}',  de  Moots  made  a 
grant  to  his  friend  Poutrincoui'l.  In  the  course  of  the 
following  summer  a  few  d\\elling-houses,  a  store,  and  a 


|!'i|' 


w 


K»)l'NI»ATI()\   OK    I'oltT    UOYAL. 


27 


not  start 
Kobevval 
attempt ; 
•civ.s  nioiv. 
iue  that, 
IS  not  at 
its  coasts 
lan  tisher- 
[lackluj't, 
ts    fishing 
valet  who 
le  Gulf  of 

1  ihuing  a 
•  niiiritinie 
[•  with  this 
rcsuuK',  in 
u'  projects 
lied  in  the 
Alls  not  yet 
f  a  colony 
soon  to  be 

.  organized 
de    Grace 
,  the  Baron 
'hampdore, 
ninsula   of 
lie,  and  the 
ort  Royal, 
)nts  made  a 
)nrse  of  the 
store,  and  a 


ptdisailc  enclosing  ilie  Avhole,  were  i)ut  n[).  Thus  was 
Port  l{(iyiil  founded  on  the  very  site  now  occupied  by 
ihc  liiv  nl'  Annapolis.  This  was  the  iirst  permanent 
sett  IciiH-nt  by  Kuruj       is  in  these  noithern  climes. 

A-  1  liave  undertaken  that  e[»och  only  wbicli  l^egins 
in  1710,  when  Port  IJoyal  was  taken  and  Acadia  was 
<lelinitively  ceded  to  Kiiglaiid  by  the  tieaty  of  Utrecht. 
I  liave  no  intention  of  dwelling  at  any  length  on  the 
events  that  marked  tlie  stormy  l)egiiniings  of  Acadia's 
liistory.  I  will  merely  sum  up  in  a  few  [)ages  a  whole 
'  eiitniv  of  facts,  so  as  to  make  it  easier  to  underetand 
what  followed  the  cession  of  the  country  to  England. 
Not  that  the  earlier  liistoiy  is  uninteresting, — far  from  it ; 
it  were  impossiljle  to  lind  on  this  continent  any  other 
s[)ot  so  interesting,  at  that  veiT  time,  as  Acadia  was. 
'i'he  most  thrilling  <lramas  of  America  in  the  seventeenth 
(  eiitury  were  played  in  the  waters  of  the  Bay  of  Fuudy 
(  l»aie  Fran^'aise). 

Kxposed  as  was  this  feeble  eolony,  separated  from 
Canada  by  vast  distances  and  impeneti'able  forests,  left 
to  its  own  rcsouices,  without  inunigration,  without 
assistance  proponionate  to  the  dangers  of  its  situation, 
ii  was  the  theatre  of  j)crliaps  greater  vicissitudes  of  war 
than  have  fallen  to  the  lot  of  any  other  country  in  tin; 
woild.  AN'hile.  on  the  one  hand,  it  was.  or  micfht  have 
been,  highly  usefid  to  France:  on  the  other,  it  was  a 
ronstaiit  menace  to  the  conunerce  and  tran(|uillity  of 
liie  Knglish  colonies.  It  is  there  that  expeditions  of 
atlventurcrs  were  ()rt>ani/.ed  aoainst  the  Xew  Kimland 
colonies  :  there,  too,  attacks  were  made  tipon  the  French. 
If  it  was  a  fine  field  for  organizing,  it  was  e([uallv  open 
to  attaik.  Whether  the  two  nations  were  at  war  or  in 
peace,  it   was    often    war   anyhow    in    these  parts.     A 


^Wi 


^1 


m 


J!  ''ill 


f 


28 


FfUNDATION    OF   POUT    IIOVAL. 


giieviiiiee  or  a  mere  pretext  was  enou<,'li  to  (leterniine 
disastrous  liostililies.  Boston  and  Aeadia  sonii'tinies 
watied  war  on  each  otlier  on  their  own  aci-onnt.  in  siiitc 
of  temporary  peace  and  amity  between  the  two  crowns : 
and.  what  is  more,  on  certain  occasions,  Acadia  was  the 
scene  of  prolonged  hostilities  between  Frenchmen  wiio 
claimed  the  riglit  to  govern  the  countiy. 

Nothing,  to  my  mind,  is  more  captivating  than  the 
story  of  this  province  fi'om  1(304  to  1710.  It  is  to 
America  what  Oreece  once  was  to  Europe,  and  the  Hay 
of  Fundy  evokes  almost  as  many  memoiies  asthe  .Fgean 
Sea.  The  scenes  there  enacted  have  been  so  various  and 
so  dramatic,  the  actors  thereof  give  one  such  an  impres- 
sion of  lieroism  and  of  half-savage  grandeur,  that  one 
can  hardl}''  refi'ain  from  tieating  them  as  legendai'v.  as 
if  they  belonged  to  an  epoch  that  is  lost  in  the  mists  of 
anticpiit}'.  Biencourt,  d'Aulnay,  the  two  de  la  Tours, 
Saint-Castin,  Denys,  Subercase,  Morpain,  are  so  many 
Itifendarv  heroes  whose  names  are  still  re-echoed  bv 
forest  and  rock  from  New  Hampshire  to  the  imnost 
recesses  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy. 

To  the  many  difficulties  which  l*outrincourt  and  his 
son  Biencoiu't  experienced  in  solidly  founding  iheii- 
colony  of  Port  Royal,  there  wivs  added  another  of  a  far 
more  serious  kind.  During  the  whole  of  the  sixteenth 
century,  inexperience,  stress  of  weather  and  disease  had 
been  the  piincipal  causes  of  the  failure  of  colonization 
ill  the  New  World ;  now  came  the  turn  of  human 
l)assions,  andjition.  jealousy,  cupidity.  This  continent 
was  not  vast  enough  to  satisfy  llie  covetousness  of  matiy 
nations.  To  Samuel  Aigall.  whose  iccord  in  Viiginia 
wa,s  so  bad,  belongs  the  hoii(»i'  of  having  I)eguii  the 
conflict  for  this  immense  territory,  if,  indeed,  the  acts  of 


FKENCH    IJECrlMi:. 


29 


(leterniine 

V 

S()im4inu"i 

111.  ill  sjiiti' 

vo  d'ONVii-^ : 

;,  r; 

liiv  was  tlu' 

slinit'ii  who 

r    thilll     llu' 

< 

.     It   is    to 

11(1  the  H;iy 

the  /Kcreiiii 

■    «. 

various  and 

A" 

1  an  inipves- 
uv.  tliat  oni- 

i 

ioentlai y.  as 

■^■*i 

the  mists  of 

le  hi  Tours, 

'^1 

re  so  nvaiiy 

re-eelioed  hy 

the    inmost 

:oiirt  anil  his 

iiuling    their 

)ther  of  a  far 

he  sixteenth 

'^^^K 

1  disease  had 

eoh)nization 

I   of   human 

lis  continent 

ness  of  many 

\  in  Virginia 

i>'   liegun    the 
itl,  the  acts  of 

))iiiicv  whicli  he  coniniittcd  can  he  ranked  as  warfare. 
His  lirst  attempt  was  the  deslruelion  of  thi' cohmy  of 
Siiiiil-Sanveiii'  in  Moniil  Desert  Ishiiid,  on  tlie  coa>l  of 
Maine  :  the  pretext  of  this  outrane  was  Cahol's  vovaue, 
one  hnn(h('d  and  sixteen  years  hefore.  and  priority  of 
discovery  on  tliat  account.  Eniliohleiied  by  tliis  easy 
\  ictorv,  lie  Made  another  attempt  and  this  time  destroyed 
I'oit  Royal. 

T'y  this  one  fell  stroke  was  ainiihilaied  all  I'oiitiin- 
roiiii's  outlay  of  time  and  money  :  and  France  niust 
]ia\"e  been  strantifelv  careless  of  her  colon  \.  to  sav  notliincr 
of  lier  honor,  since  she  made  no  move  to  demand  repa- 
ration for  the  outrage  committed  hy  Argall.  And, 
indeed,  for  twenty  years  afterwards,  Acadia  is  hardly 
mentioned  at  all.  so  little,  in  fact,  that,  in  1»)21,  it  was 
cecled  hy  the  King  of  England  to  Sir  William  Alexander, 
Earl  of  Stirling.  And  yet  the  colonists  whom  Pouti'iii- 
coiirt  liad  hrought  with  him  were  still  in  the  country; 
some  of  them  contrived  to  till  the  soil  of  the  ui)i)er 
reaches  of  the  river,  a  few  miles  from  the  old  fort; 
others  had  sought  employment  from  IJiencourt  and  de 
la  'J'oTir. 

Seeing  their  hopes  ruined  by  the  destruction  of  Port 
Koyal,  Hiencourt  and  his  companions,  taking  advantage 
of  the  friendsliip  of  tlie  Indians,  had  become  wood- 
rangers  (^coin't'i(r><  tie  hoix),  liuntens.  trappers.  This 
state  of  things  continued  till  the  treaty  of  St.  Germain- 
en-Laye  in  l<i32,  bj'  which  Acadia  was  restored  to 
France.  Of  the  Scotch  colony  founded  by  Sir  William 
at  Port  Royal,  tliere  remained  only  three  or  four  fami- 
lies which  were  soon  merged  in  the  French  population  : 
for  instance,  the  Colsons,  the  Pai.sleys,  and  the  Mcllanson 
family,    which  became    very    numerous   and  important 


i-r 


III 


,1  ' « 


nf-  |-"TM 


"I:    '< 


IN 


:ii,lii 


uUUi 


!;     ■    I;,,!: 

l\  II 

i     '                               it 

t  : 

i 

'       1 

80 


FIM:N(MI    lIKiilMK. 


in  tlio    Aciuliaii     f<»l(»iiy    under    tin-    Fiviich    form    nf 
]\lcl;iii(joii. 

After  this  I'etroces.siou,  France  once  inoic  tnrnccl  her 
iitlention  to  AciuHii.  A  C'Oin[)iiiiy  wiis  forniecl  ]ia\  in^;'  at 
its  head  Isaac  (h;  Ivazilly,  his  kinsman  cFAulnay  ih- 
Charnisay,  and  Nicolas  Denys  de  hi  Honde.  As  tluir 
ohject  was  tratk'  I'ather  than  colonization,  they  scUKmI 
with  their  innnit^rants  at  T^a  Ile\e,  \\hich  was  con- 
si(U3red  more  suitable  for  tral'lic  than  Port  Royal.  A> 
Governor,  Razilly  bestowed  Ujion  Denys  in  lief  all  tlie 
(fulf  coast  from  tlie  iJay  (h's  Chaleuis  to  Canso,  and 
upon  La  Tour  the  old  post  of  Cape  Sahle  and  the  river 
St.  John.  Tn  this  hitter  place,  at  a  spot  called  .It-nisL'k. 
La  'I'our  l)uilt  a  fort  to  which  he  gave  his  own  name. 
Thaidvs  to  liis  long  ex[)erience  and  his  ac-tivity,  thanks 
also  to  the  .sense  of  secMU'ity  then  pervading  the  countrw 
lie  uiade  this  a  most  important  trachng-  post. 

D(3  Razilly  (hed  in  Ido*)  without  having  heen  able 
to  accomplish  all  the  great  projects  he  had  in  view. 
l)'A\dnay  and  de  la  Tour  \\ere  both  named  Lieutenant- 
(Governors  ;  but  the  limits  oF  their  respective  tenilories 
and  jurisdiction  wei'e  so  l)adly  detined  as  to  lead  to 
hostilities  that  huig  [)aralyzed  the  development  of  the 
colony.  AVhatever  may  have  been  d"  Aulnay's  faults,  ii 
seems  ceilaiu  that  he  projected  a  great  agricultural 
establishment  and  the  progress  of  the  colon}'.  AVith 
this  object  lie  abandoned  La  lleve  to  settle  at  I'ort 
Ro^al,  which  was  much  better  suited  for  a  colonial  set- 
tlement. After  gathering"  about  him  the  ])eopl.j  thai 
liad  first  settled  at  La  Ileve,  he  went  to  France,  w  hence 
he  returned  with  a  score  of  colonists.  It  was  he  also 
who  inauguiated  that  system  of  dikes  which  \\  as  after- 
wards to    become    so   widespread.     I'nfortunately,  the 


i-i;i:n(  K  uk«mmk. 


31 


foim 


inu'il  luT 

;';'i 

iii\  iiiLj'  al 

iiliiiiy   <lf 

As    llicil' 

y   SL'Ulrd 

was  coii- 

)yul.     As 

c-F  all  tin- 

aiiso,  anil 

tilt-   livei- 

■  I 

I  ,K'iiiM-k, 

/-V 

\.\\\   iiaiUL'. 

■'.'«;■" 

V,  thanks 

1 

Q  (Oiintiv, 

-..*!' 

)ecu  ahle 

A^Sk 

In  view. 

>B 

L-utiMiant- 

territories 

()  h'a<l   to 

ut  of  the 

s  fail  Us,  it 

riealtural 

y.     With 

i"  at    Port 

lonial  sct- 

-^B 

ojde    that 

c,  whence 

IS  lie  also 

\\as  after- 

atelv.  the 

'M 

incessant  quarrels  provoked  hy  his  jm^iiacious  humor 
made  his  efforts  \vell-ui_t>h  fruitless. 

When  France  made  no  piotest  against  the  destruetion 
of  Port  Royal,  when  she  rt-frainetl  tVom  pnttinga  stop  lo 
tlie  armed  contentions  of  La  I'oui'  and  d'Aulnay.  of 
La  Tour  and  Le  lioryne,  of  he  Hornne  aiul  Denys.  all 
H'dilinir  foi-  tlie  possession  of  the  countrv.  she  sIiowimI 
so  little  eaie  for  her  lioiior  that  Cromwell,  in  spite  of 
the  peaceful  relations  hetween  the  two  kingdoms,  con- 
ceived the  idea  of  scizint--  Acadia.  As  war  was  then 
waging  hetween  l-jigland  and  Holland,  he  gave  instruc- 
tions for  the  capture  of  Nmv  Holland,  and.  the  fleet 
heing  in  thest;  waters,  for  the  suhsecjuenl  capture  of 
Acadia.  Peace  Avas  signed  hcfore  New  Holland  could 
he  taken  ;  hut  Acadia,  unal)le  to  offer  serious  resistance, 
was  seized  (l<)o4). 

In  1ltl>7.  it  was  again  I'eturned  to  l-'iance  hy  the 
treaty  of  Iireda,  and  in  ItiTU  M.  de  (Jrandfontaine  came 
to  assume  ollicial  possession. 

As  uiay  he  supposed,  these  dissensions,  these  repeated 
attacks,  the  indifference  of  France,  all  ihis  [mt  together 
scarcely  favored  the  estahlishment  of  a.  colony  on  a  llrm 
l)asis  ;  and  so  the  census  of  the  following  year,  under 
M.  dt!  Tirandfontaine,  tells  a  sad  tale.  After  so  many 
saei'ifiees  of  time  and  money,  tin;  po[)ulation  showed 
oidy  al)out  400  souls,  more  than  three-fourths  of  whom 
were  at  Poi't  Royal.  There  uuist  have  heen,  in  various 
places,  a  nomadic  population  proportionately  pretty 
numerous,  Avhieh  does  not  entei'  into  this  census  :  hui 
it  was  made  up  chiefly  of  a  few  half-hreed  families  set- 
tled on  the  coast,  especially  at  r-,a  Heve,  and  of  those 
families  which,  having  intermairied  Avith  the  Indians, 
had  adopted  their  mode  of  life.     This  census,  as  well 


'?r2 


FliENL'H    liECIME. 


1 

!     .1 

iif 

H     !!ili 

'h  1 

ili 

i 

! .  ■     i 

.1  ;       ■ 

N 

P 

!, 

1 

i 

1 

1  ' 

1 

1 

1 

^ 

1 

1 
1 

i  . 

iis  iln'  loUow  iiig  ones,  is  conliiiod  to  the  population  of 
purely  l-'iriu'li  orig-in  ;  and  it  is  cliietly  tVoiii  this  little 
group  nl'  47  fiuiiilies  that  tlie  Acadiaiis  spring.  Hero 
are  the  names  :  Bditri/t'ois,  Gmnlit,  Jxi-sxi/,  ife  Fm'et. 
H^liert,  B(i/)/ii,  f>ai<ilr,  BhnicIntrJ,  Aic-olti,  Diipow,  Ter- 
ri'du,  Sa»oii\  Corporiiu,  Maiiin,  Pellirln,  3Ti>r/'n,  Thnui, 
Gduferof,  Trn/in)i,  Cj/r,  Thllxmilciin,  J^cflfpify,  Boiny, 
J-iondn'oii,  (r iill/xiiif,  (j r(nii/cr,  LkikJi'//,  Doucet,  Gir- 
onnnl,  Jln'riif,  Bri'ini,  Lc  Bhni<\  Pt>!rt('t\  Conii'int, 
PItre,  Bi'Uirctiti,  Ci)r}iii('i\  Jiiijifxnif,  DiiijaH^  R'u'liaril, 
MelaiH!0)i,  RoJtlrlian,  LaitoKc,  d'  J'Jiifirj/ioiif,  ih  Id  Tour, 
Bertram^  <^<'  Belli xlc.  These  are  the  main  heads  ot 
branches,  and  several  of  these  families  were  already 
divided  into  two  or  more  branehes,  as  was  the  ease  for 
those  whose  ir.imes  are  subjoined  :  Boiclrof,  Ginninnl, 
Giiitth't,  Jlelicrt,  Boitr;/,  JIarf/H,  Trrvutu,  Blanchanf, 
AhcoIh,  Brmi,  0(nn)n('(niu\  <h'  l(t  Tour.  Each  family 
averaged  six;  ehildren,  and  the  descendants  of  each  of 
them  now  run  up  into  the  thousands. 

The  census  of  1()(S0  exhibits  a  population  of  about  800 
souls,  of  whom  401  were  at  Port  Royal,  164  at  Muies, 
78  at  Beaubassin,  90  in  other  places  mentioned,  and  the 
remainder  scattered  liere  and  there  on  the  coast;  thus 
the  population  had  about  doubled  in  15  years.  In  1071 
00  persons.  F>  of  whom  were  women,  had  arrived  ;  but,  as 
the  census  of  lOSiJ  registeis  only  36  new  names,  some 
of  these  i)ersons  may  have  either  gone  to  Canada  or 
taken  service  in  the  garrison  and  gone  back  to  France 
afterwards.  These  are  the  new  names :  Le  Prinac, 
Braxsaril,  Dowiron,  Lcrron.  Lorf,  Arsenanf,  Berfjeron, 
Belief ontaint',  TounoH/cau,  Burillot,  Godin  dif  Ohatilloti, 
Benolf,  Pri'jean^  Basfarache,  Fardel,  Henri/,  Gareau, 
Laperriere^  Michel,  Gourdeau,  La  Bauve,  La  Pierre  dit 


FUKNCH    KKdLME. 


Alation  of 
this  little 
)('•.     Hero 
%  Foref, 
p,'?u',  Ti'i'- 
/•/»,  Bnni, 
iH,  Bojiyii, 
meet,   Oil'- 
,    Comi'ini, 
,   Eiahai-'L 
U  la   To)ir, 
L   heads   <>l 
•ve  already 
lie  case  for 

G-lrounr'l, 
Bhinchai-'i, 
ach   family 

of  each  of 

f  about  800 
4  at  Miiu's, 
led,  and  tho 
coast;  thus 
i.    IiilHTl 
ved ;  but,  as 
lames,  sonic 
Canada  or 
to  France 
Le  Pritme, 
,  Bergeron, 
it  Chatilhm, 
ry,   Gar  can, 
a  Pierre  dit 


Lfirot'he,  Pinet,  Riref,  Mirande,  La  Barre,  Aiihin-Mi;/- 
nau/t,  Coi'Ini.  Coffard,  Mercier,  LavaUSe,  Laija»H^,  Blou, 
Dexorcis,  Martfh  Biibrenil.  The  three  last  named,  I 
think,  must  have  gone  to  Canada,  and  Cochu,  Cottani 
and  Fardel  to  France ;  at  any  rate  their  names  do  not 
a}>j)ear  in  any  subsequent  census.  From  lt)H6  to  1710, 
hCi  new  colonists,  at  most,  came,  and  these  were,  to  a 
l^icat  extent,  soldiers  disbanded  from  the  small  garrison 
which  tlic  Government  maintained  at  Port  Iloyal.  * 

Fioni  1»')71  the  agricultural  population  confined  itself 
moic  and  more  to  its  land  ;  every  immigrant,  every  dis- 
banded soldier  became  a  farmer.  When,  after  a  few 
years"  growth,  families  found  themselves  pinched  for 
loom  at  Port  Koyal,  they  sought  settlements  else- 
where for  their  children.  Thus  it  is  that,  one  after  the 
otlier,  Beaubassin  (Amherst),  les  Mines  (liorton, 
W<jlfeville,  Windsor,  etc.),  Cobequid  (Truro),  Chipody, 
I'eticodiac,  Memramcook  sprang  up.  Frequently,  whole 
families  migrated  to  these  uc»,  ouLiiements,  which  had 
the  double  advantage  of  being  freer  from  the  vexations 
of  a  government  that  was  often  too  troublesome,  and 
safer  from  the  oft-repeated  attacks  of  the  English. 

I'^rom  the  treaty  of  Breda  till  1710,  a  space  of  40 
years,  Port  Royal  was  besieged  no  less  than  five  times, 

*  Tlic  last  gouoral  list  of  names,  dated  1714,  shows  77  new  names:  L>« 
Biisiiui',  Moysc.  Ollivior,  Parisieu,  Dubois,  Bernard,  Thibeau,  Rossette,  Le 
Breton,  Lyoimais,  Ijtifont,  Allard,  Le  Marquis,  Emmanuel,  Dupuis,  Di>nis, 
Baruabe,  Beaumont,  Le  Maistre,  Allaiu,  Cadet,  Lessoile,  Raymond,  Donat, 
Maillard,  Vilatte,  Surette,  Savary,  Dumont,  Lavergne,  Lalande,  Simon,  Bab- 
ineau.  Paris,  Cosse,  Saint-Scdne,  I'Esperance,  Mancoau,  Pothier,  Dambouc 
I^alibert^,  Laurier,  Yvon,  Samson,  Blondiu,  Bideau,  Gentil,  Gousille,  Lan^'- 
lois.Vigneau  dit  Maurice,  Champagne,  Cltimenceau,  La  Montagne,  Moutou, 
Jasmin,  Voyer,  Toussaint,  Boutin,  Roy,  Chauvort,  Boucher,  iJarois,  Do 
Saulniers,  Boisseau,  Herpiu,  Gudrin,  Longu6p6e,  Hache,  Lambert,  Cbius- 
son,  Malsonnat,  Carrg,  De  Vaux,  Ondy,  Nuirat,  Veco,  Leger. 
3 


If 


I 


!!!!) 


84 


FltEN(?H    IiE(!IMF:. 


whereas,  barring  ii  raid  on  ncanlKissin  uimI  Mines  hy 
('lunch  in  169(5,  the  settlei's  in  these  latter  phices  were 
faiily  sheltered  from  the  |)erilH  that  he^set  Port  lioyal. 

All  tilt!  names  that  fi<(ure  at  Heauhussin  and  Mines 
((Jranil  I*re,  Kivieie  anx  ('anards,  I'ioiuuit,  etc.)  are 
the  same  as  at  I'ort  Royal.  So  it  was.  somewhat  later, 
at  ('(>lK!(|nid.  I'»!ticodiac,  ('hij)ody  and  MemranK.ook  to 
tlic  north  ol"  the  Bay  ol'  i-'iindy. 

As  the  census  was  taken  many  times  during?  the 
l*'n'nch  jteriod,  it  is  easy  t»»  I'ollow  up  tlie  develo|iment 
of  these  different  groups,  and  to  <>et  a  pretty  fair  idea  of 
the  iMunher  of  new  colonists  that  came  to  swell  the 
orii^inal  stock.  Thesis  were,  for  by  fai'  the  most  part, 
unmarried  men  who  were  oI)liy'ed  by  force  of  circum- 
stances to  marry  the  daut^liteis  of  the  oldest  settlers,  of 
the  47  heads  of  fanulics  that  had  settled  in  the  country 
hefori!  1<'>71.  Thus  we  see  that  there  were  only  live 
women  amonj^-  the  tJO  inunigrants  tliat  airived  at  Port 
Hoval  in  l<i71.  \Vhenc(!  wc  comdudc  that,  •'»(>  or  40 
years  later,  the  entire  pojmlation  was  linked  tofjether  in 
Ixjiuls  of  kinship  that  nuist  have  [)owerfidly  eontril)Uted 
to  remove  dissensions  and  to  produce  that  social  condi- 
tion with  which  we  are  familiar. 

Some  modern  writers  have  treated  the  picture  of 
Acadian  mannei's  as  a  creation  of  the  fervid  fancy.  It 
has  been  held  t)i!:t  t'  e  imagination  was  author  of  nnich 
of  it,  that  this  ideal  society  was  incompatible  with  what 
we  know  of  inu'ian  nature.  T  am  willing  to  grant, 
indeed,  I  have  no  doubt,  that  the  conventional  picture 
has  been  end)ellished  b)-  fancy;  yet  I  hold  that  a  close 
study  of  the  ciicumstances  of  this  people  makes  one 
understand  better  how  a  state  of  things  clearly  proven 
to  have  existed  was  possible.     The  defects  common  to 


KKKNTM    KKdIMK 


85 


Mines  by 
iU'cs  wore 

lioyal. 
11(1  Mines 

etc.)  me 
vlmt  liiter, 
uiK^ook  to 

nviii;^    tlie 
vcldpnient 
I'iiir  \dv'i  of 
swell    tl\e 
most    \nivt, 
of  ciifiiin- 
settlers,  of 
he  country 
}   only  live 
;ed  at  Port 
it,  :50  .)i  40 
tooetlier  in 
mtiiltuted 
'ial  L'oiuli- 

)icture  o£ 

fancy.     It 
lor  of  nmeli 

with  wliiit 
to  grant, 
inal  picture 
thiit  a  close 

makes  one 
arly  proven 

common  to 


all  Frenclimen,  |taiticulaily  tliosc;  which  spring  from 
their  loo  grcuit  soeiahility,  such  as  jcahuisy,  l)ackhiling, 
idle  gossip,  existed  there  as  everywhere  else,  hut  lt»ned 
down  hy  the  exceptional  status  of  the  p»M)[)h'.  Ntir  was 
their  condition  always  en  viahh;;  it  certainly  was  notso  in 
the  early  <lays  of  the  colony,  when  these  families  were 
strangers  to  each  other,  and  prohahly  also  during  the 
greater  part  of  the  Kreiieh  oecu[)atioii. 

The  destruction  of  Port  lioyal  hy  Argall,  France's 
neglect,  the  frcfiueiit  raids  i>i  Anglo-Anunieans  hud 
forced  ii,  certain  number  of  the  first  colonists  to  l)ec(»iiie 
adventunu's.  forest  rangers  (cmii'viirx  id'  f>i>ii<),  lishermeii 
in  tilt!  tiaiii  of  IJieiicourt,  Denys,  liaTour.  This  roving 
cleineiil  could  not  he  expected  to  show  as  high  nuMality 
as  the  lirst  followers  of  Poutriiicourt,  or  as  tlui  society 
that  was  aflerwaid  fornu'd  when  all  these  separate 
units  coalesced.  IJiit  Ikuc,  as  in  all  other  land>,  givtMi 
the  tinu!  to  form  new  lial)its  of  order  and  economy, 
giv(;n  a  sedentary  life  in  tlm  midst  of  asoheraud  hard- 
working peo[)le,  giviMi  a  eonii'oitaljle  com[)etence  drawn 
from  a  most  fertile  soil,  a  gradual  purification  of  morals 
was  sure  to  result.  At  the  same  time,  an  adventurous 
life  had  stetjled  manv  men  for  tin;  ceaseless  struu'LTles 
they  had  to  face  l)efore  tlie  final  conquest  of  the  country. 
On  th(!  other  hiind,  tlit;  abandonment  in  which  Kraiico 
had  so  iono-  left  them,  the  habit  of  livinir  bevond  the 
s])here  of  action  and  tin;  regulations  of  a  government 
jealons  of  its  authority,  bred  in  the  Aeadiansa  spirit  of 
in(h![)eiidence  that  would  ill  consort  with  the  restrictions 
put  upon  them  in  after  years  by  the  French  governors. 
In  fact,  when,  after  the  tr<»aty  of  lireda.  Fin  nee  took 
firm  hold  of  the  administration  in  Acadia,  there  arose 
much  grumbling  and  murmuring  against  a  government 


86 


FIJKNCH    ItKOr.ME. 


iil'  1 1; ! 


i:!::!  i 


,(,  I 


tliiit  took  pleasure  in  tlirowiui^  around  tlie  people  the 
complicated  net-work  ot;  Old  World  formalism.  Of 
this  we  lind  j)i'oofs  in  the  correspondence  of  the  gov- 
ernors: M.  de  Hrouillan,  in  one  of  liis  letters,  calls  the 
Acadians  half-re})ublicans.  Howevei-,  these  difficulties 
were  very  rare  among;  them,  and  were  as  nothing  com- 
pared to  the  troubles  that  arose  among  the  aharers  of 
authority. 

Necessity  had  taught  the  people  to  govern  them- 
selves, to  liold  meetings,  to  consult  together,  to  settle 
their  differences  amicably  or  according  to  simple  rules 
(juite  suflicient  for  their  local  needs.  They  had  thus 
ai;quired  a  habit  of  liberty  and  a  taste  therefor.  They 
knew  by  experience  that  they  could  dis[)ense  with  an 
authority  that  was  only  irksome,  that  did  not  im])r()ve 
their  condition,  that  ciisuicd  Ihcm  no  additionalsc(nnity 
in  their  relations  Avith  one  another.  Hence  it  was  that, 
under  English  ride,  they  got  lid,  as  nuicb  as  possible, 
of  oflicial  regulatio^is  and  ruled  themselves. 

C^ertain  it  is  thai,  in  their  special  situation,  ])etter 
results  could  be  hoped  for  from  this  method,  from  the 
hiixiierfaire,  than  from  the  vexatious  interference  of  an 
uncontrolled  authority.  INLatters  of  public  interest  were 
decided  at  public  meetings;  men  worked  all  together  at 
Avorks  of  public  utility,  as  when  thej'  com[)leted  a  vast 
system  of  dikes,  which  were  built  in  so  short  a  time  as 
to  point  to  unusiuil  harmony  and  good-will  among  the 
woikers.  'J'heir  reward  came  in  an  abundance  of  all  that 
could  meet  their  needs  and  their  simple  tastes,  beyond 
which  they  had  no  ambition  and  weie  therefore  easily  satis- 
fied. Nor  had  they  any  anxiety  about  the  future  of  their 
children  :  the  custom  had  been  early  establislied  that  the 
community  was  to  provide  them  with  all  things  neces- 


M 


FnE^'c^:  uecji.mi:. 


87 


?oi)le  the 
im.  Of 
the  gov- 
calls  the 
ilHiculties 
iug  com- 
,haiers  of 


in    thom- 
;,  to  settle 
iple  rules 
luid  thus 
or.     They 
e  with  ivu 
it  ini prove 
lalstMiurity 
t  was  that, 
s  possil)le, 

ion,  l)etter 
U  from  the 
reiice  of  aii 
terest  were 
together  at 
etecl  a  vast 
t  a  time  as 
among  the 
e  of  all  that 
es,  beyond 
easily  satis- 
ure  of  their 
led  that  the 
iiiQ-s  necea- 


sary  for  a  homestead,  and  a  few  years  sulheed  to  make 
them  as  well  off  as  their  parents.  The  good  understand- 
ing must,  surely,  have  been  remarkable,  since,  even 
umler  Englisli  rule,  there  is  not  on  record  a  single  case 
in  which  the  peoph;  disagreed  in  their  ilecisions  upon 
matters  of  general  interest;  whatever  tlie  decision 
might  be,  it  was  always,  as  far  as  can  be  gathered, 
unanimous. 

When  all  these  exceptional  circumstHiices  are  under- 
stood and  taken  into  account,  the  familiar  picture 
of  their  simplicity  of  life,  morality,  abuiidance,  har- 
mony, and  social  happiness  has  nothing,  it  seems, 
tliat  should  provoke  wondei-;  the  same  cii'cumstances 
would,  I  believe,  have  brouglit  about  elsewhere  some- 
what similar  results.  For  a  cen'.uiy  they  were  strangers 
to  France  and  Canada;  the}' had  formed  habits  and 
built  up  traditions  that  made  them  a  separate  j)co[)le. 
They  were  Acadians.  And,  if  tlie  increase  byinnnigra- 
tioii  was  almost  nil,  ([uite  otherwise  was  it  with  the 
multiplication  of  families,  siuct?,  eighty  years  later,  this 
small  nation  counted  18,000  souls.* 

From  1()*.*0  to  1710  was  one  uninterrupted  series  of 
hostilities  lu'tween  New  F.'ijland  on  the  one  hand 
and  Canada  and  Ac  -ia  ,n  the  other,  the  object  being 
either  to  ca[)tnr»;  vssels  tisliiug  in  Fi'ench  waters,  or  to 
destroy  some  iV  '  r  ji  tl  e  badly  delined  frontier  betvfcn 
Ai'adia  and  Maine,  In  1<!!tO  Port  Royal  was  taken  and 
sacked  by  Admlrai  Piiips  :  M.  de  Meiuieval.  (>  •  -.or 
of  Ai'adia,  was  carried  ofT  a  prisoner  to  Hoston,  toocther 
with  his  garrison  ;  but  Phips,  too  much  engrossed  with 


*  Till'  I'i'iisus  <<(  171 1  Kiv<' 

1737     •• 

"    1747    " 


•2.100 
7.")0H 
12,.J0U  or  tliereu  bouts. 


i  1 


i;!ii. 


88 


FIJKNCH    KKdrMK. 


Hi 


the  expedition  lie  was  j)rei)ariiig  agiiiiist  Quebec,  iieg- 
leeted  to  establish  hiinseli"  solidly  in  I'oit  Koyal,  which 
was,  ac(!oi'dingly,  soon  reoccupied  by  the  Fiench. 

Tiiis  period,  from  1<)90  to  ITlO,  Wi»;,  piobably  the 
dark<'st  in  the  ainials  of  these  colonies,  and  the  most  dis- 
astrous for  liiitish  colonization.  For  twenty  years,  witli- 
out  truce  or  respite,  on  sea  as  well  as  on  land,  there  was, 
in  these  parts  of  America,  nothing  but  devastation, 
pillage,  ambushes  and  surprises.  Sometimes  a  fort  was 
attacked  by  France's  Indian  allies,  and,  if  it  was  taken, 
the  inmates  were  massacred;  most  frecpiently,  some  dc 
fenceless  settlement  was  raided  by  night,  and,  if  any  wei.^ 
made  })risoneis,  they  were  held  for  exchange  or  ransom. 
By  seductive  advantages  ofl"ci'(>d  to  lillibusters  and  al- 
luring bounties  on  Indian  scalps,  the  greed  of  gain  was  so 
keenly  excited  that  organizations  sjjrangu])  in  the  border- 
ing settlements  of  New  Fngland  for  the  sole  purpose  of 
marauding,  lilundei'ing  and  butchery.  It  was  a  life  of 
danger,  often  ending  in  terril)le  reprisals  ;  still,  bold  men 
were  never  wanting  to  re[»la('C  those  who  disappeared. 
In  such  eonditions.  civilized  man  often  surpasses  in 
cruelty  the  most  ciuel  savages  ;  theie  were  acts  of  base 
treachery  and  harbaiity  tliat  have  never  been  exceeded 
iu)r  [)erhaps  equalled  by  any  savage  tribe  in  America. 
Very  great,  no  doubt,  nuist  l^ave  l)een  the  provocation  for 
the  Knglish  colonists  :  all  the  Indians  in  these  parts  were 
allied  to  the  French,  so  that  retaliation,  if  any,  had  to 
come  from  tlie  cokmists  themselves.  A  violent  im- 
pulse born  of  anger,  grief,  pecujiiaiy  loss  and  insecui'ity, 
may  have*shaped  itself,  with  many,  into  the  misconceived 
idea  that  adoi)tingthe  cruel  methods  of  those  barbarians 
Avould  inspire  such  terror,  such  fear  of  annihilation, 
that  they  would  relent  from  their  bloody  raids.     At 


KU  KNCH    l!K<iI.MK. 


89 


jec,  iieg- 
il,  which 

•h. 

)ably  tlie 
most  (lis- 
urs,  witU- 
liere  wiis, 
vasUition, 
a  fort  was 
vas  taken, 
,  some  (1< 
f  auvwei  V 
or  ransom. 
LM's  and  al- 
;ain  was  so 
the  border- 
purpose  of 
as  a  life  of 
1,  bold  men 
isappeared. 
ir passes    iu 
xets  of  base 
n  exceeded 
II  America, 
vocation  for 

parts  were 
my,  had  to 
violent   iui- 

insecurity, 
lisconceived 
e  barbarians 
.nnihilation, 

raids.     At 


the  same  time  it  was  hard  not  to  make  those  answerable 
\\!.o  urged  tliem  to  their  bloody  raids;  nevertheless, 
liiouijfh  these  barbarous  allies  were  acknowledged  to  l>e 
necessary  in  the  struggle  between  the  two  nations,  both 
(pf  whiini  made  use  of  them  when  they  c(mld.  yet  nothing 
(oiil.i  justify  the  use  of  their  eruel  methods  and  tlie 
iiifringeineDt  of  all  the  laws  of  honor. 

Tliis  slate  of  affairs  could  not  last  long.  Acadia  was 
i(i(i  weak  to  be  thus  left  as  a  perpetual  menace  to  the 
iiuilc  and  tlie  seem-ity  of  the  New  England  settlements. 
Drivfii  to  extremities  bv  the  disasters  intlieted  on  their 
coinmeree.  the  Anglo-Ainerieans  resolved  upon  the 
greatest  efforts  to  emerge  from  a  situation  that  was 
(lailv  bc.'eoming  intolerable.  'J'he  final  issue  was  not 
ilonbt  fid.  The  disparity  in  the  numbers  was  enormous  ; 
I'laiice  was  too  eareless  or  too  busy  else^\  iieic  to  succor 
licrcdlonv :  yet,  tlie  eontliet  was  longer  and  more  des- 
jierate.  successes  and  reverses  more  eveidy  balanced  llian 
jiiiglit  liave  been  (  xpeeted.  No  less  than  four  ex[)edi- 
tii:>ns  ^^ere  re(|uiic(l  1  h; fore?  1 'oil  Royal  was  taken,  and 
iliere  the  iiitie])i(l  Siiberease.  powerfully  seconded  by 
Oi-'  IVuoii  (h;  Saiiit-C'aslin  and  \)y  other  Captains  at  the 
'<■  ,  '  Mf  Inuitm  troops.  Avrought  prodigies  of  valor.  The 
Hi'Si  if  lliese  expeditions  was  undertaken  by  Church,  tlie 
famous  "hMju.iw-killer ; "' l)ut,  moved  by  the  desire  of 
j  1;  'idci'  aiid  of  easy  exj)loits,  he  made  no  serious  attack 
on  l';iit  lioyal,  and  was  satislied  with  invading  Mines 
and  lieaubassin,  where  he  cai-ried  off  all  the  cattU;  lie 
\  could  seize,  after  opening  the  dikes,  burning  houses  and 
doing  all  the  damage  he  could. 

A  second  expedition  under  Colonel  March  wa«  much 
more  seiious.  Rhode  Island  and  New  Hampshire  liad 
luiited  with  Massachusetts  for  this  decisive  onslaugiit ; 


!r 


l!^ 


: 


!il( 


i  I 


'II  I 


40 


FKKNCH    REGIME. 


but,  after  a  seige  of  eleven  days,  jMaicli,  repulsed  at 
every  point,  had  to  re-enibark,  and,  instead  of  leturning 
to  Boston,  where  he  dre.aded  censure,  he  took  iclnyc  at 
Casco.  Thent-e  ho  wrote  of  his  failure  lo  (Joveiiior 
Dudley,  attributing  it  to  his  ollieers  and  soldiers,  who, 
lie  siiid,  had  refused  to  second  him.  Inunense  was  the 
I'hagrin  of  J^oston  ;  so  little  was  this  result  iintieiitated 
that  nreparations  had  actually  been  made  for  a  pom[»ous 
celeb  ,tion  of  the  taking  «;f  Port  Royal. 

Hii.,  h  i)ut  not  discouraced.  Gov.  rnor  Dndlev.  who 
could  iKd  '  ign  himself  to  disband  the  troo|)s  he  had 
organized  with  sneh  line  hopes,  sent  orders  to  Maich  to 
keep  on  board  the  ships  his  soldiers,  willing  oi-  unwill- 
inc,  and  to  letnrn  innnediatelv  to  Port  Hoval  with  the 
leinforcenient  now  >(!ttint»"  sail.  At  the  same  time 
J)udley  appointed  tln-ee  conunissioners  to  snpeiinleiid 
the  operations  of  the  siege.  March,  unabh'  to  overcome 
the  sadness  and  dejection  to  which  be  was  a  prey,  de- 
clined the  honor  of  conunanding  tliis  new  expedition. 
Waiinvright,  second  in  connnand,  had  to  tak(^  ehaige  of 
it ;  bnt,  after  another  siege  and  a  long  one,  he  also  ic- 
embark(Hl  without  effecting  anything.  This  was  in 
August,  1707. 

Tims  far,  at  least,  Port  lloyal  had  been  revictualled 
and  assisted  by  France,  though  inadeciuately.  Suber- 
case  had  l)een  able  to  satisfy  the  Indians  by  some  gifts 
and  still  more  by  promises.  His  kindliness  to  all  had 
sutliced  to  inspii'c  the  courage  and  ardor  that  were  abso- 
luteh'  necessary  in  the  situation  of  infeiioiity  in  which 
lie  Avas  left.  All  the  (^aptains  of  Iiulians,  d'Aniours 
dTvthanffonrs,  Saint  Aubin,  Bellefontaine,  de  Saillan, 
Denys  de  la  Honde,  de  Saint  C'astin.  de  la  Tour:  the 
French  corsairs,  Francis  Guyon,  Pierre  Maisonnat,  de 


Sri;i!KXT)Kll    <U'   I'OIIT    r.OYAL. 


41 


(ulsed  at 
[•eturniiig 
icruLjc  at 
(lovt'iiior 
icvs.  wlio, 
i  was  tlu> 
itic'i|>atcd 
,  poniiious 

(Hey.  who 
])S  lie  had 
March  to 
or  iiinvill- 
I  with  the 
uue    time 
iijeriiitcTul 
I  ;)vi'r('(tuie 
I  [)rey,  de- 
\l)('ditioii. 
\  cliarfife  of 
10  also  re- 
is  wasi   ill 

■victualled 

y.     Suher- 

■^onie  <'it"ts 

to  all  had 

were  ahso- 

iii  which 

d'Ainours 

le  Saillau, 

Four ;  the 

soimat,  de 


'i^ 


& 


-m 


Morpaiii,  liiid  gathered  under  liim  and  had  helped  him 
tt'ilh  a  will.  With  these  and  the  inhabiUuits  he  had 
enou<i;h  men  to  niano'uvre  outside,  to  harass  the  enemy 
withoJit  weakenii!<^  his  garrison,  which  numlxjred  only 
about  1<'>0  soldiers,  three  fourths  of  whom  were  un- 
disciplined younj  men  picked  up  on  the  (piays  of 
Paris. 

Having  heard  that  a  fresh  attack  was  preparing,  still 
more  formidable  than  the  preceding  ones,  Subercase  re- 
peatedly urged  the  Home  Government  to  send  reinforce- 
ments ;  but  nothing  could  rouse  the  apathy  of  France's 
rulers.  Kor  three  long  years  the  colony,  destitute  of 
everything,  subsisted  almost  entirely  on  the  booty  of 
the  corsairs.  As  a  crowning  misfortune,  in  1710  the 
harvest  failed,  and  the  corsairs,  so  numerous  the  preced- 
ing year,  were  driven  from  Acadia  by  an  e[)idemic:  so, 
when  in  8ei)tembei'  a  large  fleet  with  o,400  landing 
fori'cs  a[)peared  before  l*ort  Koyal,  there  was  but  one 
voice  in  the  garrison  and  colony  in  favor  of  inunediato 
suiiender. 

Though  fully  aware  of  his  wtjakness  and  feeling  that 
he  could  iu)t  come  out  once  more  victoiious  from  a  cou- 
/lict  in  which  all  the  odds  were  against  him,  Subercase 
jcsolved  to  tempt  fortune,  and,  without  hearkening  to 
the  i)roposals  of  General  Nicholson,  commander  of  the 
fleet,  heprepiaed  to  withstand  the  enemy.  The  Knglish, 
on  their  part,  taught  circumspection  by  the  un(!X[iL'cted 
and  repeated  defeats  of  past  years,  set  to  work  with 
extreme  prudence.  Several  times  they  were  i-epnlscd  or 
had  to  desist  from  their  investing  0{)erations  ;  but  Sul'cr- 
cas*^  no  longer  had  a  body  of  troops  to  sally  foith  from 
tilt;  fortifications  and  worry  thi;  besiegers.  The  fleet 
liad  arrived  before   Port  Royal  September  24tli,  and  it 


42 


srulJKNDEK   OF   TOHT    IJOYAL. 


■  i'  ■  -slJS 


Mi 


r>   I. 

fjf' 
1,^ 


IP 


!i! 


h 


was  not  till  October  12lli  that  the  ciipitulation  was 
si,t?iie(lon  quite  honorable  terms, so  lionorable  indeed,  that 
Nicliolson  expressed  liis  regret  at  having  accepted  them, 
when  ho  beheld  the  destitution  of  the  garrison.  Pro- 
visions  -were  so  scarce  that  Nicholson  had  to  jn-ovide  the 
Krent'li  soldiers  with  lations  before  they  embarked  for 
France. 

Port  Ivoval  had  become,  and  this  tinn;  for  £jood  and 
all,  an  Knglisli  town  ;  the  destiny  of  the  whole  of 
Acadia  was  soon  to  be  the  same.  In  the  course  of  a 
\^  ceiJ  ay  Port  Hoyal  had  gone  throug-h  moi'e  vicissitudes 
than  any  other  American  tu\vn,  more  even,  than  any 
«»ther  f:om  its  foundation  to  our  own  day.  It  had  been 
taxvii.s  •  'Ktid,  destroyed,  abandoned,  retaken  ;  and  mean- 
while France,  seemingly  unaware  of  its  importance,  un- 
taught l)y  the  h'ssons  of  experience,  unmoved  by  its 
hazardous  position  or  by  the  unjust  and  cruel  fate  of  its 
faithful  subjects,  ii(>vcr  thought  of  ensuring-  its  per- 
manent ])Ossession  by  making  such  eff(nls  as  were  called 
for  bv  the  risks  and  advantages  of  this  stiouiihold. 

Such  criminal  neglect  miyht  seem  astoundinu',  were  it 
not  repeated  elsewhere,  and  everywhere.  This  bit  of 
exposed  teriitoiy  had  only  2,000  inhabitants  when  the 
provinces  of  Xew  ICngland  alone  had  loO.OOO.  Was  it 
because  the  sovereigns  that  governed  France,  the  gov- 
ernors that  represented  them  in  Canada  or  iVcadia,  did 
not  realize  the  importance  of  the  colonies  they  owned? 
Was  it  because,  as  has  been  said.  Frenchmen  are  not 
coltiniztMs?  No  :  this  is  not  the  true  answer.  We  have 
j)leniv  of  documents  proving  tliat  the  governors  of  these 
provinces  generally  realized,  with  great  perspicacity, 
the  value  of  these  cohinies  and  the  way  to  make  them 
prospeious,    powerful  and  useful   to  the  Home  (Tovern- 


***ll^ 


i;i.iNi)i:i;s  dK  fi:anck. 


4a 


tion  was 
leed,  that 
ted  tliem, 
)n.  Pro- 
ovide  the 
arked  for 

irood  and 
whole   of 
mrse  of  a 
icissitiuU'S 
than  any 
:  had  heen 
and  niean- 
itance,  un- 
ved  by  its 
fate  of  its 
lo-   its   per- 
vere  called 
:h()h1. 

ng,  were  it 
'his  hit   (»f 

Avhen  the 
0.  Was  it 
:e,  the  gov- 
Aeadia,  did 
ley  owned  ? 
leu  are  not 
We  have 

ors  of  these 
terspicacity, 

make  them 
>me  (rovern- 


mciit.  We  have  also  some  proof,  though  rarer,  that 
tlu'  sovereigns  or  their  ministers  saw  things  in  the 
same  light.  We  have  likewise  proofs  that  the  spirit  of 
enterj)ris»'.  hohlness  and  adivitv  were  not  at  all  lacking 
in  the  French  colonist.  We  know  that,  in  spite  of  the 
way  in  wliich  Ik;  w;is  fnisakcn  hy  France,  his  activity 
liatl  t'amiiiari/.ed  liini  with  the  wiiole  interior  of  the 
('untim;nt.  at  a  time  when  the  English  had  not  3'et  lost 
sighi  of  the  Atlantic  coast.  IJiit  the  I'olonists  needed 
hacking,  nt  least  hy  numbers;  they  needed  a  helping 
liiuid  iVoni  the  motlier  countr\ .  In  an  absolute  govern- 
incnl,  which  claims  all  powers  and  all  initiative,  which 
rules  and  regulates  everything,  (nen  tlie  peo[)ling  of  its 
(■((Ionics  UHist  be  initiated  l^y  authority.  'J'he  expression 
of  a  wish  or  instructions  from  the  throne  would  have 
lifcn  enough  to  create  an  unflagging  movement  of 
cinigiaiion  that  would  have  compared  favorably  with 
tht;  emigration  from  the  llritish  Isles.  Tlie  entire  blame 
lies.  1  helievc;.  with  the  throne  :  uotsomuch  because  it  did 
not  unch'istand  the  imi>ortance  of  colonizing  this  country, 
iis  because  of  forgetfulness  and  uegh'(.'t  begotten  of  that 
tlioughtlessness  and  ineonstancy  that  marked  all  its 
ac1.'5. 

'•  Wlieii  I  compare  the  result  of  European  Avars  in  the 
last  lifty  years,"  wrote  M.  d'Avaugour  in  l(!(3o,  "and 
t  he  iirogress  that  may  be  made  i  n  ten  years  here,  not  only 
does  my  duty  oblige  me.  but  it    urges    me  to  s[)eak  out 

boldly France  can,  in   ten  yeai's  and   with  less 

outlay,  secure  more  real  power  in  America  than  all  its 
ICuropean  wars  could  win  for  it."' 

"  Who  ciin  undertake,'"  said  Vauban,  "  anything 
greater  and  more  useful  than  a  colony?  Is  it  not  by 
this  means,  rather  than  bv  any  other,  that  one  can  ol>- 


'"^il 


i*^«"' 


"'"■•*  m 


I 


.J    !'■ 


Si,    'i  ■■' 


44 


BLUNDERS    OK    I'ltANCE. 


tain,  with  all  possible  justice,  aggrandizeiUL'ia  and  in- 
crease ?  " 

And  Louis  XIV.  himself,  who  for  a  {'mu-,  secnu'd  to 
take  a  serious  interest  in  his  colonies,  entirely  eon- 
curred  in  this  view,  wlien  he  so  wisely  wrolt;  in  1t!7t) 
to  M.  de  Chanipigny,  •' riitendanl"  of  Cinada:  ••  I'>e 
thoroughly  convinced  of  tliis  nuixini,  that  it  is  hettei  to 
occupy  less  territory  an<l  to  j)eoi»le  it  entirely,  than  to 
spread  out  indelinitely  and  to  have  weak  eoloniesat  the 
mercy  of  the  slightest  accident." 

That  was,  perhaps,  for  the  great  monarch,  only  a  j^ass- 
ing  thought  between  two  pleasures.  Sueeesslully  ti> 
cany  out  these  line  projects.  Fianet,'  was  in  neeil  nt'  ealin 
and  peace:  but,  ever  carried  away  by  the  piitle.  ambi- 
tion or  eaj)ricc  of  her  sovereigns,  she  always  laeked  the 
restfulness  that  alone  wouhl  liave  enabled  her  to  give 
to  these  desions  the  sustained  attention  tlie\-  deinandiil. 
She  must  dazzle,  she  nuist  have  gloiy,  and.  assui('(lly.  not 
in  those  lowly  liandets  lost  in  the  forests  of  Anierieaeould 
Louis  XI\'.  attain  this  enih  And  yet  there,  nioic  than 
in  auo'ht  else,  was  the  futui'e  of  France.  'I'liie,  it  was 
slow,  pUxlding  work,  the  Iruils  of  wliich  "were  far  dis- 
tant;  but  in  letnrn  what  a,  rich  harvest,  what  solid 
glory,  what  lasting  greatness  was  thus  cheaply  to  be 
earned  by  hranct'I 

There  is  no  more  striking  proof  of  her  carclessncs.s 
than  the  way  in  whii-h  she  deseited  Acadia.  In  the 
course  of  an  entiie  centuiy  this  provinci' ret-eived  barely 
two  hundred  colonists,  whereas  its  dangt-rous  situation 
and  its  importance  would  have  called  for  fift}'  times  as 
many.  This  was  less  immigration  in  a  century  than 
the  smallest  English  colony  received  in  one  year.  Tn 
the  single  summer  of  1()20  the  colony  of  Virginia  wel- 


''^■**. 


I  iiinl  iii- 

ecnu'il  to 
rely  fon- 
c  ill  1''T'> 
la:  -!'<' 
.  l)t.'tk'i  to 
-.  lliilli  tr, 
lies  111  tiie 

nly  a  pas.s- 
■ss fully  to 
'd  ol"  calm 
ide,  anil)i- 
acki'd   tlie 
vv  to  ;4ivo 
ileiuainled. 
ii'edly.  not 
erieaeoiild 
more  than 
lie,  it  was 
re   I'ar  dis- 
ivliat    solid 
jily   to   be 

irelessness 
;i.  Ill  tlie 
vtMl  barely 
s  situation 
y  times  as 
utury  than 
e  year.  Tu 
ro'iuia  wel- 


I 

/•At 

t 


I 


'■'m 

m 


hia'NIm:i:s  of  im;.\n<'k. 


45 


1 


:i 


coiiu'l  12«)1  colonists,  and  it  already  had  «!00,  In  l»)i'.') 
tlieie  came  another  thousand,  and  iis  early  as  l<)4t)  it 
had  a  ])o).ulation  ol  -JO.OOO  souls.  IJelore  1040,  2UH 
shi]is  crowd, •(!  with  immii,'rants  ]ja<l  east  anehor  in  the 
{lOit  ol'  Ihtston.  On  the  other  liand,  it  is  clear  that, 
unassiste<l  and  unenrouraijed.  immicrratiou  must  have 
lieen  a  negative  (juantity  in  a  country  so  lielplessly 
exi>osed  as  was  Acadia.  That  it  possessed  natural 
advantaj,'es  was  not  enough  :  over  and  above  this  there 
was  needed,  at  thi'  outset,  vigorous  encouragement  to  a 
IhxIv  of  colonists  immigrating  all  together  in  suflieient 
numbers  to  ensure  their  being  able  to  protect  them- 
selves, and  thus  make  up  by  their  nuiltitudti  for  the 
insecurity  of  their  posit ii»n.  This  province,  which 
would  thus  have  been  a  source  of  stivngth  to  France, 
r'-aTiy  became,  on  the  contrary,  a  cause  of  weakness,  an 
ever  menacing  danger.  Yeiv  different,  indeed,  was 
the  reality  fi()m  tlu;  wise  maxims  which  Louis  XIV. 
retiimmended  to  his  Intendant  in  Canada. 

J»ut  Avhat  is  more  inconceivable  still,  is  that,  at  the 
very  time  when  Acadia  was  lighting  heroic  battles 
decisive  of  its  fate,  Louis  XI  \'.,  easily  seduced  by  great 
projects,  was  seized  with  a  new  infatuation  for  T^ouisiana 
and  the  inland  regions  leading  up  to  the  Great  Lakes 
and  to  Canada  :  a  great  and  noble  project  in  truth, 
which  his  habitual  inconstancy  was  to  reduce  to  a 
costly  chimera,  furnishing  fuel  for  jealousy  and  hasten- 
ing the  ruin  of  his  colonial  emijire. 

If  France  can  iind  in  the  study  of  her  liistory,  as  she 
undoubtedly  can,  matter  for  self-glorification,  it  is 
smely  not  in  her  colonial  policy.  The  wonder  is,  not 
that  her  colonies  ended  in  misfortune,  but  that  they 
held  out  so  long  against  such  fearful  odds.     Courage, 


II 
:   iiililiWi 


.i  ' 


1.  ii 


'!« 


^.   f! 


!  W 


4e 


BLUNDKltS    OF    I'UANCK. 


energy  and  well-directed  efforts  were  not  lacking  in  tlie 
colonists  themselves;  this  is  proved  to  evidence  by  their 
struggles,  both  in  the  direction  of  self-develojunent 
and  extension  of  French  power,  antl  in  the  way  of  resist- 
ance for  so  long  a  time  and  with  such  marked  sikicss 
against  an  «jneniy  that  outnumbered  them  sixteen  to  one. 
llei'e  is  cause  for  nausi'lit  but  t'lori  Meal  ion  and  astonish- 
ment.  'i'he  shame  of  failure  falls  entij'cly  n|)on  tiiat 
luiskilful  administration,  that  witty  incapacity,  that 
proud  impotence  which  stamped  the  [)oli(^y  of  !•" ranee. 

The  national  charact(!)',  in  its  good  (pialities  as  well  as 
in  its  defects,  had  already  become  well-nigh  iixed,  and 
Louis  XIV^.  was  its  most  brilliant  ex[)ressi()n.  (Jen- 
erally  speaking,  the  chai-acter  of  a  nation  is  the  result  of 
iijiparently  insignilicaut  circumstances,  scarcely  noticed 
when  first  they  aj^iiear.  Latei-  on.  however,  and  some- 
times much  later,  they  make  themselves  felt.  l'\»ra  long 
time,  and  especially  during  all  the  middle  ages,  the  most 
Sidient  points  of  divergence  in  the  respective  character- 
istics of  the  iiations  of  Western  Europe  were,  after  all, 
only  shades  of  difference.  England  differed  little  from 
France,  France  from  Spain  ;  all  three  had  acc^uired  the 
germs  of  liberty,  and  it  was  the  expansion  or  contrac 
tion  of  that  liberty  which  was  to  have  a  dominant  intiu- 
ence  in  fixing  the  special  character  of  each  nation,  and 
in  stamping  each  with  its  essential  differentiation. 
These  distinctive  qualities  were  also  to  influence  the 
future  destiny  of  each  nation.  ' 

At  that  remote  period  France  and  England  were  like 
two  streandets  la/.ily  meandering  on  the  same  table-land, 
coming  near  to  each  other,  then  winding  further  a{)art, 
then  winding  in  again  ;  their  general  trend  seems  the 
same  ;  are  they  going  to  unite  ?     Perhaps  ;  but,  at  any 


r.l.lNDKItS    op    I.MIAN(.'E. 


io  in  the 
!  1)V  tlieir 
L'loi/uient 
of  ivsist- 

ll    SlU'l'l'SS 
lislnllisll- 

i|)(»ii   that 
•ily.    tliat 
>f  Knmce. 
as  woll  as 
lixt'd,  uiul 
111.       (Joii- 
e  result  ot" 
ly  noticed 
and   sonie- 

Vovd  \o\\'^ 
s.  tlie  most 

elraractev- 
;,  after  till, 

little  from 
quired  the 
or  e-ontiac;. 
iuaut  intiu- 

ation,  and 
erentiation. 

ueuce    the 

d  were  like 
table-laiul, 

rther  apart, 
seems  the 

but,  at  any 


'4 


rate,  when  they  have  <«jo\vn  by  the  tribute  of  many 
rtflluents  into  mighty  rivers,  they  will  surely  emi)t.v  into 
the  same  oeean.  Yet  faets  belie  this  foreeast :  u  very 
slight  rise  in  tiie  land  will  be  enough  to  ehange  their 
course  and  make  vhem  How  in  (H)i)osite  direetions  :  one  to 
the  east,  theotiier  to  the  west;  tliis  one  toward  one  oeeaii, 
tliat  one  toward  another.  One  was  to  keep  on  maje.sti- 
lally  and  peaeefuliy  flowing  through  rich  meadows:  tht; 
other  was  to  leap  wildly  through  narrow  gorges,  then 
sjiread  out  into  a  lake,  then  again  narrow  into  a  torrent, 
crossinu'  now  eiiohanting  seenerv,  now  desolate  burning 
deserts.  A  little  bit  of  a  hill  had  been  the  insurmount- 
able wall  that  had  decided  their  respective  fates  and  tlit; 
flow  of  their  waters.  The  expansion  of  tiie  liberties  of 
England,  the  eontraetion  of  tlios((  of  FraiiiH!  was  that 
little  hill  that  sent  them  in  opposite  direi-tions  through 
experiences  so  dissimilar.  Had  it  not  been  for  a  seem- 
ing trifle,  the  course  followed  by  the  one  might  have 
been  followed  by  the  other  with  reversed  results. 

VVHiile  the  Knglish  nobility  shut  themselves  up  in 
their  demesnes,  thus  preseiving  a  certain  inde[)endence 
in  respect  of  the  sovereign,  and  some  interest  in  consort- 
ing with  the  people  for  the  conservation  and  increase  of 
their  common  liberties,  in  France  all  the  nobles  rushed 
to  court,  drawn  thither  by  royal  favor  and  tlie  fascina- 
tion of  pleasure.  However  insigniticant  this  slender 
historic  detail  may  .seem,  it  prepared  France  for  the 
abandonment  of  the  germs  of  liberty  it  then  possess "n  ; 
this  was  the  little  hill  that  altered  its  course  and  its 
destiny. 

'i'hese  men,  who  had  become  courtiers  in  quest  of 
honors  and  favors,  athirst  for  ])leasure,  held  their  peace 
before  the  encrorchments  of  the  king.     Deprived  of  its 


>S£i 


I 

I 


•i,.ti4 


ltd' 


,1  ■*- 


m 


lit 


Wlj 


48 


GUOWTII    <>1"    l.IUKItTV 


dt'l'iMulers,  the  jieoph^  could  not  witlistiind  the  clijipiufj 
of  their  liard-wou  jU'ivik'ge.s.  Tlius  it  was  tiiiil,  our 
litter  another,  tho  concjuests  of  lihcrty,  hoth  for  nol)h>.s 
and  roninioni'rs,  tlisapi)eare<l.  Wlien  Loni.s  XIV. 
deci^Uid  to  he  his  own  prime  minister;  when,  waite(| 
nixiii.  after  the  (h'ath  of  ('ardinal  Ma/.arin,  hy  tlie  fiuie- 
tionaries  of  state,  and  asked  to  wliom  tliey  nuist  in 
future  Jip])!}'  on  (juestions  of  [)uhlie  business,  he  replied, 
imicli  to  tiieir  astonishment,  "To  myself,"  tluin  was 
liht^'ty  undone.  There  iiMuained  only  the;  precarious 
splendor  of  the  thrctne  and  the  d(nd)tful  prestige  of  the 
past,  until  the  day  should  come  when  the  state  woidd 
be  the  l*omi)adour  or  any  other  favorite  courtesan, 
until,  sinking  still  lower,  Louis  XV.  should  be  shameless 
enough  to  say, '•  After  me  the  (Uduge."  Nor  was  this 
deluge  long  delayed  ;  a  deluge  of  blood,  the  pielude  of 
freiiuent  fruitless  efforts  and  violent  leactions,  of  scenes 
of  anger  and  bailed,  glory  and  humiliation. 

England  alone  escaped  the  wreck  of  her  liberties.  If 
she  was  saved  from  disaster,  it  was  probably  not  because 
she  had  acquired,  in  that  seventeenth  century,  more 
wisdom  and  maturity  than  other  nations,  but  because  of 
her  insular  position,  because  of  some  insignilicant  de- 
tails resulting  rather  from  an  api)arently  fortuitous  com- 
bination of  circumstances  than  from  her  own  foresight. 
"England."  says  Macaulay,  '' escaped  from  absolutism, 
but  she  escaped  very  narrowly."  It  is  well  for  mankind 
thai  this  exception  arose.  Those  liberties,  preserved 
and  increased,  constitute  England's  greatness;  her  ex- 
am])le  has  set  her  up  as  a  beacon  light  to  guide  the 
nations  in  the  proper  channel. 

Viewing  the  results,  men  have  ascended  to  the  cause 
thereof  and  traced  out  the  methods  that  produced  them. 


T 


'1 


1 


^ 


(JUONVTII    nr    |,||ii:i;TY. 


4'.» 


1 

■I 

■  w 
■fM 


Tlicv  liiive  imitiilctl  Kiij4hiii(l  ;  tlu-y  liiive  uUo  iniitiiled 
llii-  iiati(tii  that  .sinaiiy'  fioiii  Kiiif,MiUi<i,  huilt  up  Ijy  Imm 
(HI  this  c-oiiliiiL'iil  mil  iil'  siiitiiblc  i:lcim'iits,  »•(tlulili(»ll.^, 
lusli's  iiiid  tt'ii(U;ii(it's,  ill  ;i  lu'W  liuid  lived  I'ldiii  Hid 
Wdi'ld  ties.  Iii.sti'iid  oi'  (iiic  iiiodtd  now  thiMC  aii'  two. 
With  iu,niird  tn  l'jiL;iiiiid,  the  cMiliil  ion  w  ii.s  thi;  work  of 
setMiiiiii;  (haiii'c,  ill  iiii.swi'i-  to  {\n-  nceossltii's  ol'  llic 
nioiiii'iit.  ill  ordrr  to  tsciiiic  iKmi  ihr  niiiioii.s  ('ii[»i'ir('  oj 
a  duspot,  to  siitisfv  thiiL  di'siic  of  lihcMty  which  wc  all 
ft'cj  luuic  or  less  :  hut  hy  little  and  littli;  tin?  liiists  were 
lifird.  till-  consi'iiucmjcs,  if  not  of  the  fiituii',  at  least  of 
the  past  and  the  present,  were  Ijetter  and  butter  undei- 
htood.  li  soon  heeanie  evident  that  the  <(rowth  of  lilM5i  ty 
must  1h!  aeeonipairu'd  hy  the  growth  of  iMlui-ation,  that 
the  OIK!  was  tlu;  reason  of  tlie  other,  and  that  the  two, 
^v•orking  together,  were  the  fountain-head  of  all  the 
material  [)rogress  whieh  our  century  enjoys. 

To  study  the  effects  of  liberty  one  must  not  stop  at 
abstract  theory,  but  must  go  on  to  exainiae  methods  and 
facts.  Excellent  as  liberty  is  in  itself,  it  may  i)e  the 
source  of  many  evils.  The  study  of  actual  methods 
teaches  that  solid  results  are  ol)tained  only  by  agitation, 
i  t'.,  by  a  continual,  thoughtful,  calm  effort  leaning  on 
public  opinion  which  it  first  creates,  advancing  method- 
ically step  by  step,  by  legitimate  means  on  what  we 
might  call  an  easy  upward  gradient.  One  reform,  one 
new  franchise,  becomes  a  solid  and  permanent  acquisi- 
tion, as  well  as  a  step  to  other  reforms.  It  is  a  process 
of  building  up  and  consolidating  rather  than  of  de- 
struction. 

This  method,  more  even  than  the  liberty  it  won,  is 
what  gives  to  British  institutions  that  progressive  sta- 
bility which  all  the  world  admires.     The  most  impoitant 


50 


GROWTK    OF   LIBK15TY. 


effect  of  this  method  is  the  moulding  of  the  nation's 
chamcter.  It  is  this  "  hio.(.dening  from  precedent  to 
precedent  "  that  has  imparted  to  the  English  character 
that  cahnness,  moderation,  firmness  and  dignity  which 
insure  its  superiority  in  great  undertakings  and  in  its 
diiTt'rences  witli  other  nations.  It  is  thi.s,  too,  that  has 
made  respect  for  law  and  authority  almost  an  instinct 
with  Englishmen.  What  lias  been  ac(piired  by  dint  of 
patient  effort  is  loved  and  revered ;  nor  are  such  con- 
quests any  longer  open  to  attack.  Tviilers  themselves 
will  respect  what  is  only  one  step  more,  one  slight  sac- 
rifice to  the  will  of  the  nation  freely  expressed  by  it* 
legitimate  representatives. 

However  tardy  was  sometimes  the  advent  of  long- 
looked-for  reforms,  no  one  ever  dreamt  of  imposing 
them  by  force  against  the  will  of  the  majority,  when 
experience  showed  that  constitutional  agitation  and  ar- 
gument gave  the  best  chance  of  success  and  the  most 
solid  guarantees,  provided  one  were  on  the  side  of  riijlit 
and  justice.  Under  these  circumstances  it  was  to  be 
expected  that  the  debates  of  contending  parties  would 
necessarily  be  stamped  with  calmness  and  dignity,  which 
were,  besides,  conducive  to  success. 

One  of  the  lesiilts  of  this  well-ordered  march  from 
liberty  to  liberty,  from  reform  to  reform,  was  that  parties 
Avere  generally  separated  only  by  shades  of  different  e; 
essential  harmony  was  rarely  marred.  When  a  scarcely 
perceptible  line  of  demarcation  parts  us  from  an  adversary, 
it  is  possible  to  come  to  an  understanding  with  him. 
The  separation  was,  so  to  speak,  a  movable  fence  that 
might  be  shoved  back  and  fortl).  Instead  of  living  in  two 
distinct  camps,  quite  estranged  from  one  another,  tlictd 
was  a  certain  amount  of  intercourse,  proposals  and  con- 


« 


J* 


(JIJOWTH    OF    LIBERTY. 


51 


line  ; 
•celf 

lliim. 
that 
two 

con- 


cessions were  in  order.  Self-possession,  moderation, 
})eaeeful  and  courteous  discussion  were  obviously  called 
for  in  order  to  husband  or  to  increase  one's  strength. 
The  distance  between  one  pfirty  and  the  otlier  was  some- 
times so  slight  that  a  little  cautious  diplomacy  was  often 
enough  to  secure  either  consent  or  n.  niajoiily. 

Because  she  was  deprived  of  these  liberties  and  thrown 
violently  backward,  France  rushed  into  revolution.  iVot 
l)eing  allowed  legitimate  freedom  of  evolution,  she  went 
into  revolution,  and  overthrew  law  and  oidor.  I'crliaps 
it  was  her  only  M'ay  out  of  the  chaos  and  luin  that 
threatened  her.  When  Louis  \IV.  confiscated  tlie 
liberties  of  France  and  thus  tlu't^w  her  back,  he  little 
dreamt  that  he  was  preparing  the  ruin  of  his  dynasty 
and  the  death  of  his  second  successor,  lie  liad  himself 
cliarged  the  mine  that  was  to  blow  u[)  his  throne.  Me 
was  called  great  because  he  knew  liow  to  dazzle;  but, 
if  greatness  l)e  measured  by  the  solidity  of  one's  struct- 
ures and  the  clear  view  of  consequences,  he  \va.s  very 
small  and  very  fatal  to  his  country. 

This  confiscation  of  the  liberties  of  France  is  i-esponsible 
for  tlie  momentous  events  of  which  she  has  since  been 
the  scene,  and  these  events  in  their  turn  have  intensified 
both  her  own  native  (h.'fects  and  those  which  she  shariMl 
with  other  nations  govei'ned  as  she  was.  Had  she  slowlv 
developed  along  the  lim^s  of  freedom,  she  would,  by  tlu? 
very  foice  of  circumstances,  have  not  only  ke|)t  her  own 
good  qualities,  but  also  acquii'ed  most  of  those  which 
have  accnuid  to  Fnghmd.  For  want  of  this  wisdom, 
she  lias  I'ushed  into  a  seri(>s  of  revolutions  of  which  the 
end  is  probably  not  yet.  Fieedom  foiced  upon  people 
by  bloodshed  cannot  be  true  freedom  ;  it  will  always  bo 
odious  to  many  and  thereftn-e  of  luicertain  temu-e.     If 


i 


52 


C.UOWTH    OF    LIBKItTV. 


imposed  l)y  revolution,  the  same  means  will  be  employed 
to  destroy  it  :  lienee  eontempt  of  law  and  of  one's 
adversaries,  raneor.  injustices,  conspiracies  ;  hence  a 
special  tendency  of  the  national  character  that  stiffens 
into  a  llxcd  habit  of  mind.  IJetwccn  the  man  that 
desires  a  rc])ublic  and  the  man  ihat  desires  a  retui'n  to 
the  old  (U'der  of  things  yawns  a  gulf  that  is  very  hard  to 
bridge.  Tliey  have  no  points  of  contact;  even  socially, 
they  are  str.'uigers,  and  if  tliey  have  any  know!  ,e  of 
cacli  oilier,  it  will  be  mostly  founded  on  slander.  "J'lieir 
natuial  wea[)ons  will  be  violence  and  insult. 

Thus  the  slight  divergences  of  three  or  four  centuries 
ago  have  l)ccome  strong  contrasts  through  the  choice  of 
different  methods.  Tliis  we  I'eali/.e  to-day:  but  our 
forefathers  did  not.  It  was  not  in  view  of  an  ideal 
(beam  or  atH'oi'ding  to  a  preconceived  plan  that  liluM'ty 
gradually  was  introduced  into  England.  Men  acted 
merely  according  to  tlu!  exigencies  of  the  moment  in 
Older  to  sujtply  fresli  wants.  Yet  ex{)erience  has  set 
great  store  by  these  liberties  thus  acquired.  Peo{)le 
were  gradually  educated  up  to  an  intelligent  compre- 
hension of  what  is  called  tlie  theory  of  social  evolution, 
a  theory  which,  in  France,  lias  recently  been  styled  opjior- 
tunism.  Thus  it  is  that  w'e  are  ever  advancing  toward 
new  horizons  that  should  be  studied  and,  if  possible, 
foreseen :  thus  it  is  that  events  are  ever  occurring  the 
tendency  and  ultimate  significance  of  which  we  cannot 
so  much  as  conjecture. 

Whilst  England,  by  lier  steady  progress  in  the  widen- 
ing field  of  liberty,  grew  greater  and  greater,  France, 
tending  towards  absolutism,  was,  amidst  bursts  of  daz- 
zling glory,  gradually  losing  as  much  as  her  rival  gained. 
The  time  came  when  the  latter  sought  not  only  to  re- 


GROWTH    OF    LIHKUTY. 


53 


cover  what  she  liad  lost,  wliat  it  liad  cost  England  three 
huiitlied  years  to  maintain  and  develop,  but  also  to  lake 
a  forward  leap  of  several  <;enturies.  Then  a  useful 
ex})erience  prove<l  that  the  social  edifice  has  no  stability 
unless  it  be  built  up  slowly,  stone  upon  stone,  with 
plunil)-line  aiul  cement  carefully  applied  to  each. 
When,  however,  the  edifice  has  been  raised  without 
these  precautions,  and  consei^uently  threatens  to  fall,  it 
ma}'  lie  necessary  to  pull  it  down. 

All  the  teachings  of  the  piist  lead  to  the  l)elief  that 
England  followed  the  true,  the  lietter  course.  But,  in 
such  matters,  error  is  always  possible,  because,  to  the 
inunediate  and  visible  i-esults,  nuist  be  added  others 
that  are  invisil)le  and  distant,  and  sometimes  very  dif- 
ferent from  those  which  seem  startlingly  clear.  Wc  are 
witnesses,  on  the  one  baud,  f)f  the  first  oonse(|uenccs  of 
evolution  ;  on  the  i>tlier.  of  revolution  ;  or  ratiicr  of 
slow  evolution  and  rapid  evolution.  P^or  this  century, 
at  least,  the  advantage  is  clearly  on  the  side  of  slow 
evolution.  Hut  who  t.-an  foretell  with  cei'tainty  the 
remote  consecjuences  in  future  ages?  It  is  the  secret  of 
Pi'ovidence.  In  all  so(M'al  questions  this  i)i'in(;ii)le  holds  : 
immediate  or  proximate  results  may  be  very  different 
from  remote  conse<[uences.  The  human  mind  is,  after 
all,  despairingly  limited.  It  often  happens  that  what 
is  {(ractical  wisdom  in  the  long  run  comes  from  re])Uted 
fools.  Statues  are  erected  \n  hoi:or  of  those  who  hnve 
foreseen  inunediate  or  proximate  effects.  Those  who 
have  had  intuitions  of  more  distant  results  are  some- 
times locked  up. 

It  may  be  for  the  interest  of  mankind  at  large  that 
nations  work  out  their  destinies  in  various  ways.  Hu- 
man   jn'ogress  is  a  congeries  of  ac(juired   experiences. 


i 


'ill!' 


i 


I  pi 


54 


GIIOWTH   OF   LIBERTY. 


The  doings  of  one  people  are  noted  by  another,  matured, 
weighed,  accepted  or  lejected  entirely  or  partially ;  the 
residuum  of  good  becomes  the  property  of  the  civilized 
world. 

One  thing  seems  (piitc  certain:  England  has  won  the 
first  game.  Her  methods  of  success  have  been  studied ; 
they  have  been  and  still  are  useful  to  all  nations.  Shall 
she  lose  the  next  innings  ?  It  is  the  secret  of  the  future, 
the  secret  which  statesmen  are  striving  to  discover. 
All  nations  may  have  special  hopes  and  consoling  fore- 
(!asts;  bul.al  any  rate,  it  is  undeniable  that  England,  by 
opening  u[)  the  [)ath,  has  got  a  start  tliat  she  ma}-  very 
well  be  j)roud  of.  Some  may  question  if  her  advance 
lias  not  been  too  slow,  if  the  habits  thns  formed  may 
not  1)0  some  day  a  source  of  danger.  For  her  that  slow- 
ness was  a  necessity ;  she  was  feeding  her  way  from  the 
kjiown  to  the  uidcnown.  Now  that  the  territory  is 
UKtstly  ma[)pe(l  out,  it  is  easy  foi-  other  nations  to  take  a 
sliorl  out  and  su])prcss  some  of  the  old,  painful,  round- 
about trami)ing.  But  England's  traditional  wisdom 
gives  us  every  reason  to  trust  she  will  always  be  willing 
to  move  on  in  time  to  avoid  any  dangers  that  may 
thi'eaten  her. 

Highly  as  1  value  the  good  points  which  liberty  and 
the  struijole  therefoi-  have  broujjht  out  in  the  institu- 
tions  and  character  of  England,  1  am  far  from  admiring 
everything  English  or  blaming  everything  French. 
The  scope  of  this  work  does  not  admit  of  insisting  on 
the  defects  of  the  picture.  Else  1  might  point  to  a 
series  of  shameful  acts  very  often  far  worse  than  the  worst 
deeds  of  France.  Taking  all  in  all,  not  only  was  Eng- 
land's seventeenth  century  no  better  than  the  same  period 
in  France :  but,  in  many  respects,  it  was  worse  than  the 


(JUONVTH    OF    LIUKUTV. 


5 


0 


eighteenth  iu  France.  Nevertheless,  in  the  midst  of  her 
(IcHpesi  hiuuiiiiitioiis  England  was  collectin<>-  materials* 
lor  future  <(reatness.  If  deeds  of  shanie  were,  in  a 
sens*,',  an  outcome  of  the  struggle  for  liberty,  it  was  the 
siublxtrnness  and  encroachments  of  the  crown  that  pro- 
voked them;  they  were  the  olfsj)ring  of  al)S()lutism  and 
ot  ihose  who  sacriticed  to  it  the  interests  of  the  nation, 
ni>r  eaii  they  he  fathered  on  the  valiant  defenders  of 
lilKiity.  Courage  and  (hsinterestedness  werii  needed  to 
ixpose  oii(;"s  self  to  the  loyal  displeasure,  to  persecu- 
tions, to  iiiin,  to  decapitation.  No  wonder  most  of  the 
lii<rh  functionaries  sacrificed,  when  the  sacrifice  was  an 
essential  eondilion,  lionoi',  principles  and  liumanity  in 
order  to  presei've  o"  obtain  royal  favors.  Thosi'  men, 
mIio  seem  to  us  bereft  of  all  lionorable  feeling,  mio-lit 
liuve  ])een,  under  othei'  circumstances,  the  oi'iiament  of 
their  lace:  in  fact  their  only  fault,  perhaps,  was  lating 
ambition  al)ove  virtue. 

In  this  world  of  ours  tlieie  is  no  sucli  thino;  as  un- 
mixed  good.  The  purest  joys  are  the  reward  of  suffer- 
ing. Tliis  is  true  of  liberty,  and  still  more  tine  of  tlie 
struggle  to  obtain  and  preserve  it.  This  struggle  was 
necessary,  and  the  defections,  treachery  and  crime  were 
unavoidable.  Would  li])erty  have  given  to  England 
such  favorable  results,  had  it  be(Mi  accpiiied  witbont 
resistance?  Would  it  be  as  iiighlv  value<l  '/  Would  it 
have  taken  on  that  stability  which  has  hitherto  secured 
it  from  all  vicissitudes?     i^iobabiy  not. 

So  long  as  England  was  in  the  painful  period  of 
incubatioji,  s(^  long  as  the  natiojis  of  Europe  could  see 
only  the  evils  accompanying  tlK>se  conflicts  for  liberty, 
it  was  i)eihaps  impossible  for  them  to  grasp  the  good 
result  that  was  to  follow.     The  veiy  bitterness  of  the 


56 


GKOWTH    OF    LIBEIJTY. 


contest  for  freedom  nmst  necessarily  have  produced 
special  crimes  from  wliicli  tlie  undisputed  absolutism  of 
the  French  monarchy  was  exempt.  The  fruits  of  lil)erty 
could  not  he  lasted  and  a})preciated  until  the  conflict 
liad  cooled  down  hy  the  final  triumph  of  Parliamentary 
suprema«!y.  No  wonder,  then,  that  Louis  XIV.,  or  even 
the  French  nobilitj',  seeing  contemporary  facts,  judged 
that  the  al)solute  inle  of  the  sovereign  was  the  only 
means  of  ensuring  unity  of  action,  stability,  order,  har- 
mony and  the  elements  of  greatness.  What  they  wit- 
nessed in  their  own  day  nuist  have  convinced  them  that 
they  were  right.  Very  likely  they  saw,  in  those  intes- 
tine struggles,  only  the  attempt  of  a  few  to  gratify  their 
j)assions  or  fiu-ther  their  own  interests  at  the  expense  of 
the  nation's  weal.  Could  they  then  descry  the  far-ofP 
(effects  of  this  liberty  on  the  national  character,  effects 
that  weie  oidy  as  yet  dimly  outlined  in  a  maze  of  strik- 
ing disadvantages?  So  long  as  France  was  in  the 
hands  of  a  sovereign  like  Louis  XIV.,  who  dazzled  her 
by  his  greatness,  she  could  delude  herself  with  the 
fancy  that  things  would  remain  ever  thus.  It  needed 
the  follies  of  the  Regency  and  of  Louis  XV. ;  it  needed 
ruin  and  humiliation  to  rouse  her  from  her  torpor,  to 
make  her  realize  that  she  was  at  the  mercy  of  the  in- 
frequent virtues  and  very  frequent  vices  of  her  kings. 
Fnince  has  had  many  severe  lessons.  Will  she  profit 
by  them  ?  We  must  hope  so.  Will  she  get  Iwck  what 
she  has  lost?  This  again  we  may  hope  for:  one  or  two 
centuries  are  of  small  account  in  the  life  of  a  nation. 
We  may  hope  that  she  will  at  length  reach  a  state  of 
equilibrium,  and,  having  secured  that,  will  advance  with 
constiint  and  measured  steps.  She  will  always  be,  we 
hope,  great  in  her  genius,  in  her  activity  of  mind,  in 


f 


(iUOWTH    OF    LlBEltTY 


Oi 


noble  and  geneious  ideas,  in  seieiico.  in  llie  love  of  tlie 
Iteauliftil.  liut,  what  she  will  never  if^iiiii  is  the  hiijh 
place  she  h.us  lost,  the  part  she  onee  played  in  tlu-  civil- 
izing and  peopling  of  the  globe.  If  France  has  declined 
somewhat,  oi  rather  if  .she  lias  not  advanced  as  niiicli  :is 
was  to  be  expected  ;  if  she  be  destined  to  declinest  ill  moic, 
she  can  trat^e  this  decline  to  her  want  of  ex[)ansion.  to  her 
lack  of  colonies.  When  France  and  England  were  con- 
tending for  the  possession  of  North  America,  the  latter 
had  only  thirteen  millions  of  inhabitants,  whereas  the 
former  had  twenty-seven  millions.  Look  at  the  sitnaiion 
to-day.  The  United  Kingdom  has  thirty-seven  millions, 
Fi-ance  only  thirty-eight  millions,  while  in  North 
America  alone  there  aie  almost  seventy  jnillions  ol'  men 
that  speak  the  language  and  are  im])regnated  \\\{\i  liie 
ideas  and  special  characteristics  of  !>ritain.  How  shall 
it  be  in  one,  two  or  three  centuries,  Avhen  l"jigland  will 
have  develo})ed  mighty  empires  in  the  vast  colonies 
under  her  sway  ?  Tt  matters  little  that  these  colonies 
should  become  independent  of  the  mother  country; 
even  Avhen  her  daughters  leave  her.  their  intlueme  and 
prestige  is  none  the  less  traceable  to  their  fruitful 
parent. 

Yet,  not  to  the  unfruitfulness  of  the  French  lace  is 
this  contrast  to  be  attributed.  Any  doubt  on  this  ques- 
tion would  be  set  aside  by  the  prodigious  ex[)ansioii  of 
the  Canadians  and  ^Vcadians,  an  expansion  the  only 
equal  of  which  perhaps  is  that  of  the  Boers. 

When  European  governments,  in  the  last  two  cen- 
turies, strove  to  found  colonies,  they  did  not,  as  fir  as 
we  can  judge,  reckon  with  this  increase  and  spread 
of  population.  They  were  naturally  inclined  to  iliiidc 
their  colonizing  movements  would  weaken  the  mtulier 


68 


(JltOWTFf   OF    LlBKIiTY. 


country.  Tliey  simply  yielded  to  the  pressure  of  com- 
nierciiil  inteiesl.  Hut  exi)erience  has  since  proved  that 
the  increase  of  population  wa*»  largely  due  to  increiised 
spate  and  to  the  ell)ow-room  thus  afforded.  Here,  again, 
is  one  ol'  those  far-off  nonsequences,  invisible  to  one 
generation  and  yet  visible  to  another,  to  which  I  alluded 
a  moment  ago. 

It  is  highly  probable  that  British  statesmen  did  not 
f(»resee,  any  better  than  those  of  France,  the  future  of 
their  colonics.  Neither  did  they  create  and  develop 
these  colonies  according  to  a  set  plan  and  on  fixed  prin- 
ciples, foreseeing,  arranging  and  maturing  everything. 
The  contraiy  of  all  this  would  be  nearer  the  truth.  In 
this  rcs])('ct  the  English  government  was  not  more 
active,  nor  more  provident  than  the  French.  True, 
British  immigration  was  considerable  from  the  outset  ; 
but  it  was  mostly  all  due  to  private  initiative.  As  for 
the  Puritans  and  the  Quakers,  it  was  an  asylum  from 
intolerance.  They  wanted  and  hoped  to  govern  them- 
selves, or  at  least  to  be  free;  from  hindrances  to  freedom 
of  conscience.  France  never  held  out  similar  hopes  to 
the  Huguenots.  All  other  immigrants  were  either 
traders  or  colonists  pure  and  simple. 

While  the  pernicious  influence  of  the  French  court 
wivs  weakening  the  nobility,  in  England  the  gentry  and 
the  ricli  mcrchauts  were  eager  for  distant  enterprises. 
Ill  this  latter  country  it  was  enough  to  let  that  private 
initiative  have  its  way  which  in  France  was  excluded 
and  paralyzed  by  the  habit  of  waiting  in  all  things  for 
the  ordei-s  and  regulations  of  royalty.  Had  the  Hugue- 
nots been  allowed  the  same  freedom  of  action  as  the 
Puritans,  they  would  have  been  only  too  glad  to  set  up 
for  themselves    outside  of  France   in  her  colonies  ;  so 


r 


tiWnWTII    (M     MIIKKTV 


51) 


wonl'l  tilt'  leliq-ions  oi<U'r.s  :  but,  for  tlu;  latter  as  woU 
as  lur  tln!  loiiiH'i-,  il  was  t'earod  tlial  tlu'V  iiiiglit  ac((uirt! 
ton  iniicli  iii(lL'i)t'ii(lL'iict'  ami  powrr.  TliiLS,  iHitwceii 
inaction  oil  tli(!  oiu!  liaial  and  ol)stailt's  on  tlieotlior,  tlio 
(■(.lunit,'s  were  let!  to  stninj^lc  on  in  tlicii'  iiujioti'iit  way. 
I  am  not  aware  that  the  Knqlish  (loveniiiient  made 
iiioK'  rtToits  at  the  onlsel  for  thi;  jjeoplinjj^  of  her  eoh;- 
iiies  than  Franee  did.  The  ohstaeh'S  the  hitter  ojiposi'd 
to  the  Iliinueiiots  the  former  also  opposed  to  the  Piiri- 
I  ins  :  hut — -here  eonie^s  in  an  inij)orlant  (HfTereiiee,  on 
w hirli  peiliaps  depended  th(;  fatt;  of  tht;  Hni^'lisli  eoh)nies 
— En>fhind  yielded  to  eiitreaties,  and  less  than  a  eeutury 
later  tliat  flourishinjLr  eolony  of  the  Puritans  numbered 
7o,00(>  souls,  lour  times  the  entire  ))opuliitioi»  of  New 
Franee.  So  true  is  it  that  the  fate  of  i-mpires  frequently 
nuns  on  aj)pare)itly  uisiflfuificaut  events. 

Xoi-  did  Fntjland  <,»'overii  her  eolonies  mueh  better 
than  France  did  hers.  Like  Fianee,  England  granted 
jidiiulous  charters  which  lianded  over  and  eonfiseated 
vast  domains,  ill-delined  charteis  which  aniuiUed  each 
other  or  which  were  aiuiulled  according  to  caprice. 
Nor.  ayfain,  were  the  liritish  inniiip-rants  any  better  than 
the  French.  Quite  the  contrary:  when  France  under- 
took to  send  colonists,  slie  was  t(t(»  fastidious,  while 
I^ngland  was  perhaps  not  sulliciently  painstaking  in  her 
choice. 

Htn"e  the  Puritans  are  ncjt  included:  they  were  not 
xciit  tothe  colonies:  haviuyf  left  Knjifland,  thev  had  taken 
refuge  in  Holland,  and  they  succeeded  in  effecting  a  co- 
lonial settlement  in  America  only  by  dint  of  begging  for 
permission  to  do  so.  'j'heir  motives  were  of  the  most 
exalte<l  kind.  Most  piaiseworthy  wei'e  the  morals  of 
those  families  seeking  an  asvlum  wliere  tliev  might  live 


60 


(iiMAVTii  OF  i.ini:i;TY. 


'  iiiii 
liil 


according  to  tlicii'  conviclions.  'I'liey  sonolil  iieiilun' 
riches  nor  pleasure,  nor  the  satisfactions  of  vanit}'  and 
anihition  ;  yet  tliey  found,  tojrotlier  with  the  asylum 
they  liad  desired,  all  (liat  frugality,  orderliness,  economy 
and  intelligence  could  [)rocuie.  It  was  this  undesired 
emigration  that  turned  out  best  for  the  strength  of 
England. 

Not  so  with  the  colony  of  Virginia.  At  first  picked 
families  were  sent  thither ;  but  soon  recruits  came  from 
all  quarters,  and  immigration,  lajrsing  into  a  commercial 
vejiture,  gradually  deteriorated  till  it  became  altogether 
bad.  High  bounties  made  the  recruiting  of  clorks  and 
servants  for  the  great  colonizing  companies  a  matter  of 
money  grabbing.  Boys  of  14  and  1  o  and  even  sickly 
youths,  says  Rameau,*  were  kidnapped  from  sea-[)ort.s ; 
agents  embarked  all  the  vagaboncts  and  jail-birds  tiiat 
felt  the  need  of  going  far  away  from  })laces  where  they 
were  too  well  known.  A  still  moie  revolting  s[)ectacle 
on  the  shores  of  the  New  Worhl  was  the  sale  of  con- 
tracts which  were  often  wholly  fictiticms.  In  truth  this 
was  the  organizing  of  a  white  slave  trade  with  slavery 
for  a  term  of  years  ;  from  that  to  the  negi'o  slav(^  tra<le 
Avith  indefinite  slavery  was  only  a  step,  and  that  step 
was  soon  taken. 

"  As  early  as  1619,''  says  Hildreth.  ''1,200  immigrants 
came  to  Virginia;  among  them  Avere  100  vagabonds  or 
old  offenders,  who  were  sold  like  the  rest,  and  also  20 
negroes,  who  were  brought  thither  and  sold  by  a  certain 
Dutch  captain  ;  these  were  the  first." 

The  Britisli  (Jovennnent,  taking  the  hint  thus  given, 
saw  its  Avay  to  getting  rid  of  all  its  prisoners :  tians- 
^ortation,  in  fact,  saved  the  expenses  of  their  mainte- 
*  Quoting  Cadior  and  Bancroft. 


<ii;<»\VTir    ni-    MMKItTV 


»;i 


iiiuicf  ill  lioiiic,  wliilf  tliu  siilij  of  their  services  actually 
Idoiinlil  ill  iiioik'v .  Tlii'se  living  coii.sigiimunts  hccanie 
ti(<|iu,'iit :  iM»)"  was  the  iran.spoitatiuii  contined  to  crini 
iiials  ;  it  ^\  as  s(»<)ii  cxteiidetl  t(»  political  prisoners,  and 
tlius  tlie  civil  dissensions  ol'  Kngland  became  a  fruit  lid 
source  of  Knglisli  cndgr.ition  to  Virginia,  and  afterwiiid 
>naduallv  to  tlic  oilier  colonii's,  even  to  New   Enijland. 

'•  This  traClic  in  men  of  Uritish  i-ace  became  so  coiii- 
inon  *  thiit  not  only  the  Scotch  who  had  been  made 
jirisoners  at  the  battle  of  Dunbar,  were  sldpped  to 
America  to  be  there  made  slaves,  but  also  the  royalists 
tliat  fell  into  the  powei-  of  the  I'ailiamentary  party  at 
the  battle  of  Worcester,  as  well  as  the  leaders  of  the 
revolt  of  Penruddoi'  Avere  embaiked  for  the  colonies. 
In  Ireland  the  transj)ortations  of  Irish  Catholics  weic 
numerous  and  frequent,  and  accompanied  with  such 
cruel  treatment  as  to  be  scarcely  better  than  the  atroci- 
ties of  the  African  slave  trade.  In  lOSo  nearlv  a 
thousand  prisoners,  compiomised  in  the  rebellion  of 
Monmouth,  were  condemned  to  deportation,  and  forth- 
with many  of  the  men  that  were  influential  at  Court 
wrangled  over  this  prey  as  over  a  most  proiitable  mer- 
cliandise." 

Thus  the  British  Government  had  but  a  small  share 
in  the  peopling  of  the  colonies,  and  this  share  is  per- 
haps not  ver}^  creditable.  However,  for  one  reason  or 
another,  the  blunders  of  England  were  not  so  grave  as 
those  of  France,  with  this  further  difference  that  the 
very  blunders  of  England  became  ultimately  profitable. 
Perha})s  it  was  better  to  be  less  exacting  in  the  choice 
of  emigrants  and  to  fill  up  the  colonies  than  to  remain 
inactive  and  especially  to   hinder  emigration.     Thq«e 

*  Uatneati  i^uuUug  Curlier  uud  BtiucroCt. 


(12 


liiinMrii   or  i,iiu;i;tv, 


'i*.« 


i      '■ 


ciiiniiiiils  must  livo  soinculu'ii!,  iiiid  it  may  liiivc  iH-fii 
|>it'lci'iil)l('  t»»  suffer  tlicm  to  settle  in  a  mnv  coinitiy. 
wlit'ie,  liiidiiij^'  moi'u  iiiimeroiis  iiiid  varied  advaiitaufes, 
they  mi«,'lit  becomu  moral  and  [jrosperoiis  subjects.  The 
oii^'iiijil  i)()pulati()n  was  UKual  and  niunorous  tMiough  to 
absoi'l)  without  toomiieh  haini  to  itself  those  outcasts  of 
society.  Nevertheless,  if  the  facets  themselves  aic  ex- 
cusable, tlie  method  of  o[)eratioii  was  not  so:  iiothinir 
can  excuse  the;  liiitish  rjoveinment  for  havino-.  imi  oolv 
toleiated,  but  oi'iginated  that  hateful  whit(!  sliivc  tnide 
which  was  soon  to  issue  in  the  regular  negro  slave  trade 
and  to  taint  in  their  very  fountain-head  the  really  ex- 
cellent (qualities  of  an  infant  nation. 

France  made  another  mistake  in  not  coloni/iny,  as 
she  might  have  done,  tlie  Atlantic  coast  fiom  X'irginia 
northward,  or  at  least  a  considerable!  [)ortion  of  that 
toast,  so  as  to  secure  a  greater  variety  of  climate.  Trade 
WHS,  of  course,  the  motive  power  at  the  time  the  colonies 
weie  founded.  France  mad(?  the  iirst  choice,  and,  as  re- 
gards the  fur  trade  and  the  fisheries,  that  choice  nnist 
have  been  considered,  at  least  for  the  first  half  century, 
the  best.  Similarly,  it  was  the  gold  craze  that  tirst  led 
multitudes  to  California  in  1849  ;  yet,  in  the  long-  run, 
the  soil  and  the  climate  were  found  to  be  greater  sources 
of  pi'osperity  than  the  richest  mines.  This  climatic; 
blundei'  may  have  contributed  more  than  anything  else 
to  keep  F^ ranee  in  astateof  great  numerical  inferiority  in 
Amei'ica.  People  did  not  care  to  emigrate  to  A'  dm 
because  it  was  too  unich  exposed  to  attn^k  .*•  to 
Canada  beciause  the  climate  was  too  sevei  not  suf- 

ficiently varied.  Probably  it  was  to  repair  i  >  mistake 
that  Louis  XIV.  liad  conceived  the  project  of  coloni  ingf 
the  Illinois  country  and  the  Upper  ]\Iississsipi  ;  but   it 


CKOWTII    oi'    MUKKTY. 


!*>> 
I)>l 


was  then  too  latt;.  Voltaiic  yiivi!  «'X[»res8i<)M  to  this  idtsi, 
when,  with  his  witty  flippancy,  lie  saitl  tliat,  after  all, 
France  was  {j'iving  up  "  only  a  finv  acres  of  snow." 

It  has  become  the  fashion  tosay  thatthe  Frenchiniin  is 
no  colonizer.  No  douht  he  has  now  )io<>reat  reputation 
in  that  lin«5 ;  hut  the  leason  is  that  France  has  nolonticr 
a  single  colony  favorably  situated  as  aliome  for  the  white 
lace.  TIk^  I'^rcm-hnian  is  no  Ioniser  a  coloni/cr,  because, 
ainid  the  tuinioil  of  revolutions  and  counlcr-ivvolutions, 
iiiuid  constant  strugj^his  with  his  FiU()])ean  neinhbois,  he 
neV4!r  has  had  Icisuic  to  take  a  serious  interest  in  his 
colonics,  lint  1  cannot  admit  that  the  Frenchman,  in  the 
sev(!ntcenth  or  eighteenth  century,  was  not  (piitc!  as 
good  at  coloni/.ing  as  the  Knglishman,  tht!  Spaniard  or 
the  Dutchman.  The  only  things  that  handicapiK'd  the 
Frenclnnan  were  his  patcunalism  in  govcrnnu-nt  and  the 
disadvantages  of  his  position  in  lMir<ti)c.  As  to  Freuc  li- 
nu;n  themselves,  what  they  achieved  hi're  on  American 
soil  sccnis  utterly  lo  contradict  the  assertion  that  they 
did  not  know  how  to  coloni/e. 

Having  explained  their  numerical  inferioiity  b}-  causes 
that  do  not  imply  an  absence  of  the  coloinzing  spirit.  I  fiinl 
that  those  who  settled  in  Canada  gave  proofs  of  physical 
iijttitudc,  of  energy,  (jf  skill,  of  courage,  which,  in  many 
respects,  seem  supeiior  to  anything  of  the  sort  the 
llritish  ('(jlonists  could  show.  Flse,  how  could  the 
r'rench  have  hekl  their  own  during  a  century  an<l  a  half 
against  an  enemy  that  outnumbered  them  sixteen  to 
one?  What  wonderful  achievements  would  have  been 
theirs,  had  they  been,  I  will  not  say  sixteen  times  a,s 
numerous  as  the  English,  but  fairly  matched  in  point  of 
numbers  ?  Were  they  not  singularly  gifted,  those  men 
who  penetrated  into  the  interior  of  the  continent  and 


U4 


(iitoNvrii   o;    i,ii',i:i;i'\ . 


"4 


I^P 


ill       -'• 


foiiiidt'd  sctllciiKMils  iiiid  »iiil[»(»sls  in  count i'ic;.s  that  wtsre 
as'vd  nnUnown  to  the  Ani(Mi(^iiii  (colonist?  'I'lic  sclllc- 
nu'iils  of  I''i'ontcnii(',  Detroit,  (iiecn  liuy,  VinccMiiujs,  and 
oilier  colonics  in  Illinois  dati;  hack  as  far  as  KIHO.  S() 
f^Mcat.  was  llu'  activity  and  holdncssof  the  inhahitants  of 
Detroit  that,  they  ofl'cued  to  throw  thi(!e  thousand  col- 
onists into  the  adjoinint^'  tcM'i'itoiy,  so  as  to  connnand  tlie 
whole  interior  of  the  contiiuMit,  provided  tlui  French 
rJovernmcMit  would  (ill  up  the  void  by  encouraging  a 
strong  emigration  to  Canada. 

Forsaken  hy  the  inothei'  country,  without direc^tion  or 
assistance,  tht^  cohtnisis  faced  thedilVuiulties  of  their  posi- 
tion with  ii.  courage  and  an  intellisj-cnce  that  were  sehloiu 
:it  fault.  I>3  thesu|)eiiority  of  their  methods aiul  hy  their 
wis(»  forecasts  they  ae([uir(!d  a  grciat  asiHMidaney  over  tlu; 
minds  o(  the  Indians,  It  is  remarkable  that  the  French 
iievei'  had  to  tight  the  Indians  of  the  countries  they 
occupied,  nay,  that  they  made  them  their  faitliful  .allies 
even  in  the  most  critical  junctures.  Iwerybody  knows 
tliat  it  fared  (juite  otherwise  with  the  IJritisli  colonies. 
Whether  through  acts  of  injustice,  or  haughty  and  arbi- 
trary measures,  or  for  some  othei'  cause,  they  did  not 
know  how  tt»  make  friends  of  the  IndiauA  :  luMico  terii- 
ble  deeds  of  vengeatiee  provoking  the  liritish  settlers  to 
exierniinate  the  savage  in  self-defence  against  dangers 
th;it  they  had  not  the  wisdom  to  avert. 

*•  In  line,""  says  ]{ameau,  "the  point  in  which  the 
inlelligence  of  the  I'^reneh  i-olonists  shone  forth  with 
especial  brilliancy  was  theiikeen  appreciation  of  topog- 
raphy and  '^f  their  local  enviionment,  of  which  they 
unfailingly  made  an  exet'llent  use.  This  it  was  that 
enabled  them  to  maintain  the  defensiw  and  to  succeed 
ii!  attack.     Their  (juitkn^'ss  and  suieness  in  seizing  tlie 


<JIU)WTH  ni'  liim:ktv 


65 


iiiiiiii  point,  their  skill  in  planning-,  tlieir  promptness  in 
(lt'(i(lin<;-,  tlieir  enerj^^y  in  iictiiiji,'  \v(;re  no  whit  inferior 
to  their  lohnstness  o[  constitution,  suppleness  of  hody, 
sohriety  and  austei'ity  of  hiibit." 

When  linally  lliey  sueeumbed,  it  was  only  because 
\]\ry  seemed  exliansted  by  theii'  victoiiijs  after  haviii!^ 
for  a  long  time  and  i(;[)(!atedly  gained  advantages  that 
made  the  ultimate  result  <loubtful.  When  Port  Royal 
fell,  it  had  twice;  resisted  an  army  tliat  was  more 
numerous  than  the  entire  [)oj)ulation  of  Acadia.  And, 
wluMi  Canada  in  its  turn  was  forced  to  yield,  to  the  iii- 
vad(;r,  it  had  only  five  or  six  thousand  soldiers  left  to 
withstiiiid  the  sixty  thousand  of  the  enemy,  (^anada 
had  then  but  sixty  thousand  souls,  whereas  the  British 
provini;es  had  more  than  a  million. 

I  have  not  the  slightest  wish  to  depreciate  tlie  Eng- 
glish  colonists,  nor  to  extol  unduly  the  French,  nor  even 
to  institute  comparisons  ;  l)oth  had  their  good  (jualities 
and  their  defects,  rather  diflicult  to  estimate  satisfac- 
torily ;  but,  to  any  one  who  will  put  away  from  him 
the  glamour  of  success  and  view  the  question  on  its 
merits,  it  will  appear  evident  that,  minor  differences 
apait,  the  Frenchman  was,  at  that  time,  as  good  a 
I'olonizer  as  any  other  European.  The  failure  of  French 
colonization  is  traceable  entirely  to  the  faults  I  have 
iiointed  out,  all  of  which  are  to  be  imputed  to  the  Honu; 

.Government  and  to  an  untoward  combination  of  events. 
5 


t>« 


rOKT   JK3YAL   AKTEll    ITS    SUllllENDEli. 


CHAPTER    II. 

Surrender  of  Port  Royal,  Oct.  18th,  1710 — Articles  of  the  capitula- 
tion— (Jession  of  Port  Royal  with  the  territory  "  within  cannon- 
shot  " — Vetch  named  governor  of  the  place — Five  inhabitants  of 
Port  Royal  made  prisoners — The  garrison  decimated  by  sickness 
— Saint  Castin  comes  with  43  Abenakis  to  direct  operations 
against  tlie  fort — Battle  of  • '  Bloody  Creek  " — Port  Royal 
besieged — The  Acadians  of  the  ceded  territory  withdraw — Tlie 
garrison  is  reinforced  and  the  projected  siege  is  abandoned. 


The  surrender  of  Port  Ro^-al  to  Nicholson  by  de 
Subercase  was  signed  Oct.  1-Uli,  1710.  lie  liud  resisted 
most  heroically  for  nineteen  days,  and  merited  no  less 
honor  by  his  surrender  than  he  had  done  in  the  two 
preceding  sieges  by  repelling  the  enemy.  The  struggle 
was  liopeless  and  surrounded  with  circumstances  which 
would  induce  even  the  bravest  to  withhold  makincf  anv 
effort.  Alone  with  a  few  chosen  officers,  he  withstood 
the  general  call  for  an  immediate  surrender.  It  was 
difficult  to  impose  his  will  and  to  revive  men's  courage 
when  there  was  no  hope  of  success;  when  to  want,  to 
privation,  to  the  superior  strength  of  the  eneni}',  to  the 
uselessness  of  his  repeated  efforts,  was  added  a  still 
graver  circumstance,  complete  abandonmentby  the  Home 
fiovernment.  There  was  room  for  no  feeling  but  dis- 
(!ouragement,  when  Suberctase  displayed  such  energy 
and  skill  that  he  restored  tlieir  drooping  spirits.  His 
constancy  won  for  liim  the  admiration  of  his  enemies 


rOKT   JIOYAL    AFTEll    ITS    SUIMtKNDKI!. 


07 


together  with  most  honorable  conditions  of  surrender, 
wliich  were  carried  out  by  the  Englisli  General  with 
great  fidelity. 

The  articles  of  the  capitulation  refeired  only  to  Port 
Itoyal  and  the  dependent  territor}-^  within  cannon-shot 
thereof.  To  be  brief  I  omit  the  articles  of  the  capitula- 
tion which  relat.3  to  the  garrison,  and  restrict  my  atten- 
tion to  what  concerned  the  inhabitants  of  the  ceded 
territory,  for  there  is  no  (question  at  all  of  the  rest  of 
Acadia. 

AirncLK  V.  "That  the  inhabitants  within  cannon- 
shot  of  Port  Royal  shall  remain  upon  their  estates,  with 
their  corn,  cattle  and  furniture,  during  two  years,  in 
case  tluiy  are  not  desirous  to  go  befoic,  they  taking  the 
oath  of  allegiance  and  fidelity  ^o  Her  Sacred  Majesty 
of  Great  Britain." 

In  a  memorandum  accompanying  the  articles  of  the 
capitulation,  (rcn.  Nicholson  declares  that  "within  can- 
non-shot "  ought  to  be  understood  to  he  "  three  Hiiglish 
miles  around  this  fort."  The  number  of  persons  com- 
prised within  this  space  according  to  a  list  presented  to 
the  General  was  481. 

To  have  a  correct  view  of  the  situation  we  should  not 
lose  sight  of  the  fact  that  this  capitulation  was  limited 
oidy  to  Port  Royal  and  the  country  comprised  within 
a  radius  of  three  miles  from  the  fort.  Thi;  inhabitants 
of  this  district  had  two  years  at  most  allowed  them  to 
pass  over  to  the  Fren(;h  territoiy  witli  all  their  mov- 
able goods;  l)ut,  pending  their  decision  t]iereu])on,  they 
were  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and  fealty:  which 
they  did.  We  find  nowhere  the  terms  of  this  oath,  but 
we  suppose  it  must  have  been  very  carefullv  woidcd, 
in  oi'dcr  to  make  sure  that,  in  tlie  meantime,  they  \\<niM 


68 


POi!T  KOVAL  AFTKi;  ITS  sri;i:KN"DKi:. 


%li 


i  J 


i*l|B 


:.  iiilii 


do  nothing'  agiiinst  the  peace  and  tlie  interest  of  tlie 
English  goveriinient,  until  their  final  decision  to  remain 
or  de[)art  within  two  years.  The  circunistanees  thein- 
selves  preclude  any  other  interpretation.  We  should 
not  forget  tliat  wliatever  was  outside  this  three-mile 
radius  remained  meanwliile  French  territory  ;  it  is  well 
also  to  i(Mnark  that  the  war  between  the  two  nations 
continued  for  nearly  three  years  until  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht.  A  clear  view  of  these  facts  is  necessary  for  the 
hetter  undi'rstanding  of  what  follows,  and  for  avoiding 
the  (confusion  into  which  so  many  historians  have  here- 
tofore fallen. 

After  the  departui'e  of  the  French  garrison,  Nii-hol- 
son  reimharked  with  his  troo[)s  on  the  "JHth  of  October, 
leaving-  in  the  fort,  as  liicutenant-governor,  Colonel 
Vetch,  with  al'out4r)0  soldiers.  From  IJoston  Nicholson 
set  out  for  London,  wluire  he  succeeded  in  oro'ani/,int<'  an 
expedition  for  the  conquest  of  Canada  l)y  land  and  sea ; 
lie  himself  had  the  eonunand  of  the  troops  wlio  were 
to  operate  on  Montreal  through  Lake  Champlain;  but, 
owing  to  the  unskilfulness  of  Admiral  Walker,  the 
fleet  suffered  grievous  disaster  opposite  the  lie  aux 
Qiiufs,  and  so  the  expedition  Avas  abandoned. 

During  this  time,  desertions,  but,  still  more,  sickness, 
reduced  so  greatly  the  Annapolis  (Port  Royal)  garrison 
that,  according  to  au  eye-witness,  there  remained  only 
a  hundred  able-bodied  soldiers  at  tlie  end  of  the  follow- 
ing June. 

With  the  enemy  in  such  a  plight,  it  became  easy 
enough,  for  the  Acadians  who  were  outside  the  limits 
comprised  in  the  capitulation,  to  engage  in  hostilities  and 
even  to  seize  upon  the  fort.  Here  was  au  excellent  and 
easy  opportunity  for  retaliation.     This  they  signified  to 


POirr    PtOVAL    AFTEi;    ITS   sntllENDKIl. 


69 


the 
im'ui 
lein- 
DuUl 
•mile 
well 
tioiis 
ty  of 
^v  tlie 
iding 

here- 

'icliol- 
•tober, 
olonel 
holsou 
:ing  an 
lul  sea ; 
,C)  were 
II ;  l)ut, 
:ev,  the 
Ic  aux 

c-kness, 
.•arrisou 
hI  only 
follow- 

iie  easy 
e  limits 
Lties  and 
Lent  and 
nitied  to 


de  St.  Castin  who  had  previously  been  mimed  Lieuteiiaut 
of  the  King  of  Fiiinee  in  this  district.  The  movement 
WHS  sufhciently  apparent  to  make  the  governor  of  the 
garrison  anxious,  and  often  detachments  of  his  troops 
ventured  abroad  in  order  to  wateli  the  mancjeuvres  of 
tlie  people  both  within  and  without  the  bounding  circle. 
In  one  of  these  excursions  two  deserters  of  the  garrison, 
one  being  a  certain  Abraham  Gaudet  of  Heaubassin, 
and  tlnce  half-breeds,  strangers  to  the  place,  captuicd 
the  conunissaiy  of  the  garrison  whom,  however,  they 
released,  for  a  small  ransom.  The  governor,  thinking 
that  there  liad  been  connivance  between  tlicse  men  and 
some  iidiabitants  of  Annapolis,  arrested  \Vm.  Bourgeois, 
I'etcr  Lebhvnc  and  John  Comeau  of  Annapolis  as  well 
as  (icrmain  Boursreois  of  Beaubassin  and  Francis 
Brassaid  of  Chipody,  who  were  passing  through  Anna- 
polis. We  have  no  account  of  what  may  have  been  the 
result  of  their  trial.  * 

Saint  Castin,  whose  warlike  luunor  was  never  at 
rest  so  long  as  there  were  blows  to  be  given  or  received, 
was  easily  pi-evailed  U[)on  to  come  and  take  part  in  the 
struggle  which  the  Acadians  up  tlie  river  were  [irepar- 
ing  lo  have  with  the  English.  With  forty-two  Abenakis 
of  tlic  Penobscot  river  he  succeeded  in  crossing  the  Bay 
of  Fundy  and  by  his  stealthy  mai'cli  es(;aped  even  the 
suspicion  of  the  garrison.     In  one  of  their  usual  sallies, 

*  Kiililiurtoa  j^ivrs  (|iiit(>  a  diffcrtMjt  version  from  tluit  of  Munloi'li, 
Aci'<.inlint;  in  the  foriiuT  theno  arrests  were  iuteuded  to  koep  tbesnj  men  us 
hostages,  and  by  means  of  threats  to  jireveut  those  who  were  not  inchided 
in  the  capitulation  from  committing  any  hostih^  act.  "  Tliis  liostile  disjiosi- 
tiou  of  the  French  settlers,"  says  he,  "  induced  the  ofTlcer  commanding  at 
Port  Royal  to  apprehend  the  priest  and  live  of  the  most  res|iectiil)lo 
inhabitants  of  th(»  district  as  hostages  for  the  good  behaviour  of  their 
countrj'men,  who  were  informed  that,  upon  similar  attempt,  these  prisoners 
should  suffer  military  execution." 


'"•Il**- 


.,  li 


^ 


70 


rOKT    ROYAL    AFTKI!    ITS   SUIMIENDER. 


eighty  men  of  the  garrison  untler  the  comnuuid  of  Captain 
Pigeon  advanced  as  far  as  twelve  miles  from  the  fort, 
intending  to  surprise  some  Indian  warriors  who,  by  their 
threats,  were  preventing  the  inhabitants  of  Annapolis 
from  furnisliing  the  wood  necessary  to  the  fortifications. 
Saint  Castin,  who  was  watching  the  movements  of  this 
troop,  surprised  them  in  a  place  ever  since  called  Bloody 
Creek.  Thirty  soldiers  and  officers  were  killed  and 
the  rest  made  prisoners. 

The  position  of  the  garrison  was  becoming  critical,  if 
it  be  true,  which,  however,  leaves  rot>m  for  doubt,  that, 
before  this  encounter,  there  remained  only  a  hundred 
soldiers  able  to  bear  arms.  This  event  was  unfortunate 
as  are  all  those  tliat  result  from  war  ;  but  it  cannot  be 
judged  otherwise  than  as  legitimate  warfare,  since  the 
action  took  plaee  twelve  miles  from  Annapolis  and  nine 
miles  outside  the  territory  ceded  by  the  capitulation. 
The  successful  combatants  were  French  subjects  on 
Flench  territory  :  it  was  in  time  of  war  and  moreover 
an  act  of  self-defence  against  their  assailants.  Some 
writers,  forgetting  the  terms  of  the  capitulation,  speak 
of  this  affair  as  if  at  that  time  the  whole  of  Acadia  had 
been  ceded,  and  as  if  these  men  had  been  guilty  of 
treachery.     This  is  clearly  a  mistake. 

Duj'ing  this  time  Abb<i  (niulin,  parish  priest  of  Mines, 
tried  to  organize  an  expedition  against  Annapolis.  He 
succeeded  in  getting  together  two  hundred  men,  whom 
he  intrusted  to  Saint  Castin.  Annapolis  was  invested 
for  the  purpose  of  attacking  the  fort,  when  the  ammuni- 
tion aiul  camions,  which  they  expected  from  New- 
foundland, should  arrive ;  but,  as  this  help  did  not 
come,  and  as,  on  other  hand,  the  garrison  received  a 
reinforcement,  they  gave  up  their  project  and  dispcrscf^ 


f 


i 


POUT    ROYAL    AlTElt    ITS    SUUIIKNIJKK. 


71 


Before  investing  Annapolis,  writes  Murdoch,  "All  the 
iiihal)itants  withdrew  out  of  eiinnon-shot  from  the  fort, 
and  they  also  transported  their  cattle  up  the  river. 
Those  of  the  banlieue  (witliin  cannon-shot)  intimated 
to  the  governor  that  lie  had  violated  the  articles  of  the 
capitulatiori  to  their  prejudice,  and  that  they  were 
thereby  freed  from  the  oaths  they  had  taken  not  to  bear 
arms ;  after  which  they  joined  their  compatriots  in 
blockading  the  Fort." 

I  have  much  jespect  for  this  author,  whom  T  look 
upon  as  a  sure  guide  in  all  questions  of  fact :  j'ct  I  must 
say  I  have  nowhere  found  the  confirmation  of  the  last 
part  of  tliis  citation.  Was  it  simply  an  inference  from 
the  declaration  that  precedes  it  ?  I  think  so.  Though 
not  a  strictly  logical  inference,  it  might  be  justifiable. 
\\\  what  did  the  governor  violate  tlie  articles  of  the 
capitulation  ?  I  do  not  know,  and  strong  reasons  would 
be  required  to  justify  such  conduct.  The  time  was 
likewise  badly  chosen  to  take  advantage  of  any  viola- 
tion whatever,  and  the  circumstances  give  rise  to  a  seri- 
ous suspicion  about  the  fairness  of  these  reasons. 

Nevertheless,  for  want  of  precise  information  on  the 
nature  and  gravity  of  these  reasons,  we  can  perhaps 
supply  more  or  less  what  is  Avanting  liy  a  document 
Avhich  has  an  intimate  connection  with  the  question,  and 
which  makes  us  see,  as  far  as  we  can  judge  by  the  ac- 
count of  one  side  onlv.  what  was  the  fate  reserved  for 
the  Acadians  by  Governor  \"etch.  Some  months  before 
this  incident  the  inhabitants  residing  within  the  limits 
of  tlie  territory  comprised  in  the  capitulation  sent  to 
the  Governor  of  Canada,  M.  de  Vaudreuil,  by  M.  de 
Clignancourt,  the  following  letter: 

"  As  Your  goodness  extends  over  all  those  wlio,  being  subjeols  of 


72 


PORT  ROYAL  AFTER  ITS  SURRENDER. 


His  Majesty,  liave  rcoourse  to  yoji  to  relieve  tlieiii  in  their  misery,  we 
pray  you  will  vouchsafe  us  your  assistance  to  withdrnn}  i/iirsrh-p.t 
from  thin  conntri/.  .  .  .  M.  de  Ciignaucourt  will  tell  you  heltci-  than 
we  can  do  by  a  letter,  tliv  harsh  inannev  in  ivhirli  Gonrnur  Vrlrh 
treats  us,  keepiuf/  iis  like  nitii'ites,  and  wishing  to  persuade  us  that 
we  are  under  great  obligation  lo  him  for  not  treating  us  much  \vor>e, 
being  able,  he  says,  to  do  so  with  justice,  and  without  having  room 
to  complain  of  it.  We  have  given  to  M.  de  Ciignaucourt  copies  of  tlirre 
ordinances  which  M.  Vetch  has  issued.  We  pray  you,  sir,  lo  liave 
regard  to  our  misery,  and  to  honor  us  with  your  letter  for  our  conso- 
lation, expecting  that  you  may  furnish  the  necessary  assistance /or 
our  rctiriny  from  this  unhappy  country.''^ 


TI:EATY   OF    CTUECHT. 


78 


CHAPTER  III. 

Treaty  of  Utrecht— Ossion  of  Aciuli.i— Clauses  of  the  treaty  and 
letter  of  Queen  Anni' — Lieuteuant-Oovernor  Vetch  opposes  the 
departure  of  the  Acadiaus — Arrival  of  CJovernor  Nicholson — MM. 
de  la  Ronde  and  l^insens  at  Port  Royal  to  remove  obstacU-s  to 
their  <le|)arture — Referred  to  the  Queen — Subterfuges — Cliar- 
acter  of  Nicholson  and  of  Vetch — Compilation  of  the  archives 
of  Nova  Scotia — Artitices  of  the  Comjjiler.  his  partiality,  etc., 
etc. 


Thk  wiir  between  Franco  and  EmuIiukI  was  iii  lust 
terminated,  and,  April  18,  1718,  at  Utreclit.  was  sitiiu'd 
the  treaty  of  peace  which  delinitively  ceded  Acadia  to 
England.  Nothing  in  tliis  treaty  detined  the  extent 
and  limits  of  the  conntry  which  France  ceded,  bnt  these 
were  to  be  determined,  later  on,  b^'  a  connnission  to  be 
appointed  by  the  two  Crowns.  J*endino-  this  decision, 
France,  by. the  terms  of  the  treaty,  ceded:  "All  of 
Nova  Scotia  or  Acadia  comprised  in  its  ancient  limits, 
as  also  the  city  of  Port  lioyal."  It  was,  as  may  be 
seen,  difficnlt  to  make  such  a  badly  woidcd  declaration 
the  basis  of  a  mutual  undcrstandino-.  What  Acadia 
was,  what  Xova  Scotia  had  beiMi  or  then  was,  had  never 
l)een  defined  with  precision  :  but  the  question,  alicady 
so  knotty,  was  still  nioiv  stupidly  complicated  by  this 
additional  clause,  "as  also  the  city  of  Port  Royal."  as^ 
if  Acadia  or  Nova  Scotia  composed  only  one  i»art  of 
the  peninsula  to  which  the  ti'eaiy,  by  extension,  added 
on  Port  Royal.     This  could  not  be  the  intention  of  the 


m 


i4  TIIKATV    OK    ITTKIX'HT. 

piiilies,  since  Port  Royal  was  essentially  a  part  of 
Ac  ivdiii,  since  it  had  l)een  its  cradle  and  the  seat  of 
goveiinncnt  lor  a  whole  century.  It  was  a  gross  error, 
80  gross  that  it  could  not  be  invoked  or  maintained  as 
far  as  Poit  Uoval  was  concerned ;  but  the  insertion  of 
this  additional  clause  still  left  in  the  mind  the  vague 
idea  that  Acadia  or  Nova  Scotia  could  at  most  be  under- 
stood only  of  the  peninsula.  These  diflu^ilties  were  to 
be  resolved  fifty  years  later  by  force  of  arms. 

Article  XIV.  of  tlu!  treaty  of  Utrecht,  which  defined 
the  situation  of  tlu!  Acadians  is  couched  in  these  terms  : 


*«!I'«*1| 


"  It  i><  expressly  provided  that  in  all  the  said  places  and  eolonies  to 
be  yielded  and  restored  by  the  Most  Christian  King  in  pnrsnance  of 
Ibis  treaty,  the  stibjeelsof  the  said  King  luay  hiicc  libertii  to  reiiiopa 
Ihiiiixt'lccs  wilkin  n  i/i'dr  to  iinii  olliir  jilarc,  as  they  shall  think  fit, 
with  till  l/icir  iiKDuthIr  I'Jf'crls.  Hilt  those  who  are  willing  to  remain 
here,  and  to  besubjeels  to  the  kingdom  of  (Jreat  Hritain,  are  to  enjoy 
the  tree  exercise  of  their  religion  according  to  the  usage  of  the 
t'hiiri'h  of  Rome  as  far  as  the  laws  of  Great  Britain  <lo  allow  the 
same."" 

The  better  to  define  this  situation,  but  still  more  to 
please  the  king  of  France,  in  return  for  some  of  the 
hitter's  acts  of  kindness  to  his  Protestant  subjects, 
Queen  Anne  agreed  to  lelieve  the  Acadians  from  the 
rigor  of  the  terms  of  the  treaty.  The  new  terms  are 
contained  in  her  letter  to  Governor  Nicholson,  dated 
June  -in,  17ir,  : 


"  To  our  trusty  and  well-beloved  Francis  Nicholson,  Governor  of 
our  Province  of  Nova  Scotia  or  Acadia,  etc.,  etc. 

•'  Whereas  our  good  brother,  the  Most  Christian  King,  hath,  at  our 
desire,  released  from  imprisonment  on  board  his  galleys,  such  of  his 
sultjetts  as  were  detained  there  on  account  of  their  professing  the 
Protestant  religion  ;  We,  being  willing  to  show  by  some  mark  of  our 
favor  towards  his  subjects,  how  kind  we  take  his  compliance  there- 


If" 


TliKATV    OF    rTIIKCHT. 


76 


ill.  liJiM-  tlu'i'i'fni')'  lli()ii<{lil  (il  )i*M'*-b,v  to  ^iK»>'.v  oiir  ulll  ami  plt-asiiro 
III  ynii.  tlijit  you  pcrinit  .siicli  of  llit'in  a«  have  any  lands  or  li'iifiin'iits 
ill  iii<>  plact's  unil«M'  our  (iuvcrnnuMit  in  Acaiila  and  Ni-wt'oiindianii, 
til, a  liavi.'  Ix't-n  or  uif  lo  he  yielded  to  us  hy  virtue  of  tlie  late  treaty 
of  peace,  and  ai'e  willinj,'  to  eontiniieour  suhjects,  In  rrlnin  uml  rnjni/ 
II,'  ir  siiiil  Iniiils  iiikI  h'liiiiiriilfi  irltlionl  iiiii/  iiiDlfshilinii,  as  fully  and 
iiiMJy  as  other  oui'  suhjects  do  or  may  jiomsoss  their  lands  or  estates, 
iir  III  sell  Ihf  miniv,  IJ'lhii/  sliitll  fitUlcv  rhitnxr  In  rciiinrt'  ctsiii'ficrc. 
And  for  so  doing,  this  shall  he  yoiu-  warrant. 

"  Ily  Her  Majesty's  roniinand, 

"  Daktmoi  rii." 


.^^■m 


The  situiition  of  the  Acadiaiis  wiis  tlms  established  hy 
,\il.  XI \'.  of  the  treaty  and  Ijy  this  h'tter.  In  its  essen- 
lial  points  this  situation  was  very  elear.  They  had, 
li('si(h's  the  free  exercise  of  tlieir  religion,  the  ehoic^e 
fither  to  remain  in  the  country,  ketiping  the  ownership 
(it  all  they  possessed,  or  to  lemw  the  comifri/,  ltritii/fti</ 
(i/r<ii/  icifh  tlii'iti  all  their  movable  ffooch  and  aho  the  prO' 
crrds  of  the  sale  of  their  inuiioimhle  propertij.  This 
letter  did  not  specify  any  time  for  their  departure. 
This  omission,  if  it  were  one,  miglit  throw  some  doubt 
on  this  ])oiiit.  The  treaty,  which  was  three  months 
previous,  fixed  the  delay  to  a  year.  Was  it  then  to  be 
understood  that  the  time  fixed  by  this  tieaty  continued 
to  be  what  the  treaty  had  mtide  it,  or  did  it  become  un- 
limited? The  remark  tliat  the  compiler  of  thearcliives 
of  Nova  Scotia  adds  at  the  foot  of  the  document  might 
inakti  lis  believe  that  he  adopts  the  second  interj)reta- 
tion.  Such,  however,  could  not  be. his  intejition,  for, 
when  we  liave  better  miderstood  the  motives  whieli 
always  animated  this  compiler,  we  shall  understand 
better  that  lie  could  not  accept  an  interpretation  which 
would  have  been  so  favorable  to  the  Acadians.  I  am 
inclined  to  believe  iuid  I  deem  it  mv  dutv  to  sav  so,  that, 


'$'■•': 


liT 


liii 


llfr 


76 


TKKATV    OK    irilKCllT. 


strictly  spt'ilkill^^  llic  ih-lay  lixcd  I)y  llu'  tiviity  whs  not 
inodiiied  l)y  tlu;  lettei-  of  (^iitHii  Aiiiiu. 

This  distinction  is  at'tiT  all  of  little  in)[)oitanco, 
beeansc,  from  lliat  linic  foilli  llu'  Acadians  had  dccidecl 
to  leave  the  province,  and  (!ven  then  they  weit'  actively 
|ii'e;)iring  to  do  so.  'I'his  de[)artuve  wonld  have  hetii 
aeeo.  jplished  in  the  autnnin  of  171)»,*had  it  not  heen  f(  . 
the  oi.st'.U'les  ojujoscd  thereto  by  (JoNcrnoi  \'ctch.  and 
repeated  nnder  different  forms  by  Nicholson,  Caiddlieiu. 
Doueette.  Phillips,  Armstrong-,  and  later  still  IiyCnrn- 
wallis.  During  seventeen  years  (171-}-17.)<))  all  the 
events  of  Acadia  are  connected  with  the  aitiliies  used 
to  pi'event  this  de[)artvire  and  rivet  the  Acadians  to  the 
soil  by  an  oath  of  alle«»iance.  To  suppress  these  facts 
is  to  render  the  history  of  this  perioil  unintelligible  and 
altogether  false.  Kor  some  reason  or  othei',  whi'ilicr  it 
l)e  for  not  having  had  access  to  the  docnnu'iits  which 
we  possess  or  for  other  less  avowable  reasons,  these  facts 
have  not  come  to  liglit  or  even  been  touched  either  by 
historians  or  by  the  compiler  of  the  andiives  of  Nova 
Scotia. 

As  to  this  gentleman,  I  have  declared  in  my  [)reface, 
without  hesitation  and  without  reticence,  that  the 
volume  which  he  t;ompiled  has  Ijcen  ])ut  together 
with  great  partiality  and  with  the  intention  of  [)rej- 
udicing  the  public  against  the  Acadians.  This  grave 
accusation  I  have  uttered  delil)erat(.'ly  after  mature  re- 
Hection  and  without  laying  aside  for  a  single  moment 
the  benevolence  and  charity  that  animattis  me;  but  to 
judge  it  well,  it  will  be  necessary  to  peruse  this  work, 
since  ray  reasons  are  based  Ujion  the  facts  and  developed 
from  them  as  they  present  themselves  in  the  course  of 
the   narrative.     To  explain    the  circumstances    of  this 


V^ 


t'oMl'lLAI'InN    ol"    TIIK    AliC'lllVKH. 


77 


jiiihlicalioii  !•■(  nic  siiv  iit  tlic  oiiisct  tlml  tlic  Lt\t»'isliuivt' 
A-ist'iul)ly  i)i  Novii  Scotiii  on  April  W.  1H.")7,  on  molidii 
»tt'  lloiionibU!  .)ost'[)li  IIdwc.  iidojtUMl  the  I'ollowiiig  les- 
rilitlioii  : 

••'I'lial  Mis  Kxi'i'llt'iicy  t'lc  (titviTiior  lie  I'fsiii'ct fully  rofiut'slfd  to 
i'iiii»i' lilt!  aiicii.'iil  records  and  din'iiini'iils  iiliisliiitivc  of  ilic  liinlory 
;uid  prouri'sH  of  society  ill  IIiIn  I'roviiiee.  to  lie  examined,  preserved 
and  iiiraiiued.  eiilier  for  reference  or  piililiealioii,  as  the  LogiHlatiirt! 
may  lioreaftei  delerniine." 

What  ))i('('('(los,  iis  also  what  follows,  is  ("xtfactcd  tVotii 
tlir  voiy  i»i('i'n(i'  of  ihc  vt)liime  of  the  Aichivt's,  t'ompiled 
hy  Thoiiias  W.  Akiiis  in  virtue  of  this  resolution  and  of 
those  whic'h'followed. 

••  In  the  followiiiu;  year  llie  Lieiil.-*  iovernor  was  auiliurized  i)y  the 
Assembly  to  procnre  from  lln  Stufr  I'djiir  Ojfirr,  in  Kniildtnl, 
oojiicH  of  any  dispati-lies  or  dociinieiits  that  may  he  found  inrcsstir;/ 
to  '■DiiqiUtc  our , III  1,1. 

"  [n  l!S.'>!),  hy  another  vote  of  ihe  House,  he  was  empowered  to 
proeiu'e  from  Ihe  (Jovernmenl  of  (,"ana<hi,  r«y//e,s  ni'  kkcIi  jioiti  fs  in 
Ihe  Archives  of  Quelwr  as  ndated  to  the  early  Iiistory  of  Acadia." 

The  compiler  afterwards  adds  his  personal  rellections 
in  the  following-  manner  : 

'■  The  (\\piUsion  of  tlie  Acadians  from  Xova  Scotia  is  an  important 
event  in  the  history  of  IJritisli  America,  and  has  lately  derived  pecu- 
liar interest  from  the  frequent  reference  made  to  it  by  modern 
writers.  Although  much  has  been  written  on  the  subject,  yet,  tinlil 
Itili'hj,  it  has  undergone  little  actual  investigation,  and,  in  conse- 
ijui'uee,  the  ncri'Hxit ij  for  their  reinoral  has  not  been  clearly  perceireil 
(iinl  the  iiiutivfs  mhirh  led  to  itx  enforcement  have  been  often  niis- 
unde.rslooil.  I  hove,  th"refi>re,  carefiilli/  selected  all  dornments  in 
possession  of  the  (iovernmentof  this  Province,  that  could  in  any  way 
throw  lifiht  on  the.  history  and  conduct  of  Hie  Acadians.''^ 

In  this  preface  two  distinct  parts  are  to  be  kept  in 
view,  (1)  that  which  relates  to  the  end  the  Legislature 
had  in  view,  namely  :  to  unite  in  one  volume  the  most 


Uut 


-.>v: 


\/^] 


.n.Ai 


(5*1 


78 


CO.MIMLATION    OF    T»:;:    AUCIIIVKS. 


H  ^?'  « 


imj)(>i'tiiiit  (loiHinients  that  might  -■•erve  for  the  q^eueral 
liistory  of  the  Province,  and  to  procure  in  London  and 
Quebec  tliose  which  shouhl  hi;  judged  useful  to  lill  up 
the  delicieucies  of  the  Arcliives  of  Nova  Scotia  :  and 
( -)  tiiat  which  rehites  to  the  compiler's  own  v-iivate  ends. 
Even  without  reading  between  the  lines,  ii  is  easy  to 
see  that  the  eud  of  Mr.  Akins  was  not  exactly  the:.ame 
as  that  of  the  Legislature. 

The  special  purpose  he  had  in  view  was  to  comprise 
in  this  volume  all  the  documents  tiiat  could  throw  sf)me 
light  on  the  causes  that  furnished  motives  for  the  cxpul- 
sioji  of  the  Acadians.  In  substance  he  says,  vp  to  the  prrs- 
eiittiuw  t lieae  motiveis  have  nor  hev:  'LtHlcrHtooJ.  Precisely 
so ;  during  a  century  historians  had  been  astray,  and 
he,  j\lr.  Akins,  was  going  to  set  all  future  historians  once 
more  on  the  right  path;  he  was  going  to  grouf)  together 
all  that  might  l)e  injurious  to  the  Acadians.  and  to 
make  his  volume  a  convenient  and  easy  arsenal  wliere 
writers  might  come  to  seek  weapons  against  thosr  poor 
Acadians,  to  whom  all  this  would  be  a  mystery,  and 
who  would  suffer  in  silence  whatever  insults  these 
writers  would  be  pleased  to  heap  upon  them. 

In  matters  of  history,  any  jilausible  opinion,  whether 
it  be  or  not  the  I'csult  of  the  aberrations  of  the  mind  or 
of  the  heart,  is  to  be  respected,  and  Mr.  Akins  could 
very  well  entertain  the  opinions  wllich  he  expresses  in 
his  preface;  but  I  am  surely  justiiied  in  finding  him 
i)resum}ituous  when  he  ventures  to  condemn  the  writers 
of  a  whole  century,  including  those  Avho  were  contem- 
poraries of  these  events  :  and  in  branding  as  unbecoming 
and  injudicious  his  inserting  in  a  })reface  his  own  o})in- 
ions  on  events  which  were  nariated  in  the  com[)ilation 
he  was  charged  to  make.     This  compilation  had  to  be 


O.MlSSKfNS    OK     I'MK    ("OM  |>I  l.Kl;. 


T9 


impartial,  oi*  it  would  deviate  from  the  end  wliicli  the 
Ijt'gislature  liadiii  view  ;  and,  if  the  iitiiess  of  things  did 
not  move  Mr.  Akiiis,  his  shrewdness  should  have  niadi; 
liim  liold  liis  tongue  lest  his  work  should  seem  biassed. 
And  to  vhow  how  gi-eat  indeed  was  his  want  of  tact.  I 
may  say  that  his  preface  itsidf  made  me  believe  that  lie 
nnist  h(i  ^)artial  and  prejudiced,  aud,  starting  therefinm. 
1  studied  him  closely,  comj)ai'ed,  meditated,  and  linally 
airived  at  this  clear  and  plain  co'K'lusirn,  that  his  jiar- 
tiality  was  outdone  only  b}-  Ins  bad  faith. 

Foi-  the  moment,  let  it  be  sufficient  to  say  that  this 
volume  is  in  7'eality  not,  as  the  Legislatuie  wished  it  to 
1)0.  acollection  of  the  most  im[)ortant  documents  relating 
to  the  general  histoiy  of  th(^  piovince,  but  a  collection 
of  all  that  could  appear  to  justify  the  deportation  of  ilic 
Acadians  ;  that  it  omits  all  or  nearly  all  the  exjilana- 
tions  that  might  be  favorable  to  tlumi,  and  systematically 
t-xcludes  all  that  was  unfavorable  to  the  goveiiiors. 
.\inl,  let  not  the  I'eader  imagine  that  I  hiivc  purposely 
hunted  up  the  omissions  I  charge  him  with  in  ordci  to 
introduce  them  into  this  work  ;  the  very  importance  of 
those  vvdiich  I  point  out  l)y  the  way,  shows  that  f  have  not 
stopped  at  the  trifles  which  abound,  but  that,  on  thecon- 
traiy,  T  have  kept  silence  on  many  grave  facts  in  order 
not  to  encur.ibe-  my  work. 

The  firs':  doc  nments,  introdu(?ed  into  the  volume  of  the 
archives,  iv.  e  dated  November,  1714.  It  seems  to  me 
clear  that  the  intentio)i  of  the  legislature  must  have  been 
to  compi'ise  therein  all  the  documents  since  the  taking 


of  Port  Royal  in  1710,  or  at  least  since  April.  171:').  tli 
date  of   the  treat3M)f   peace.     The  documents  bctwt 


en 


this  date  and  NovemlxM',  1714.  wci-e  particularly  ini]i(ii-i- 
ant,  in  order  to  determine  in  a  [>iecise  manner  what  had 


i*'« 


l<«S: 


mil 


'I'i 


80 


OMISSIONS    OF   TMK    COM  I'l  I,Klt, 


bcL'U  (lone  both  by  the  governors  uiid  by  ihc  Ai-adiaiis 
in  respect  of  those  chiiises  of  the  treuty  tliat  referred  to 
llie  <le]iiulure.  The  Acadiaus  had  the  space  of  a  year 
to  witlidraw  witli  their  effects,  their  cattle  and  the  out- 
come of  the  sale  of  tlieir  immovable  goods:  we  know 
by  the  sequel  that  very  few  of  them  left  their  country 
at  that  time  ;  but  did  they  wish  to  leave  ?  were  they  pre- 
vented from  doing  so  ?  that  is  what  we  might  expect  to 
see  in  the  volume  of  the  archives.  To  find  light  on  this 
oljscure  point.  I  had  to  search  elsewhere,  and,  as  will  l)e 
seen,  the  result  of  my  researches  is  of  great  importance 
and  diametrically  opposed  to  the  pretensions  of  the 
Compiler. 

By  leaving  out  all  the  documents  betweeii  1710  and  the 
end  of  1714  he  has  led  into  error  nearly  all  the  writers 
that  have  written  the  histoiy  of  Nova  Scotia.  They 
begin  where  the  Compiler  begins;  they  finish  where  he 
finishes  ;  they  omit  wliat  he  has  omitted,  they  skip  wdiat 
he  has  ski})ped.  I  suppose  all  this  is  done  in  very  goo<l 
faith,  and  if  I  mention  this,  it  is  rather  to  show  that  the 
Compiler  has  attained  his  end,  that  he  will  continue  to 
do  so  just  so  long  as  his  motives  are  not  understood,  so 
long  as  it  is  not  known  that  there  is  beyond  his  volume 
a  vast  unexplored  held,  whicii  explains  what  he  did  not 
wish  to  disclose,  which  makes  us  take  the  proper  meas- 
tn-e  of  the  man  and  his  work.  In  the  part  which  claims 
our  attention  at  present,  unless  we  search  elsewhere 
foi'  the  means  to  hll  up  this  serious  void,  he  obliges  us 
to  enter  on  the  scene  in  the  second  act  of  the  drama  : 
which  may  leave  many  things  unexplained  and  inexpli- 
cuble.* 

*'lo  ho  brief  aud  to  uvoidall  cimtusion,  I  will  licroufttT  u^'i'  tln'  tt'rni  •  Tin* 
Coiiipilor '  to  designate  Thomas  1'..  Akins,  (•omi>iler  of  tLe  areliivcsof  Nova 
rS-^otia. 


'1,1  #  • 


i; (fills''  ■ 


'I'llH    ACADIANS      liKPAi;  rrUK    OIM'OSKI). 


HI 


At  tlu!  takiii<>'  of  Port  l{oyal.  Colonel  Veteli,  hs  I  havf 
saiil,  had  been  ii[)poiiit(Hl  lieuteiiaiit-govenior  of  the 
j»laco.  'i'he  t'ollov^  iiig  year  he  went  to  rejoin  Ni«.-hol.soti 
in  his  projei-reu  expedition  aj^ainsi  Montreal,  leaving  in 
})is  phice,  as  adniinibtxaioi.  Sir  (^harles  Hobby  ;  when 
this  undeitaking  was  abandoned,  he  returned  to  his  post, 
where  he  rfiissunied  his  otTiee  and  exercised  it  till 
the  suninifi  of  1714.  Octolter  20.  1712,  Nieholson  had 
l)een  a[»])()inted  governor,  but,  during  his  absence.  Vetch 
tultilii'd  liis  functions  with  the  title  of  lieutenant-scover- 
i)(ir  of  the  ganison,  in  whicih  olliee  lie  was  replaced  in 
1714  by  Major  (^aidfield  and  later  by  Captain  Don- 
tette,  while  Nicholson  remained  titular  governor  until 
1717. 

1  liiive  said  that  since  the  signing  of  the  treaty  the 
Acadiaiis  had  almost  decided  to  leave  the  country,  but 
that  they  were  prevented  l)y  all  imaginable  means  and 
artiiices.  In  fact  in  August,  or  perhaps  even  In  July 
171-^.  they  sent  delegates  to  Louisburg  to  come  to  an 
understanding  with  the  Frencli  governor  on  the  con- 
ditions to  be  held  out  to  them  if  they  were  transported 
over  to  the  French  territory.  These  delegates  sent  in 
their  report,  and  the  answer  of  the  Acadian  people  dated 
Septeml)er  23, 1713,  implies  a  refusal.  They  do  not  wish 
tn  accept  an  establishment  at  lie  Royale  (Cape  Breton  ) 
without  effectual  assistance,  since  the  soil  there  is  of 
aniid'erioi'  (juality,  woody,  and  without  natural  m(;adow- 
land  to  pasture  their  cattle.  If,  however,  they  are 
tibliged  to  take  the  oath,  they    will  depart   anyhow: — 


''^^I^ 


"  Resides,"  says  their  rpport.  "  we  do  not  know  yet  in  what  man- 
ner the  English  will  use  uh.     If  they  hurthen  us  in  respect  to  oar 
religion,  or  cut  up  our  settlement  to  divide  the  lands  with  people  of 
our  nation  we  will  abandon  them  absolutely." 
t> 


(1 


w 


w 


82 


THK    ACADIANS     DErAltTUHE    OPPOSED. 


^' 


■  4  'VI!  "ail, 


The  govtM'iior  ol"  Louisbui'jr,  M,  de  Costabellc,  was 
sorely  vexed  al  this  re[)ly.  and  still  more  so  at  a  letter 
from  Father  (Jaiiliii,  whom  he  had  hoped  to  enlist  as  an 
ally  in  his  dealings  witii  the  Aeadians.  The  latter  had 
riij)lied  "that  lie  eould  not  lend  himself  tohis  mano'uvies, 
as  he  did  not  see  any  snflicient  guarantees  for  the  assist- 
ance; which  he,  M.  de  Costabelle,  j)romised.  ;ind  that 
it  did  not  hecome  him  iw  i  niploy  missionaries  in  an 
at'fiiir,  the  pnrposi'  of  wiiicli  appeared  to  he  to  Avarp  liis 
jndgment  in  order  to  deceive;  others;  that,  if  he  could 
not  oiYei"  any  better  guurantees  for  his  good  intentions, 
he  preferred  to  see  the  A(;adians  remain  on  their  lands 
with  the  English,  njio  are  doing  all  in  tlieii-  ]»owei-  to 
j)revent  them  from  ile[)arting.  "'  * 

The  more  tlu;  Freneh  goverinncnt  desired,  as  will  l>u 
explained  further  on,  that  the  Aeadians  should  take 
advantage  of  the  treaty  to  go  over  into  Freneh  territoiy, 
the  more  were  the  authorities  of  Po't.  IJoya'  opjtosed 
thereto.  Negotiations  weie  I'csumed  between  I  lie  Aea- 
dians and  the  governor  of  Lonisburg:  lands  were  otVeivtl 
on  Prinee  Edward  Island  (^llle  Saint-Jean),  and  divers 
advantages  whieh  were  eonsidered  aeeeptable  by  the 
Aeadians.  The}'  Avished  to  leave  ;  Colonel  Veteh 
opposed  this  under  the  pretext  that  he  was  only  lien- 
tenant-governor,  and  that  they  had  to  wd'ii  for  the  arrival 
of  Governor  Nicholson.  He  arrived  (»nly  the  following 
summer,  when  the  year  stipulated  by  the  treaty  liad 
just  expired.  The  following  letters,  both  from  Major 
I'Hermite  who  replaced  de  Costabelle  at  Louisltnrg, 
refer  to  these  event.  The  lirst  is  dated  July  11,  1714, 
and  is  addressed  to  Nicholson  himself : — 

*  CnntdbeUp  an  Minhfre,  Nov.  \l\ii—Mimhicli ,  vol.  i.  p.  338. 


I* 


TUK   ACADIANS     DKl'AUTr  It  K    Ul'TOSKD. 


88 


"  llaviiifi;  Iparnt,  sir.  from  stniTnl  inlialiilniits  of  Port  IJoyal,  of 
Mint's  1111(1  IJt'auliassiii,  tliat  lio  wlio  coniiiiaiKis  in  your  absciu'o  at 
Port  Uoyal  (Col.  Votrii).  //(/.s  inrhiililrn  IIh'hi,  f<>  Irarc.  ciid  rri.n  n- 
I'ustil  fliv  iKiiii'tKsiiiu  to  (liom-  who  a.sh'cd  liim  t'or  II,  wliioli  I'veiit 
inaivt's  luosf.  of  llu'  Ai'adiaus  now  «'stal)lislit,'(l  on  the  lands  of  Ihr  King 
(if  Kiifjlaiiil    uiiiihlf  to  withdraw  Iliis  ytnir 

'■  'I'liat.  is  wliat  has  (It'tcrniini'd  ni'-.  (ifcoy<lhi<i  to  Ihr  nrilcr  <i'n-i'\)  mi' 
III/  till'  Kin<i,  to  send  ihltluM*  M.  iW  la  Itondc  Dciiys,  into  wliox'  liands 
I  have  rt'inlttod  the  ordrrn  of  (/men  Aiuii; ;  he  will  confer  wiili  yt>u 
iitioiil  th(>  reasons  why  flici/  (irr  ihtuinnj.  \  hope,  sir.  ynu  will 
render  all  diu^iusliee,  and  that  you  will  have  no  other  view  llian  to 
obey  tlie  behcxtx  <^'  the  Qneoi.'''' 

The  other  h-tler  is  from  the  same  to  the  Minister  ami  ilated  An.Ltust, 
li'.i,  1714  :  '■  He  who  eommands  Port  l.'oyal  has  forhidden  the  Arndi- 
aiis  to  leave  the  eountry  before  the  ariival  of  ^Ir.  N'ieliolson.  so  tliat. 
all  tliose  who  hav(>  ooni(>  here  had  esenped.  'I'hey  represented  tci  me 
liiat  it  was  necessary  to  send  an  otlieer  there  in  order  to  uphold  their 
riiihis.  the  Kiiijlish  haviiij;  forbidden  the  niissionnries  to  meitdle  with 
theaffairs  ofthe  Acadians."' — (Archivi's  dela  ^rarineet  dcs  Colunies.) 

This  is  L'l(*;u'  eiioiio'li.  Tlie  yeai'  liad  just,  cxjuicd,  iiiid 
the  proliibilions  of  (lovciiior  \'ctcli  wcri' of  stii'licieiitlv 
ilisliuit  date  to  have  yiveii  thi;  (iovcitior  of  Loiiishtiru- 
time  to  be  informed  of  them,  to  commiiiiifiUt!  iliis  iii- 
forinatioii  to  the  Kiiii;'  of  Fiitiice  :  itiid  the  latlci' liad  liad 
time  to  obtain  an  ordef  ivi^wx  tlic  '^ticcii  of  Kiinhiiid,  to 
tiansmit  all  dociimt^iits  to  th(i  (invcriior  of  !.oiiisI)mo;, 
to  a[»[)oiiit  M.  dc  la  Koiuh'  and  to  write  lo  Ni'-liolson 
under  date  of  July  11.  1714. 

And  what  \vi;re  these  or(h'is  of  (^ticcii  Amic  to  Nirh- 
olson  ?  l^vidcntlv.  lo  let  llic  Acadians  dt-part,  cilice 
they  were  within  the  limits  of  tlic  year  when  t'le  com- 
j)laints  w'erc!  made,  and  siiu-e  Maj<»r  rili'iinitc  sum- 
iiioncd  Nicholson  to  execute  the  beliests  of  tlic  Qikm'Ii. 
\V(!  shall  see  how  he  icspccted  ihciii,  or  i-.itlier  wliat 
lueasiircs  lit;  took  to  elude  them. 

Messr.s.  de  la  Roude  and  I*inseiis,  bearei.sof  the  orders 


All. 


<:i-^ 


mm 


»J:h 


IP 

'mi 


■0^  'M  f  ?}•  i- 


ill 


Nil 

III 


H4 


IIIK    ACADIANS     DKI'A  i;Tf!:K    (>I'IM)SKI». 


(il  (^iiccii  Aiiiit'.  mrivcd  at  I'oit  lloyal  about  .luly  20, 
at  tlic  saiiif  lime  as  Nicholson  himself.  lie  ''"av*!  tlieiu 
a  supeil)  i('ce])tioii.  look  eofTnizaiiee  of  the*  orders  vvhieli 
tlicy  liorr.  and  ])roinisod  to  let  the  .\t'a(hans  depai't 
within  till'  lapse  of  another  year,  should  they  decide 
io  do  so.  I  Fe  i»('rniitted  them  to  hohlassend)lies  in  order 
to  make  sure  of  the  intentions  t)f  the  Aeailians.  All 
itMlerated  the  determination  to  abandon  the  country.* 
Xicholson  seemed  to  aijree  to  everythint;' ;  l)ut,  under 
the  jiretcxt  of  icfening  the  matter  to  the  Queen,  lie  lin- 
i>hed  by  refusino-  everything.  It  reqnire(l  a  more  than 
»)rdinary  dose  of  bad  faith  Io  lefuse  to  obey  the  formal 
orders  of  his  sovei-eign  :  that  is,  however,  what  luidid, 
;iiid  we  lia\c  the  pi'oof  of  it  in  the  following  official  doc- 
unu'Ut,  which  is  an  account  of  the  negotiations  of 
.Messrs.  de  la  Kondc  and  I'insens  with  Nicholson  : 

"  In  1714  Messrs.  dc  l;i  IJoiulo  and  Pinscns,  captains,  were  stMit  to 
Ai  .idi.i  to  <)l)taiii  fioni  .Mr.  Vicliolsoii  freedom  for  the  .\cadians  to 
witli'lraw  witli  their  catthr  an<l  grain  lo  He  lioyale." 

"Mr.  Xicholson  iH'rniittt^d  these  otficers  to  assemble  the  inhabit- 
ants in  order  to  know  their  intentions.  They  all  declared  that  they 
wanted  to  retiii'ii  to  their  lawful  sovereign. 

•  Mr,  Nicholson  was  asked  to  allow  these  inhabitants,  conformably 
to  Art.  XIV.  of  the  treaty  of  peace,  the  space  of  a  year  to  remain 
on  their  land  unmolested  ; 

"  That  they  might  be  allowed,  during  this  time,  to  transport  their 
grain  and  cattle,  to  construct  ships  for  the  transportation  of  their 
gooils,  and  to  receive  from  France  the  rigging  and  complete  outfit  for 
those  which  would  be  built  at  Port  Koyal  or  elsewhere. 

'■  T/if'sc  ftra  orfich'N  loeri'  stnif  hack  for  the  decisifDi  of  the  Queen. 

*  The  Governor  of  Aciuliu.  Mascaroncwritinp;  to  Shirley,  Governor  of  Ma.H- 
-.ivhusett.s,  April  0,  1748,  said:  •' M.  Nicbolsou  caiiK^  over  as  (rovornor, 
and  proposed  to  the  .\('a(lians  the  terms  agreed  on  for  them  at  the  treaty, 
which  were  to  Iceeji  tlieir  jjosscssious,  etc.,  etc.,  or  to  dlspt>se  of  them,  if 
they  chose  to  \vithdraw  within  the  space  of  a  twelvemouth.  They,  to 
a  man,  chose  the  L^st. " 


TMK    ACADIANS     DKI'A  Itir  K  K   ( tlM'OSKO. 


S.'i 


"  Th<'.v  iiskoil  also  tliiit  llicy  iniylii  ln'  iillowwl  to  sell  ilicir  pioporly 
or  to  leave  therefor  letters  of  attorney. 

"  'J'his  article  was  answered  :  •  Remitted  to  the  t^iieen."  more- 
over referred  to  htir  letfei'  which  is  to  i)e  a  sure  j;uaraiitee  ther-efor. 

"  Mr.  Xicholsoii  promised,  l)esides.  a  promjjt  dispatch  of  all  these 
articles,  hnt  since  that  time  there  has  heen  no  reply  aboni  this  mut- 
ter.""— (Conseil  de  Marine,  March  2Slh,  ITHi.) 

This  ofHfiiil  dociuiu'iit  is  coiiHi'ined  by  sevtU'iil  otiiuis  ; 
l)iit  1  will  oivc  only  tlie  foUowiiio'.  bccaii.se  it  contains 
oilier  iin[)oilanl  facts.  It  is  addrL'Sscd  by  the  coiii- 
niaiider  of  Loiiisl)iii<>-  to  the  niinistev,  and  dated  .\nytist 
20,1714,  that  is.  iintnediately  after  the  return  of  Messrs. 
(le  la  Uoiide  and  IMiisens  : 

".June  |:;ih  I  had  Mr.  de  la  Itonde  leave  for  I'orl  Itoyai.  I  send 
yonr  llij^hness  the  copy  of  the  letter  ihat  I  wrote  to  Mr.  NichoUoii 
and  (>f  the  instructions  tliiit  I  ^avc  lo  .Mi',  ile  hi  Honde.  /  .(,„//./<«/ 
Ill  lilin  tin'  (irdirs  of  Ihr  Qiinit  In  J^Jii</lix/i  tiud  Fniicl/. 

"  Vour  Iliijhnv''^ A  lells  me  that  yon  arc  procinintt  I'or-  tiicni  ilir  riu'- 
puii  that  I  had  re(iucste  1  ;  hnt  it  will  <'omi'  late  :  liefore  they  receive 
il,  the  S(>asun  will  lie  already  advanced.  77/c  Ai-inlixiix  liml  ii-riltrn 
lo  lidsldii  I')  liin'i'  sDiiir :  Mr.  S'liJiiilsiiii  J  iii'liiiili'  il.  ninl  i  ri'n  si  i\i  il  lln- 
xhijix  (iii'l  hiiiila  IIkiI  I/iii/  IiihI  liilill. 

"  They  a|ip(  ared  decided  nnl  In  hnri'  l/n  !r  fdiinlri/  ln'i'orr  IkiiIhii  Vr- 
vciviil  Mr.  .\'ir/i(il.s<iii' .•<  ilffisiiiii.  Il  is  l<n(twn  in'  will  do  all  in  his 
powt'r  to  r.'tain  thcni  :  flic!/  htn-r  n-ru  iilmnlii  hriri'  In  hi  II  mniiril 
irilh  the  rii'lii  <il'  lriir!,i;i   I'nrl   Itminl.'' 

Nicholson,  who  had  jiisl  arrived,  had  probably  not 
had  time  to  reidi/.e  the  dicadfiil  ronsetiiicnces  lesuitiiiu' 
to  the  eonntry  from  I  he  dcjiai'ltire  of  the  .Acadiaiis. 
That  is  wliy,  at  liist,  wlieii  lie  look  coLiiii/ancc  ol'  tin- 
orders  of  the  Queen,  hi;  promised  to  obey  them  and  nid 
to  oppose  the  departure  of  the  Acadians;  bnt.  when  he 
was  informed  by  his  offieers  of  the  disastrous  coiive- 
quenees  of  this  departure,  lie  betbouo-ht  himself,  iu 
order  to  gain  time,  to  refer  the  (piestiouto  the  Queen,  to 


■\fn^^ 


^:'^^ 


I B:'  ' 


^'i' 


1)1111 

ill:  I 


.s»i 


TIIK    ACADIANS     DKI'A  I;  If  i;  K    ( »l'l'(  >SKI>. 


iviiiv  to  her  what  shu  uideieil  him  In  dn.  td  rcmil  to  luu- 
(h'cisiun  the  chjiir  and  fonnal  fhiii.scs  of  ;i  tit-aty.  'i'ho 
subtei'luge  was  a  yro.s.s  one,  hut  he  hiid  iiu  others  at 
eoiiunand  just  then. 

riit"oitunatt'ly  for  tlie  .Vcadians  tht;  (jiiceu  diedalew 
(lays  after  August  1st,  1714  ;  else  it  is  i)rohahle  that,  in 
s[)it<i  of  the  eonse(iuenees,  she  would  have  made  it  a 
point  of  honor  to  have  lier  deeisions  i'es[)eete(h  Numer- 
ous I'omniunieatious  were  suceessively  achh'essed  to  the 
J^ords  of  Trade  t(j  re])reseiit  to  them  in  sombie  colors 
the  many  iueouveniences  lesulting  from  tlu'  departiwe 
of  the  Aeadians,  if  it  were  not  prevented  :  and  that  is 
Avh}'  the  questions  referred  to  the  Queen  by  Nieholson 
were  never  settled  in  either  sense  ;  that  is  why  for  a 
long  lime  the  Aeadians  were  kept  under  the  impression 
that  the  questions  sul)mitted  were  still  l)eing  eonsidered 
by  the  authoi'ities,  when,  in  reality,  these  latter  were 
perfeetly  determined  t()  put  all  possible  obstaides  in  the 
way  of  their  departure.  In  their  child-like  belief  that 
justice  gave  rights,  that  treaties  were  sacred,  that  honor 
was  tht.*  basis  and  support  <»f  governmeii  >,  the  Ai'adians 
waited  long  for  this  reply,  Avhich  they  wi'ie  always  told 
was  undei'  consideration :  but  they  waited  in  vain.  They 
felt  so  certain  that  justice  would  be  shown  them,  and 
tliat  their  departure  could  be  effected  in  the  course  of 
the  following  sunnner  (171 ')),  that  nuuiy  did  not  even 
sow  their  lands  in  the  spring. 

M.  de  Costabelle,  in  a  letter  to  the  minister,  dated 
Sept.  9th,  1715,  informs  him.  "  that  the  Ainulians  of 
Mines  had  not  sown  their  lands  that  year,  that  they  had 
grain  to  live  upon  for  two  years,  and  had  kept  them- 
selves ready  to  abandon  the  eouidry."  * 
•"Father  Dominic  on  bis  return  iireseutwl  liiiii  (M.  d«  Costabelle)  a 


iii'    i-  I 


lflll«i'rlHii 
,ill|ililll>M|i 
|fa|i||IMIJi|i 


ililiiii;: 


TIIK    Ar.VDlANS     l)KI'Ai:Tli;K   OlTOSKD.  «» 

It  is  clearly  iippaiviit  by  tin;  (locunuMits  which  I  have 
iui>(lncc(l.  all  of  ail  oHicial  luiturc,  and  hy  sonic  others 
iil.so  which  I  have  seen,  that,  in  the  aiiliinin  oi"  1T1:>, 
only  a  few  moiilhs  after  the  sigtiin*,^  of  the  treaty  of 
peace,  ilu-  Aciiilians  announced  to  hieiitenant-Ciovenior 
\Ctih  their  iiilenti(tii  to  leave  the  country  ;  that  from 
i!:;it  nioiiieiit  they  jirepariMl  for  their  departure,  hut 
v,.'ie  jircveiilcd  h)-  N'elch  under  the  pretext  that  they 
hud  to  await  the  arrival  of  (lovernor  Nicholson;  that 
the  hitter,  without  I'eoaid  f(U"  the  conditions  of  the  treaty 
uiid  th<!  fornial  orders  of  the  Queen  transmitted  to  him 
li\-  M.  de  la  Konde,  and  without  any  other  motive  but 
til  ^fiiin  time  and  <leprive  the  Acadians  of  the  ri<fhts 
i^Miinted  to  them  by  the  treaty,  refeiTed  their  recjuest  to 
the  Queen  ;  that,  siibsecpieuth-,  after  having  refused  to 
transport  the  .Veadians  in  English  vessels,  he  also  re- 
fused to  French  vessels  entry  into  the  ports  of  Acadia; 
that  their  determination  to  leave  the  country  was  such 
that  they  built  vessels  themselves  :  that,  wishinrr  topi'o- 
cure  at  Louisburg  rigging  to  e(}uip  them,  the}-  wei-e  re- 


m 


meiiKiif,  frmu  which  it  ajiin'iirs  that  tho  Ai'adiaiis  wi'it-  ftctiTiniiieil  to 
(iIhiikOiii  nil  in  orihr  to  letire  the  connti'ij  ;  tliitt  imixt  of  t/ii'iii  did  not  irlsh 
III  so(r  tlifir  IiiiiiIk  ill  /(')/)('s  of  retiring  in  Hie  Sjiring.  That  several  had 
liuilt  ships  for  th(^  transport  of  their  families  and  their  elTt'cts."  (  Couseil 
d"  lii  Marine,  2H  mars,  1710». 

"  T/o'  KiKjIish  lire  doing  nil  tlieij  eon  to  reliiin  tin-  Ai'oilion.t.  not  onli/  li;/ 
avoiding  iisele.ss  iiniileiliiilnlne!<.-),  lint  uho  hi/  ri'fnsing  them  the  things  neeen- 
Kiirg  fur  their  /Kissiige,  nnd  Inj  niith'ing  t/iein  nnilerstand  tlnil  theg  irill  not 
jiennit  them  to  ilis/iose  of  their  innnocdiile  goml.i  nor  of  their  entile,  that 
imthiuif  lint  II  feir  firorifiion.i  ininld  be  left  to  theni.''  (Letti'r  of  Intelidant 
Ite^'on'.  Qin>)iee,  Sept.  25.  1715. > 

•In  ids  I, .tier  of  Nov.  (Jtli.  1713,  lie  (M.  de  Oostaliellei  .says  tliut  lie 
S[Kike  to  .^fr.  Capon,  scut  liy  tiic>  t,'overn')r  of  I'ort  IJoyal.  of  the  hard  and 
unjust  way  in  wliieh  .Mr.  Nicdiolson  liad  treated  tho  Aeadiaus,  altoj^ether 
ennlraryto  theorders  of  (^ueen  .\niie  and  to  the  word  ho  had  ).;ivon  to 
M'"-srs.  de  la  lionde  anil  I'insens. 

•  .Mr.  <'ajion  a«rc>ed  that  Niehol.son's  eonduet  had  not  tieen  approved  l.y 
any  oftii'cr  of  his  nation,  but  that  Veteh.  tin;  lioutenant-jjnvernor,  eoidd 
ehiiiitje  nothing  without  new  orders  from  the  kinRof  En^lantl ;  ami  thus  all 
further  movements  for  the  free  departure  of  the  Aeadians  are  suspended 
uutil  mure  amplo  deeision  bo  giveu  thereon  l>y  the  two  crowus." 


!     '*• 


H8 


TIIK   ACADIAN; 


DKI'Ai;  ITI.K   nl'l'OSKI). 


II. I' 


fiiHed  jM'nnissioii  ;  lliiit.  ImviiiLj'  iipiilicil  lo  iSostdii  loi' 
\]io  siiiiH!  <»l>j»'cl,  tlicy  iin'iiin  iiu't  willi  ii  rt'liisiil.  ;ii:il 
inoi'covci'  tlit'ir  vessels  were  siM/cd. 

Nothing;'  of  wliat  pi'cccdcs  is  round  in  the  Miliinii'  I'f 
tli«'  iircliivt's  ;  it  is  ])ns>il)l('  the  ( 'iniipilcr  wa-.  ii 
<|iiaiiit(Ml  with  sonic  ol'  lliese  fa(!(s,  juhI  that,  in  f^\)'\\>'  ol 
thoif  iiiipoi'tancr.  he  nniy  thus  fS('a])0  ceiisuic.  1 1  ,- 
mission,  as  ini|iosf(l  npon  liini  1)y  the  h-gishitiiiT.  w  i-. 
icsli'ictcil  to  the  dnty  of  (olhu^tiiig  nialt;iiais  in  llalii'.ix 
and  Lon(hin  and  those  of  tlie  Arr/iirrs  dr  ht  Mnriih' 
thai  wcie  liktdy  to  lu-  found  in  (^uehcc.  Hut.  ainony- 
tilt'  dociiniciits  I  lia\t'  cited  ai'c  :  ( 1  )  a  Icttciof  ( 'ostahclle 
to  Nicholson.  ( :i )  the  oi'dcis  of  (^itcen  Anne,  of  whicli 
.Mr.  dc  la  Kondi-wiis  hearer,  trunsiuitlcd  to  N'ieholson.  ( :"') » 
tho  accomd  of  their  inoeeedin<»'s.  all  of  whit'h  must  have 


jccn  in   \\n)  archives   ol 


11; 


ilihix  :  and,   nevertheh'ss,  in 


s[)ite  of  their  exlreiue  iinportaiicc!.  they  are  not  in  tiie 
volume  of  the  archives.  However,  the  iiiunl)er  of  ini- 
l)ortant  doeumeiits  omitted,  all  havino'  tht;  same  general 
drift,  is  so  considerahle  that  \  am  perlia[)s  wron;^  in 
dircctinjif  attention  to  such  a  coTnparative  tritle  as  tiio 
non-ai^pearanee  of  three  documents.  He  was  not.  how- 
ever, ignorant  of  this  question  of  the  obstacles  put  \o 
the  dei)artiire  of  the  Acadians  :  for,  as  it  will  he  >ce!i, 
there  are  many  othei'  documents  iA  the  same  kind  \\  ith 
whii'ii  he  was  a,(;([uainted.      The  (|Ucstion  seems  to  Imve 


ma^ 


de  1 


um  s(jmew 


hat 


uneasy 


for 


volume, 


wiien     the     (.'Vents    lie    was    then    considerinir 


on    page 
Ih 


± 


•o    ol 


lus 


referred   lo   the  transi)ortation  of  ITo."),  In;  has  tiie   fol- 


low 


inu'  note,  relvinir  on  a  ( 


decl; 


iratioii  of  (rovernor 


M 


Us- 


Ciireue 


(lovcriior  XidiolsoM   ciniic  in   A)iiiii])«)lis  in    ITN.  iiiul  tlu-n  pvo- 


pVi^ed  lo  llic  Acadians  Ilic  icrins  ai^rctMl  on  t'or  llicm.   whicli   wcro. 


li> 


1:1;  ^i  *■'"■■; 


THK    ACADIANs     DKI'AI{T1-HK   on'OSKli. 


S!) 


kfrp  llH'ir  liiiids  oil  their  bwonilnK  siibji'ds  di'  ilir  Uritisli  Crown,  or 
to  (lisjjosc  of  Iht'ir  proiji'ity  and  witlulniw  from  lln-  ntiiiitry.  if  iluy 
rliost>,  within  oii<>  year.  I'hcy  all  chost*  the  latltT.  iind  pi't'|mi)il  to 
leave  the  coiiiitiy;    /)///,  Ihv  rfMHiln  itritiHisnl  fhini /nnii  Cuiir    Hi-'lmi 

tar  l/ll'  pitl'lJilsr  iif  llirlr  rinmrdl  Hill  III  hill  si'tll,     lln  jl  ii'i  rr  ritnifi  Hiil 

Id  miiiiui." 

In  tlu!  loit'ooiiig  vt;iy  little  is  tjxiujt,  l)iil  I  In- Com- 
piler offers  us  a  new  prnof  of  iin  (mtrii,o(!  wlijch  tln! 
(Uicinneiits  alrciuly  cited  point  out.  'I'lms  llir  Aim- 
(lian8,  aceordiiio-  to  the  ('onii)il('r,  if  we  underslaiid  liini 
ii«>;htly,  woidd  not  liiivc  lt;id  tlii^  privilege  tlnil  the 
treaty  idearly  gave  them;  iianifly:  to  traiis[K)it  (heir 
goods,  tlnMr  cattle,  et(!.,  etc.  ;  hut  only  to  dis[)osi'  of 
them  bet'oie  their  dejiarture.  Now,  as  they  were  the 
only  inhiibitants  of  the  countiy.  the  rt'(hicing  of  their 
right  to  tj'ansport  their  cattle  and  effects  to  a  nieie  per- 
mission to  dispose  of  them  would  have  heen  illMsoi\-  and 
a  new  imjiosturo.  Hut,  says  he,  they  wnv  not  alilr  to 
dt'part,  because  the  vessels  pi-omised  fi'om  tjie  islainl  of 
Cape  Breton  did  not  come. 

There  is  not  a  word  anywhere  to  sustain  the  Com- 
piler's assertion.  Can  it  be*  supposed  that  the  French, 
who  had  so  nuich  interest  in  this  tiansmigration,  wouhl 
have  neglected  to  send  them  vessels  for  that  objecC/ 
Sucli  a  supi)Osition  is  absurd,  lint,  then,  why  were  the 
Acadians  prevented  from  setting  out  in  their  own  .-^iiips 
and  procuring  theii' ecjuijjmentat  Lonisbnrg  and  even  at. 
Boston?  Clearly,  this  building  of  boats  to  (jiiit  the 
country  was  but  theontctimeofaprohibition  toleave  it  in 
French  or  English  shi})s. 

The  absurdity  of  the  Compiler's  pretension  would  be 

alone  sufficientto  jnstify  us  in  lejecting  it  with  contempt. 

This  strange  pretension  having  never  been  given  nut  in 

1714  or  1715  or  even  afterwards,  one  cannot  expect  to 


.|^A 


.W.  W^. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
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Corporation 


23  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

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TIIK    ACAIMANS     DKI'A  i;  Tf  UK    n|'|'oSKI». 


m. 


li 


m 


fijid  it  contriulicled  or  tlisputfd  :  Iiowevur.  we  luivo  it 
incideiituUy  contradicted  in  a  very  oxplieit  manner  in 
two  documents  ;  here  is  one  of  tliem : 

"  I'lif  iili.iiplnlf  rc/iimit  whif/i  the  KnuUn/i  (jontrtiorx  /inre  alwuf/a 
mudi',  til  iirniiit  mil  fhr  Khif/'s  rfxufls  to  riiiiti'  tit  .iciiiliii  in  nrih'f 
to  triiUKiiiH't  Ihnxt  viliii  ilvxiri'il  to  ilc/mrt,  or  to  Inul  riiii/in;/ /<o'  the 
Hhi]>K  ir.'.li'h  thv  ArniUiiiiH  hail  fniilt  ami  whicli  llu'v  wtTt-  ul)li<;*>«l  to 
inA]  to  tin-  Rii<;lisli  ;  the  prohiltition  iniimsnt  on  t/icni  oftrnnxportittii 
xrilli  thill  oiiji  (ii'f  Htiirkor  firoiunlons  of  i/rnhi :  tlii'  urii'f  of  iibandoii- 
iiii;  till!  ln'icdiliiry  estati's  of  llieir  falliprs,  llicir  own  work  iiii<l  llioir 
ohildn'ii's.  witlioiit  any  iriinlmiscinoni  or  <'oinpt'iisalion  :  all  lliost> 
infrini;(Mnonts  art'  llif  iirinripal  reasons  of  the  inaction  in  wliioli  tliey 
have  r«Mnaint'tl." — (t'onscil  dt;  la  Marine,  year  17l!>.  vol.    iv.  folio  JHl), 

Tilt' (itlicr  document  is  from  Mr.  <lc  11 1'ou  11  Uin,  gov- 
ernor of  Lonishiirg,  and  is  not  less  explicit.*  (Archives 
de  la  Marine,  vol.  MI.,  fol.  ISO). 

Moicover,  as  we  have  seen  dsewheie,  Nicholson 
had  lefeiied  the  (jiiestion  of  the  de[)aitnr(!  of  the  Aca- 
dians  tt»  the  Queen,  and  this  nevei-to-l»e-settled  referein-e 
is  most  likely  tiie  [ne'.ext  afterwaids  used  hy  the 
(fovernors  to  [)revent  tlie  Acadians  from  depailinL!;  in 
any  kind  of  shi[>s,  Kiiirlish  or  Kn-nch,  <\v  of  their  own 
make.  This  is  stren<'thened  hy  the  fact  timt.  (»n  the  7th 
of  Novemher  ''oUowing  said  references  (1714).  Mr.  «lt! 
l*ontehartr;tin.  Minister  of  Maiine,  sent  the  French  Min- 
ister at  London  a  copy  of  the  i'c])ort  of  Messrs.  de  la 
Kuiidi*  ami  l*insens,  with  instructions  to  hasten  the  so- 
lution of  the  (pu'stious  referrtnl  hy  Nicholson.  The  only 
action  ever  taken  upon  it  was  the  suhmitting  of  the 
«piestion  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  by  the  Secretary  of  State, 
liord  Townshend. 

*  "  The  Acadians,  says  Haliburton,  alleRed  that  they  had  been  detained 
toiitniry  to  their  desire,  that  they  had  Ix'i'U  refused  leave  to  de|)art  iu 
EiiKlisb-built  vessels,  and  that,  upon  niakiuK  apniieation  to  einlxirk  on 
Inmrd  of  French  ships,  they  were  informed  that  suen  vessels  eould  not,  eou- 
sisteutly  with  the  navigation  laws,  W  allowed  to  enter  u  colonial  hurtK>r." 


NM'lloLSdN    AMI    VKTCll. 


91 


Till'  (  nmjtili-r  lias  not  ;i  wunl  ahuiil  tlii>  ivlt'icsu'c  lo  tlic 
(^U'.«'ii.  Iiiit  it  iif  tan  icasoiiahly  pictciKl  llial  il  was  not 
jK»sil)lc  t'ltf  lii]ii  to  know  most  of  tlu'  (locmnciits  I  have 
filed,  lit'causc  tlicy  wcrt'  not  tomid  in  tlio  uicliives  of 
Halifax.  London  or  (^)Mt'lK'f.  tliis  cannot  Im-  the  case  for 
tliost!  wliicli  I  am  lii'ii'  al»ont  to  otYi'ito  tlic  leader: — 


(■(H.ONKI.  \  IK  II    1(1   I  in;   lid.VKM  <H    TliAIH: 


Mv  I.olM)- 


•■  Mar.  itlli.  IT!:.. 
I  I'iMilil  not  lull  Jiiili,')' it  my  iliily  out  ot'ii  trt'W  <■< 


III- 


(■•■rii  fur  ill)'  |iiililii-k  ;;oi>il  :  in  |iiit  \'niir  l.ttriNliips  in  iiiiml  of  tlio  cir- 
<iiiii"'laii<'f.  of    I  111- I'oiiiiiry.  tlic  Acailians  licin;;  in  a  iiiaiiiicr  (ihli;;fil 


to 


a\i'  till'  t'oiintrv  hii  llii-  l.rinli 


,1    Ih 


'it  If    I'f  rri  I'll 


I    h 


M, 


Mch- 


iiIkiiii  irli'ili  iinn nitif  llii  ri  :  as  will  bi'  iiiailf  apjicar  lo  Your  Lonl- 
sliij)':  liy  Ilii'  alliflavils  of  sonic  pfi'soiis  lately  ronii'  from  lliciicc  *  :  lo 
whiili  F  liiinil»l>  i>ray  Voiir  i,orilsliiiis  to  In-  iflVicd  :  what  I  am  now 
lo  iiitiinalt'  to    'I'oMr  LoitNhiiis  i».  tlial  as  llic  season  of  lln'  year  now 

a  ivanccs,  nnli  k.s  sniiirsiifiili/  nrih  rs  iii'r  HI  III  III  I'l'i  ri  III  llir  .li'inlhllis' 
ri  iliorill    ii'illi  lliiir  I'lllllf    mul    i-flrrls    lo    ('(l/n     llrillniiii    unit     ji'ill 

ii'liiil'if  striji  iiii'l  liiiliif  .S'lii'ii  Sriillii,  ,s(i  /,'  fill  iillnnii'  iiiiiki'  Cd/w 
llritliiini  It  iiDiiiilnim  mul  ii'ill  slnrkiil  Ciiliiii!/,  n'linli  iiiinii/  i/i'iirs  ntiil 
(If  III  I  X/triisi-  ralilil  itnl  Imri  iluin'  illri  rlli/  frniii  Friiiirv  as  I  already 
oliscrvt'il  in  Aj'iiriiK r  iminr." 


It  lias  been  socti  tliat.  iieeordin^'  to  tlie  Compiler, 
Nieliolson.  at  tlie  end  of  .Inl\'.  1714.  liad  tiiven  a  year  to 
tiie  .\eadians  to  ii-iiie.  Tlie  almve  letter  is  dated 
Mai«'li  Otli.  171 .'),  eiylit   niontlis  after  this  promise.     If 


ismli  were  Die  «ase,  w 


:liat    I) 


■eame  of   tlie  promise,   wlien 
Vetcli  tliiis  lH';.^oed  for  jiidiiipt    orders  to   ])i'ev(  lit    tlieir 


dt'partiire 


.A 


fii'ii/i/    oi'i/iiK    tn   jiri-i'itit   thill'  I'l'iiiori. 


t   111 


And  Wleli  only  repealed  wliat  lie  had  already  saifl  in  a 
li'tter  of  Noveniher  liltli  |treeedin<;. 

The   followiiiL!'  letters  throw  more  li'dil  on  tlit;  sittia- 


'Yri.-li  liaii   Uic'ti   lii'.'M  in    T.oiiiloti   -iini-i.  tin-   pr.-civliiii^  S«'|it('mlH'r  or 


(X'tv^'U  r. 


92 


MCHoj.snN    .\NI>    \i:i<  M. 


lion.     Wv.  repioiliicf  tlinii.  like  tin-  foicyiiinj^  Icltcr,  in 

Ihfir  oriy;inal  spelling  : 

roi.oxKi.  Vi:i«  II  ro  IJoviiD  or  Tkaiik. 

•I^OXDOX,  Sviit.  "ill,  171". 
"  M.  Nicliolstjii's  <lisc(>iir:i<;('iii<;,  mi-  iuHhm'  (liscliar,y;in!;  all  I'lul"' 
tlii'i'c  III  (lie  Aciiiliaiis,  and  cansiii;;  kt^pp  tlic  ^atcs  of  l1i<>  Fort  >1iiiii 
aizaiiisl  lh<-in  iii^lil  aiitl  ilay.  tliat  lii<*y  may  havt^  no  iiiaiiiKT  of  i-oin- 
iiKM-cc  w'llli  tli<>  (iarrisiiii.  ami  liaviii!{  liy  I'i'oflaiiialioii  ilUi-l)ai'i;i><i 
Iht.'ir  liarlioiii'jiiir  oc  lociiiim  any  of  th<^  iiativt's,  with  whom  ilny 
used  Id  havt'  a  consiihTahlo  'I'raih'  for  I't'lliy,  halh  >o  ilisrinnaufil 
I  hem  from  siayinji  '/'"'  ""'.V  '""' '»'"'"  nhtniilnnfc  nf  xmull  i-is.sils  to 
riirijf  lilt iiitfiilcCH  and  vft'i.cfx  to  Cape  Brittomi,  whirh  ua>i  wli.it  tln> 
FitMii-h  orticers  so  much  sollicitf'd." 

V(ft('l«  carefully  iil)s(ains  from  n)entionino'  tlie  iciisMU 
that  ]>n!V(Mite(l  tli«j  Aeadiaiis  tVoin  leaving  in  tlienuni>T- 
ons  ships  that  they  liad  hnilt,  hnt  (»ne  \Vf»nhl  e;isily 
giiess  it.  if  one  did  not  know  it  already  ihiongh  nuiny 
other  eiiannels. 

(.'()i-ONi:i.  Vf:t<  II  n>  lJ<i.\i!i>  or  'ri!Ai»i:. 

■'  i^oMiox,  FiliriKiri/  I'Ist.  JTM". 

'•  As  to  till!  Acatlians.hy  what  I  can  learn,  there  is  not  many  of  ilicm 
it'iuovcd  uolAvilhstandinj,' the  dlsconni!;t'mi'nls  they  itiell  witliHl  ^i-me 
time  ai;i».  ami  will,  no  douht.  j^ladly  leinaiu  upon  their  pjanlation  — 
some  of  whli'h  are  cotisidcialtle — i)iovidin,u  ihey  may  he  piolecii-l  hy 
the  I'rown.  and,  as  no  country  is  of  \alne  wilhoiil  iidiahilaiii-.  so, 
llir  niii'inil  (if  thrill  iinil  llifii'  fiilllv  In  (Jnfii'  lirHfimn  inmlil  III-  II 
i/riiit  tiililUiiiti  In  Hull  iii'ii'  ciiliiiii/,  MO  it  ii'iiiitil  Iflinlh/  I'lilin  \t>i'il 
Si-iiliii  unless  stipplyed  hy  a  Itritisli  Colony,  which  could  not  he  ilom> 
in  several  years.  .\t(  llml  tin-  ArmHnns  iritli  tliiirsturktiil'iiilih  rr- 
iinthiiuii  tlirri  is  viri/  iin'ili  fur  tin'  iiilriiiitniie  nl'  tlir  l^nm'ii." 
I>ii;i  T.-<;ovi:i:\ni!  (' Ai  i.rii;i.i)  TO  Cui..  Vi.ic  ii. 


I    am    I 


"  Ann M'ot.i-  Ittiv AM-.  I'd  .Xm-..  171". 
lilt     ti)<>   sciiccalile   of   ( 'olonel    Nickolsou's   unpresiMlelltetl 


malice,  ami,  h:nl  his  desii^ns  taken  their  desired  ett'eci.  I  am  ]ier- 
swaded  there  had  not  heen  att  tins  time  an  inhahitanl  of  any  kind  in 
the  country,  nor,  indeed,  a  garrison:  when  I  recolli'ct  his  dei  jara- 
tion  to  the  .Vcailians  and  afterwards  to  the  soldiers,  wherein  lie  told 


iilLi, 


NI(^Ht)LS(»N    AM»    VKT«  M.  08 

tlif  lattor  tlitit  the  ficiicli  wi-ir  nil  nhilli.  and  woulil  pcrluinly  cut 
ihfir  liiroiits  if  llicy  went  iiilo  lluir  Imuisi-..  tflliii!;  uf  iin  tli;it  we  miiHt 
havi-  ia>  muniH'r  of  iDrnjspoiKlaiicf  willi  tiu-iii.  ami  onlfn-d  tin'  nalcs 
of  III)'  ^iiirisoii  to  l>t>  sliiit,  tiio'  atl  llic  saiiic  liiiit-  lie  vviifs  seiiciiihli^ 
that  we  nxilil  not  siilisjsi  t|i<>  i-iisiK'lii.u  winter.  Itnt  by  tiicir  inain>, 
ilniiht't'inii  no  oIIh-i-  idospt'cis  left  to  u>  .  .  .  If  tin-  wlioh?  st'incuf  hit 
aihninislralion  Imm'<' was  |ilainly  laiti  iluunc.  ill  would  In*  very  di til 
•  nil  to  find  one  instance  of  all  his  i>ioeeedini;>.  w  lien-liy  the  j;arrisoii 
or  I'olonuy  could  receive  ilie  least  lieiielil."" 


Adams  rot  aimain  Sikki.i,. 


:.Mtli  ./</ 


ItUillU 


\1V- 


....  "We  were  in  iKipcs  heie  upon  (Jeneral  Nieholson's  arrival,  lie 
would  settle  the  place  on  a  j^cxtd  fooiinL.'.  hul  on  the  contrary,  put  us 
ill  tlie  jireatesl  confusion.  piilTd  down  the  fVorts.  I)rove  away  the 
.\cadians.  and  carried  away  all  the  Kn^dish  he  eou'd.  that  the  place  is 
now  desolate.  In  short,  if  his  coininission  hail  heen  to  destroy  the 
"iMintry.  he  could  no!  havu  dischaig'd  his  trust  to  heller  purpose  than 
he  did.  hi'  employed  all  his  liine  here  in  pursuing  his  iniplacahln 
malice  against  (;overiior  \'elch.  when  in  iiiith  he  did  the  English  in- 
ttn-st  in  this  country  inori'  ilamagi'  in  the  two  months  he  was  lier« 
than  Oovr  Vetch  cou'd  have  done  in  all  hislif4'.  if  he  hati  been  a.s  bad 
as  he  would  fain  make  tin-  world  believe  \\o  was,  he  used  to  cmse  and 
damin  (iov.  Vetch  and  all  his  friemls.  There  is  not  one  soul  in  the 
plai'c,  french  or  english — save  •! — but  hate  and  abhor  his  natiie." 

We  liave  likewise,  willi  the  saiiie  import, a  letter  of 
(  ajttaiu  Aiiustfotig  wlio  became  later  on  Lieiiteiiant- 
(iuveniof  of  the  Pfovince. 

Ill  our  first  ehapter  we  reinodticed  a  letter  of  the 
Aeadiaiis  t<»  Mr.  de  Vatidieuil,  in  whirli  they  eoin[)laine(l 
of  l)eiii<,'  treated  as  negroes  by  (Jovernor  Veteh.  If 
sueh  were  the  ease,  and  it  is  dillienlt  to  doidtt  it.  »>ne 
must  not  he  astonished  at  the  efforts  they  made  to  leave 
the  eountiy,  nor  at  the  siihterfnges  invented  to  deter 
them  from  doing  so. 

There  Wiis.  evidently,  great  animosity  between  Nich- 
olson aiifl  W'tch,  and,  what  is  almost  as  evident,  it  had 
its  so\irce  in  covetousness.     It  seems  that  Vetch,  who 


-.l^^ 


i>4 


NiniOLSoN    AM>    VKTCH. 


1:1- 


was  tlien  in  London,  sonylit  to  sii|ii»liini  Nicholson,  by 
iiUcj^ini^  llic  tcsiinionii's  of  tlic  |ii  inri|i;il  ollict  is  of 
Anniipolis.  tfsiinioMi''>  wliirli  Ik-  Iransniittt-d  lo  t!i(> 
Lords  ol" 'I'riulc.  Al  llic  smimc  tiim-.  In-  sonL;lil  to  j.iovt' 
to  tlirni  thiit  lif  niidfistood  Ix-itci'  tliiiii  NiclioKoii  tlit> 
interests  of  ilit>  conntiy.  iinil  tluit  lu*  wiistlic  tniin  la-i'dt'd 
in  tin*  ciicnnisliinct's.  It  wonld  Ik-  cnrious  to  know  the 
counli'i-iiccusations  of  Nicholson  ;  for  he  conld  not  toler- 
ate snch  an  attack  withont  a  icjoindci-  most  injniioiis  to 


Vct<l 


I  s  I'cpnlation,  and 


soli<l 


reasons  were  not  wantnii; 


to  liiin.  I'or  N'ctch  nnderwent  a  trial  in  1T<«;  iM'I'orr  the 
legislatnre  ol'  .Massachusetts,  with  therestdt  that  he  was 
oondennicd  to  pay  tliOO   "/>>,•  Imi'luii  xnpjil ieil  l/ir  Fi'iii>-h 

.Ind'^inLT  the 


ICI 


tl, 


tniinniinfiDii     mn 


stiti'rs     lit     H'lii 


([Uairel  l»y  itsresults,  we  have  reason  to  think  that  holh 
siH'cundnMl  in  one  connnon  delV-at.  heeanse  I'orltoth  the 
ciueei'of  honors  seems  to  have  terminated  there  :  \"cti  h 
obtained  nothing,  and  NiehoUoti  h)sl  his  position  two 
yeai-s  later.  As  it  ol'teii  happens  on  those  occasions,  both 
siieeeeded  in  [)rovintj  that  they  were  eciually  unworthv. 
We  are  luMter  ac([nainled  witli  lla;  aoensations  laid 
aj^ainst  Nicholson,  and.  even  should  allowance  be  made 
lor  exaLTtJ'eration.  this  allowance  eamiot  be  considerable, 
siiu'o  the  accusations  ri'st  on  tjie  testimony  of  three  [)er- 
sonsAvlio  wen;  regularly  appointed  lieutenant-governors 
of  Nova  Scotia,  namely:  X'etch,  Canlliehb  Armstrong, 
and  on  the  testimony  of  Adams,  who,  in  17^0.  was  f 
some  time  administrator  of  the  provinci 


or 


myp 


Without  tiiis 

(piarrel,  without  this  rivalry  we  shouhl  know  nothing  of 
the  character  and  conduct  of  Nicholson  and  Vetcli ;  were 
we  to  trust  the  f'omi)iler,  we  should  think  ourselves  in 
the  ])resence  of  irreproachable  men  to  whose  memory 
posterity  should  raise  statues. 


r'li,!/ 1 


m  I 


MCllMl.SoN      \NI»    VI:T(  II. 


05 


Wlial  i>  li»  !»•'  ilionnlit  «•!"  llic  ('niin)ili'r  wIki  li.is 
uiiiiltfd  tlu'si'  (locmiH'iits'.''  Wfic  tlu'V  uiiimpditiiiil 
111  loo  iiiconveiiicnlly  iin[Mtrtiiia  '.'  Was  lie,  tw  could  lie 
Itc  i<'iu)raMt  of  tlicin  '!  Coilainlv  iH)t,  since  tlicv  are  all  iii 
thu  Colonial  IJccoids  in  London  (Nova  Scotia  section  ), 
uh.'iv  tin*  ('oinj)ilcr  Wiis  cliarj^i'd  to  procure  copies  ot' 
ill  the  documents  tliat  interested  tlie  province.  Tliev  ar(! 
to  1h;  t'onnd  in  volumes  I.  and  II..  alon;;si«lt!  ot"  t Iiose  vcrv 
ilociuneiits  wliicli  lie  [tiocured  and  wliicli  we  lind  in  his 
iiun  compilation.  What  could  be  mon-  interestiiii;'  t"i' 
history  than  (hieiiment.s  such  as  these,  which.  a[)art  t'lnm 
ihcii'  importance  arising  from  the  [tuhlicity  of  the  facts 
tiicv  contain,  otl'er  us  a  rare  opportunity  of  jndijinn-  the 


iiaractci-.   tlie   temperament  and  tlie  motives  oi    the  pci- 


)f  th 


-ons  w 


ho  li;^fl 


tl 


rure  in  tliem  s(t  consi)icu«»usiv 


Mr.  Akiu- 


is  not   only  a  compiler,  lie  is 


at  tl 


It!  same  tune  a   I»io''ia- 


i)licr. 


Ilel 


las  inseilcM  III  his  vo 


Innie 


nniiieroiis  notes,  in 


\\hi(-h  he  gives  us  his  ap^ireciation  of  the  i)ersonages  who 


played  any  part  in  tlu'st;  events  :  hut.  invariai)ly,  when 
iliric  is  (|iiestion  of  a  govi'inor  or  any  man  that  had 
iclations  with  the  Acadians,  he  is  suave  and  culo<>ist ic 
witli  regard  to  ihei.i.  Vet  liere  was  an  excellent  op[ini-- 
tuiiity  to  give  his  judgment  on  Nicholson,  in  wliich  the 
viitii'.'s  he  might  have  would  he  judiciously  coupled 
with  his  faults,  so  as  to  show  forth  the  most  salient, 
traits  of  liis  character.     This  stndv  was  easv,  thanks  to 


the  well-grounded  opinions  or  iour  lieuteniiiit-goveriMUs  : 
l»erformed  with  intelligence  and  im[)artiality.  it  wouhl 
have  powerfully  assisted  the  reader  to  pass  an  eiiliglit- 
t'lied  judgment  ou  the  wliole  eoiiisc  of  events. 

The  letters  <juoted  ahovt^  are  ini[)orta;it  from  another 
and  not  less  striking  point  of  view.  They  explain  the 
deep  interest    the  governors  had  in  jireveiiting  the  eiiii- 


A*:; 


?::'  - 


00 


NICIlol.snN    AM>    Nlircil. 


»«.■•■ '  I 


j,'i.iti»»ii  (.;■  tlic  Ata<liiiiis.  A>  N'ch  li  .>iiv>.  tlii>  tlcpart  iirci 
WdiiM  niin  tin-  ctiiiiitiy  :  iiiid,  tlioiiL,^!  fiiL;)it  iu<iiilli>  IkhI 
iiol  3t'l  tlaiiscd  siiifc  Nii'liolsou  had  (It'cidt'd  in  jtrL'Sfiic*! 
(if  Messrs.  do  la  l{i)ii(K'aJid  IMiisimis  to  ivfLT  lliis  (jiu-stioii 
of  tlic  d«'{iartur«r  to  tin*  (^lU'cii,  lii*  docs  not  liesitatt!  tn 
ask  tlio  Lords  of  Trade  foi-  pciniission  to  iirt'vent  tlicir 
ile|iarturc' :  "  I'lih-xx  xnnic  xj>i'f</t/ m-ilfrx  tin'  xrtif  In  pr,- 
rcnt  the  Ai'iiilhiiix  ri'inonil  ivlth  thi'lr  ciitth'  ami  ej}\'clx  /o 
Co/If  /i/'ffiiii,  (in  it  ii'ill  irhoUif  Htr!i>  (itnl  ruin  Noiui  Srotia, 
t  H'ill  at  oiiif  inalii-   Cajh-   lin'ton  a  popular  and  iref/- 


Ki>    I 


ftiK-heil  rnjoiii/."  And,  as  lie  says  elsewlieiu,  "  T^iri/ 
hatl  haiJt  ahi(nihiiii-f  of  small  vrnxelH  to  rarri/  thfrnxehux 
and  cff'ci-tH  to  t'ape  Untnti."  lie  is  careful  not  to  say 
that  he  had  prevented  them  from  leaving  in  those  same 
vessels;  hut  the  eonelusion  is  self-evident.  It  is  eiusy  to 
see  that  fraud  and  force  had  nnieh  more  weight  in  his 
mind  than  justice  and  right,  [n  a  nvan  who  u  few  yeai-s 
before  had,  through  greed  of  gain,  '•  xiipplivi  the  French 
with  anununition  aiiiJ  ntoren  of  trar,''  and  had  l)een  con- 
demned for  this  act,  this  is  not  surprising.     Besides,  it 


was  no 


t  otl 


lerwise  wi 


thli 


IS  successors. 


Another  not  less  grave  reason  against  the  de[)aiture 
of  the  Acadians  is,  that   the  Indians  of  Acadia  and  of 


es 


all  tliat  forms  to-day  Maine  and  the  maritime  i)rovin( 
were,  from  time  immenmrial,  sworn  enemies  of  the 
Knglish.  This  departure  w».nld  have  left  Nova  Scotia 
without  an  iidiahitant,  and  in  the  impossihility  of  peo- 

dailv 


jihng   it   with  colonists,   who   would   have   been 
exposed  to  1m?  uiivssacred  by  these  Indians.     Possession  of 


tl 


le  countrv   won 


Id   h 


lave   hecome  u 


seless ;  and,    if   the 


Knglish  had  persisted  in  keeping  a  fort  and  garrison 
there,  this  hitter  would  have  Im-cu  provisioned  (tniy  at. 
great  ex[>ense.     Suih   n\:i>  the  [lerplexing  situation  of 


ilf' ill 


NUIIOLSON    ASM    VKTCII, 


m 


the  ^ovoinors  itii<l  <»l'  tlu*  Hoint'  (lOvtMimicnt.  All  the 
foiiuimiiioatioiis  rxchiingi'd  In'twiieii  those  two  make  us 
clearly  see  that  tin-  situation  was  thus  uudei-stood,  and 
all  the  obstacles  aicuinulated  to  hinder  tlu;  <le])aiture  of 
the  Aiadians  have  never  had  any  other  motives  than 
the  various  interi'sts  which  have  \hhiu  brought  to  light 
ill  the  j»recediiig  doeunu'nts.  Anent  this  last  niotiv*' — 
jear  •>!'  the  Indians — I  will  (!ite  on»!  letter  from  Kieu- 
tcnant-(iovernor  Caulliehl  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  not 
because  it  stands  alone,  but  onaccoujit  of  itslx;ing  more 
explicit  than  othei-s: 


'•  1  luivc  always  obsorved,  since  my  coming  iicre.  the  forwardness 
of  tlie  Arailiaiis  to  serve  us  when  occasion  otTered."  [This  is  aston- 
isliiiij;.  after  their  liarsli  treatment  and  tlie  trickery  resorted  to  l)y 
Nicholson  and  Vetch].  "  And  if  sonit;  Knglish  inhabitants  were  sent 
ovfi,  especially  imlnstrions  laborers,  tar  and  pitch  nialters,  carpenters 
and  sinitlis,  it  wonld  be  of  great  advantage  to  this  colony  ;  hut  in 
fi(Mf  //(■  Acndinits  (/itlt  un,  wv  Hfntll  never  he  ahle  to  maintain  or  pro- 
txtvur  Emjliiih  fnmih/'s/roni  !/e  insnltx  of  i/e  Indiant*,  ye  toornt 
enrmirs,  inch  ye  AniilidnH  hy  their  stuyiny  ii'ill  In  a  (/reat  measure 
«r<i/*'/  off' for  their  ovni  sakes.  Yonr  Lordships  will  see  by  ye  stock  of 
catteil  they  have  at  this  time  tliat  in  two  or  three  years,  with  due 
encouragement,  we  may  be  furnished  with  everything  within  our- 
selves." • 

And  elsewhere,  in  the  correspondence  of  the  governors  :  "  As  the 
accession  of  such  a  ninnber  of  Acadians  to  Cape  Bretton,  will  make 
it  ai  once  a  very  populous  Colony  ;  so  it  is  to  be  considered,  one 
liiindred  of  the  Acadians,  who  were  born  upon  that  continent,  and 
an'  perfectly  known  in  the  woods  ;  can  march  upon  snow-shoes,  and 
understand  the  use  of  bircli  canoes,  are  of  more  value  and  .service 
than  tive  times  their  number  of  raw  men  newly  come  from  Europe. 
So  their  skill  in  the  fishery,  as  well  as  the  cultivating  of  the  soil,  must 
make  at  once  of  Tape  Bretton  the  most  powerful  Colony  the  French 
}iave  in  America,  and  of  the  greatest  danger  and  damage  to  all  the 
British  Colonies  as  well  as  the  universal  trade  of  Great  Britain." 


•Statetl  by  Votch  to  b<»  about  5,000  black  cuttle,  besides  a  great  number 
cf  Hb)H^p  and  hogs. 
7 


im 


NICHOLSON    ANI»    VKT<!H. 


With  what  we  know  of  huiuaii  nature,  with  the 
teachings  of  history  in  general,  and  ptartieularly  of  this 
history,  no  one,  Uiking  into  account  tlie  grave  interests 
that  the  departure  of  the  Acadians  compromised,  will 
(lonht  the  olwtacles  of  every  kind  o[)po8ed  to  this 
tit'paiture.  ICv«'n  without  proofs  the  presumptions 
would  l)e  of  great  w«'ight  :  hut,  when  the  fact  is  sus- 
iaine«l,  without  contradiction,  at  least  without  explicit 
contradiction,  hy  a  mass  of  ollicial  documents,  itlx'conies 
a  certainty  of  the  first  oider,  which  remains  fixed  in 
history  as  a  question  withdrawn  from  debate,  in  spite  of 
the  compiler,  in  spite  of  those  who,  like  Parkman.  have 
accepted  witho\it  further  iuvestigatiou  his  biassed  and 
ill-matured  assertious. 


THE  OATH    UEgUlUED. 


90 


CHAPTER   IV. 


Lieutenant-Oovprnor  CaulHeld— H«'  Meiidn  Petpr  Caf)oon  and 
ThoniiiM  Huttoii  to  Imve  the  AcatliaiiH  takt*  tiu>  oath  of  alU>- 
fiance — AiiHut-rH  of  th»>  Ac^uiians — Oini>4sioiiH  of  th«'  ('<iiii|iil«'i- — 
Lw'Utonaiit-Ciovt'rnor  John  lJouct'th'--N»'W  injunction  to  takf 
the  oath — Th«'y  «'onsent  to  remain  in  tlie  country  on  certain 
conditions  with  regard  to  tlie  oath — Other  omissions. 

With  this  chapter  we  enter  at  hist  into  the  volume  of 
the  Archives. 

It  will  be  admitted  that  the  two  chajiters  immediately 
preceding  are  not  wanting  in  signilicanctj.  The  stMjuel 
will  show  that  the  evtjnts  of  these  live  veal's  have  in 
themselves  alone  more  real  impojtance  than  those  of  tht; 
tifteen  succeeding  y<''«'^'>''  In  fact,  sul)se(|uent  events 
are  so  conne('ted  with  those;  we  have  just  sketched,  that, 
without  them,  they  become  unintelligible  or  assume  a 
different  signilicance. 

While  waiting  till  the  course  of  our  narrative;  has 
made  the  learne<l  methods  of  the  Coiupiler  familiar,  I 
will  leave  the  reader  to  his  own  reflections  ujton  the 
jK)ssil)le  motives  of  these  strange  omissions.  And,  if 
now  and  then  indignation  suggests  expressions  that 
may  seem  severe,  I  beg  pardon  foi-  the  moment,  until 
this  j)ai(lon  I  now  solicit  shall  become  (M)m[»lete  and  sludl 
be  spontaneously  offeied  by  whosoever  bears  with  nic  ii> 
tlie  end. 

The  Compiler  makes  us  begin  at  the  second  act  of  the 
drama.  As  the  curtain  rises,  we  jKMceive  Li»'utenant- 
(iovernor   (.'aulfield,  successoi-   to    Vetch,    Ilobbv,  and 


}fi  ^ '' 


\\i 


KM) 


THK    n.VTII    IMJ^nUKD. 


Nit  IidIsmii.  ilic  I'niiiili  oil  tlu'  lisl,  ill  tlic  year  171.'), 
nidtriiiir  Messrs.  W;[rv  ('iijmkhi  iiiiil  Tlioniiis  Hnttoii, 
itriiffi'.  of  till'  ^'iinisoii,  to  ln'tiik*'  tluMiiscIvcs  to  Mint's, 
to  I5(iiiilnissiii,  I  I  I't'iioljsiot,  to  ItivtT  St.  .lohn  and  to 
otlicr  j)liU'»'s  : 

'•  DlriM-tlii),' Hint  Mis  MomI  SftPii'd  Majesty.  fJcoriif,  Kiiii;  of  (Jroat 
liriiaiii,  /V/zf/rc  ami  Irclaiiil,  he  |ii'iiclainii-<l  in  all  partM  ol  his  (iovfrn- 
iiiiMil.  Voii  an-  liki'wisc  to  IcikIit  tin-  oaths  of  iiUcvtiaiicf  to  yt- 
A<  inliaiis  ill  yi-  form  pn'Mcrihi'il." 

On  iIk;  loth  of  tlic  foiiowini^  May,  (.'aiillii'ltl  ac- 
<iuaiiits  tlu;  Lonls  of  Trade  with  tlm  result  ol'  tlio  mis- 
sion ot'  I'etcr  Capooii  und  'IMioiiias  Itutton. 

"  //((•'  liirliinnl  tirr  thr  IniiinilrHiins  of  M.  M.  Illlf  toil  ami  Capooil, 
liy  uliicli  yoii  will  find  that  y<>  inliahltaiits,  liccini;  most  of  (Ikmii 
Fii'iicli,  icfiist'd  tin'  oath,  /nirhiu,  us  I  •'<//  hil'oriiifil,  yfi'iiHul  In  i/iiif 
fill  riillinniif  intircly  und  to  s«'Mlt'  niidt'r  ye  froncli  KoviTiiinent,  and  I 
liiiinhlic  desire  to  he  infoi'iiD'd  how  I  shall  hchave  to  thrill  ....  The 
A(  adians  who  always  iiiaintained  this  •'arrison  with  corn,  nrr  moxt 
)>/  thrill  t/iiiftiiix'  fhr  rolloiiiu/,  specially  at  Mines. 

"  How  istliis?"  must  tlu;  intoUiijtMitivatlciof  tlie  com- 
jiiler's  extract.s  say,  lie  ulio  knows  notliiiig  of  what  hap- 
jit'iit'd  lH;t ween  1710  and  171"):  "It  is  now  five  years 
since  tlie  takinj;  of  Poit  Royal  and  two  yeai-s  since  tlie 
treat\-  of  peace,  and  tho.se  Atadians  are  wtill  in  the 
coiintiy,  they  refuse  to  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  and 
«*ven  to  go  away?  Wliy.  the  governoi-s  must  have  Ikjcii 
very  good  and  very  paternal  not  to  have  constrained  them 
by  force  to  either  alternative?  '* 

That  i.s  indeed  what  the  reader  must  have  said  to 
liim.self  in  good  faith,  since  liistorians,  who  have  writ- 
ten since  the  compilation  of  this  volume,  liave  said  sub- 
stantially the  same  thing.  The  Comjiiler  knew  well 
that  he  was  constructing  thereby  an  ar.senal  where  men 


TiiK  HATH   i:i;c.ii  ii:i:i>. 


lOl 


would  coiiu'  for  iinns  witliotit  taking  the  troiildc  to  inok 
any  faitlicr.  Ilu  knuw  well  that  most  ol'  tliosu  who 
write  histoiy,  even  wlien  they  liiivf  iipfitndc  Un-  it, 
wliioh  soni(;tiniustlicy  liiive  not,  Inivc  seldom  the  patirncc 
to  meditiiti*.  comitaic,  oitscivc  and  iicnctiati'.  Ilo  knew 
Well  that  many  of  them  t'ollow  one  another  in  a  low  to 
lull  into  t lie  same  nil.  Thcie  were,  however,  very  sini|ile 
(jiiestioiis  to  Im'  aske(|  lien',  siieh  as  these  :  "  W  hat  had 
hapiteiied  since  1710?  Why  does  the  C'omjiiler  lieyiii 
hiH  volume  with  the  year  171'»?  Wliy  '^'0  not  the  |iro- 
posed  formula  for  the  oath,  the  lejiiies  oj  'e  Aeadians 
and  th«'  repoit  of  ('a|)oon  and  Uiilton  in  the  volume  of 
the  Areiiives?  Why  does  CauUielt'  ,  'fin  lo  des'i  md 
to  liavt!  ordered  the  depart  lire  ot  Hie  Aeat'ian.-.,  thoU!4;li 
Ki  ;.  sul)se(|Uent  letter  he  says  that  their  do|  ilure  wmild 
Ik-  the  ruin  of  the  country?  Why  doe/»  the  (  onipiler 
almost  always  omit  the  r"plies  of  the  Aeuilians?  Tlu! 
documents  from  them  arc^  rare  eiioiii'li  to  havt;  made  it 
a  lK>unden  duty  for  him  eagerly  to  '^raiit  them  a  place 
ill  his  volume  as  well  in  justice  to  them  as  in  oidcr  to 
permit  us  to  pass  an  eiiliLjhteiuid  jiid^nieiil  on  the 
events  that  depend  thert^on.  lie  was  not  unaware  of 
these  replies,  since  the  vt-rv  letter  of  CauHield  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade,  which  we  have  just  »|Uote(l,  refers  to  it  : 
**  Herein  eiirfosiif  nn'  tin'  friiiiniirfiniiK  nf'  Missrs.  Hiiffnn 
iitiil  Cdjxxiii."' 

I  am  j^oiiiLf  to  sup|tly  in  part  the  omissions  of  the 
Compiler.  In  the  Colonial  Itecords,  N.  S.,  \'ol  I.,  ww 
lind,  just  alongside  the  documents  produced  in  the 
archives,  the  formula  of  the  oath  proposed  hy  Caultield 
and  tlie  replies  of  the  Aeadians. 

"I.  A.  IJ.,  siiu't'it'ly  proniis*- and  swi'iir  that  I  will  Ix-  faillit'ul  aiut 
luaintAin  a  true  alloglance  witli  Ilis  Majesty,  King  George."' 


''•«if>*(«: 


■'■.' 
*.*■' 


M  •'  y 


102 


THK  OATH  i!K(;rn:Kn. 


:.;-t- 


Koply    f  f    the  Aciuliaiis  of  Minos  to  Messrs.  Capoon 
and  Hutton  : 


I'-'s' 


"  To  iinswor  what  yoii  Iikvo  (1oih>  lu  tlw  honor  |)iihli(>ly  to  announow 
to  us  last  Wi'tliu'S(hiy,  and  tor  replying  to  wliich  we  begged  you  givft 
IIS  till  last  Stintlay,  in  wiiicii  time  we  liave  not  beenahitt  to  aceouipli.sh 
what  we  iiai!  pioniised,  seeing  that  severiil  learn  nothing  from  writings 
but  only  rim  rorr,  and,  not  even  knowing  exactly  of  what  there  was 
(|nesiion,  retiuiied  home  without  giving  any  .answer. 

'■  We  have,  the  honor  to  signify  to  you,  that  no  one  can  be  more 
thankful  than  we  are  for  the  kindness  that  King  CJeorge,  whom  \\v. 
reeogiiize  as  the  lawful  sovereii;n  of  (Ireat  Urifain,  so graeiously  shows 
tis.  under  whose  rule  it  will  be  for  us  a  real  joy  to  remain,  as  he  is 
such  a  gootl  prince,  if  \\r  had  nut.  .s//trc  lout,  i^idiuiicr,  iikhIc  I'lKjid/c- 
Tiiriils  In  rdnni  iiuih  r  the  riili'  of  llif  I\iiiij  of  Fniiic(\  iKiriiKj  vcvn 
<l'iri)i  imr  siiiiidtiircs  tu  tlif  nfflrrr  sriit  ill  /lis  vdtiiv  (M.  de  la  IJonde), 
iiiiil  rnri/  In  u'hi'-li  irr  riiiiiiiil  iicl,  iiiilil.  Tficii'  tii'o  Miijcsl  Irs  of  Fniiii'c 
iiiiil  Kiiijliiiiil  lidrv  ili.siinsi  il  if  ns  othci'iri.ii'.  However,  w(^  bind  our- 
selves with  idcasuic  and  gratefulness,  while  W(>  remain  here  in 
Acadia,  to  do  or  undertake  nothing  against  His  IJritannic  Majesty, 
King  (icorge.  of  whose  itroclaination  to  the  crown  wc  arc  witnesses, 
wliicli  was  made  by  yon,  sirs,  in  presence  of  the  inhabitants  of  the 
said  i)laccs,  at  Mines,  this  lUth  of  March  171."),  wc,  the  undersigned, 
aciiuitaud  being  authorized  by  all  tht>  inhabitants  to  act  according 
to  (he  power  of  attorney  which  tlicy  liav(>  given  us. 

(Sitrnctl)  .lacipics  I,e  lilauc,  Antoine  Lc  Hlanc.  Cliarlcs  Habin, 
Jassemin,  I'hilippi^  Mclaucou.  Claudia  fjandry,  I'icrre  Tcrriol,  Uene 
liC  lilauc,  Pierre  Itichard,  .Iavi|ucs  FiC  IMauc,  Franvois  Ilimbaut, 
(icrmain  Terriau,  Jean  Lc  lllaiic,  Martin  Ancoin,  etc.,  etc." 

We  luive  also  the  iej)ly  of  Ihe  Aeadiaiis  of  Beaiibassiii ; 
its  })iif]>ort  is  exactly  the  .same;  it  is  siti^iied  by  Mi(!liel 
Poiiief,  Martin  liii'hiiid,  Michel  Hourg,  Chailes  Hour- 
tifeois,  Fraiu^ois  Doiieet,  Jean  Cyr,  Alexis  Cormier,  as 
arhitiMs  tor  the  whole  population. 

Those  t)f  Port  Royal  seem  to  have  acted  otherwise. 
Instead  of  refusing  the  oath  presented  to  them,  they 
j)roposed  another  formula  as  follows  : — 

"  1  sincerely  promise  and  swear  that  1  will  be  faithful  and  main- 
tain a  true  allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  King  George,  as  long  as  I  shall 


THK  OATH  KK(^rii:i:i>. 


103 


b<'  in  Acadia  or  Xova  Scotia:  and  [I  st,i|)idat«']  tliat  [  shall  ho  ptM- 
iiiiili'd  to  withdraw  wlHTcsonvwr  I  sliall  think  fit  with  all  my  inov- 
alilc  goods  and  ofFocts,  when  1  shall  think  tit,  witliout  any  one  b«;iii;; 
aiile  to  hintler  me." 

It  is  sigiiod  by  tliirty-six  names,  twenty  of  wliicli  are 
narked  with  flosses,  and  jii)|)cais  to  liave  been  a('ee[)ted 
by  ("aullield. 

Witlionl  being  veiy  i'xplieit,  these  <loeunients  hint  at 
many  things.  One  sees  clearly  that  Freneh  delegates 
had  some  months  prcfvioiis  conferred  with  (rovernor 
Nicholson;  that  the  (jnestion  of  the  departnre  of  tlie 
Acadiaiis  had  been  referred  to  the  (^ueen,  and  that  the 
oath  offered  them  conld  not  be  taken  into  eonsideiation 
l)efoi'e  this  decision.  The  pnblishingof  these  docnnients 
would  have  been  a  key  to  guide  the  reader  in  researches 
which  would  have  revealed  what  we  liavt'  set  forth  elst;- 
where,  and  what  the  volume  of  the  aichivcs  concealed 
from  view. 

Tluis,  these  documents  contirm  anew  on  certain  points 
those  which  1  hav(!  pioduccd.  and  overthrow  tin;  vague 
insinuation  of  ('aullield,  when  he  says:  "having,  <is  I 
am  hifornu'il^  refused  to  <iuit  this  colony  entirely  and  to 
settle  under  the  French  government.*"  He  seems  to 
wish  to  insinuate  thereby  that  he  gave  orders  to  the 
Acadians  to  take  the  oath  or  to  leave,  and  t litis  he  mis- 
represents their  situation  to  the  Lords  of  Trade.  His  in- 
structions to  Capooii  and  Huttoti  show  nothing  of  the 
kind  ;  the  replies  of  the  inhabitants  i)rove  the  contrary: 
and  a  sid)se(|ttent  letter  to  the  Lords  of  'j'lade  shows 
that  he  consi(lere(l  the  departure  of  the  .Vcadians  as  a 
(•alamity.  It  is  therelore  ridiculous  to  suppose  that  he 
gav(!  suc^h  orders  and  receivecl  such  replies.  Moreover, 
we  have  seen  I)y  several    documents  that  the  greater 


'  •» 


104 


THK  OATH   i;i:(,»rii!Ki). 


number  of  the  Aiadiiiiis,  in  this  year  171'),  did  not  even 
sow  tlieir  lands,  so  truly  did  they  expect  to  leave  in  tiie 
course  <>r  tlie  sinniner.  AjuI,  if  lie  liad  jriven  such 
ordei's,  he  woukl  be  so  nuieh  the  more  culpable,  since  he 
knew  that,  a  few  months  before,  this  ([ucstion  of  tjie 
d(;{>artnre  had  Im'cu  referred  by  Xicholson  to  the  decision 
(»f  the  Queen,  and  that  tiie  reply  had  not  yet  been  given. 

The  only  means  of  reconciling  his  insinuation  with 
possibh;  facts  would  be  to  attribute  such  a  reply,  I  mean 
the  refusal  to  depait,  to  some  inhabitants  of  Penobscot 
or  of  the  St.  John  Uivcr,  where  the  Messrs.  Tapoon  and 
Hutton  likewise  betook  themselves  to  have  the  oath 
taken.  These  were  upon  a  territory  that  Franct; 
claimed;  whence  their  declaration  that  they  wo\U(l  not 
leave  the  country.  This  is  tiie  only  possible  interpreta- 
tion that  I  see,  otherwise  his  assertion,  "  that  )iiosf  nt't/wtn 
arc  (jHittiii;/  t/it'  (;oUo7in I/''  would  be  contradictory  and 
absurd. 

In  May  of  the  following  year  Caulfield  writes  to  the 
Lords  of  Trade  :  "  I  received  a  letter  from  y  Acadians 
of  Mines  of  their  resolution  to  continue  in  this  govein- 
ment,  and  are  making  all  pre[)a  rat  ions  for  im[)rovcnients 
as  formerly,  and  they  seem  impatient  to  heai'  what  is 
determined  on  their  behalf.'"* 

This  letter  miiiht  seem  contradictorv ;  but  as  t!ie  last 
part  shows  us  that  the  Acadians  were  impatient  to  know 
the  decision  respecting  the  questions  submitted  to  the 
Queen  by  Nicholson,  it  must  bo  inferred  that  they  were 
always  determined  to  depart  as  soon  as  tliis  ri'[>ly  would 
be  known  and  the  means  afforded  them  for  di'[iartiiig  ; 
else,  why  would  they  have  been  impatient  for  a  re[ily 
which  was  to  decide  their  departure,  if  their  intention 

*  This  It.'ttiT  is  (iiuitti'ii  ill  tlii'  vipliinit;  nf  Uio  Aivhivos. 


A   KESEUVE  TO   THE   OATH   WANTED. 


105 


was  to  remain  in  any  case  ?  Tlie  first  part,  then,  means 
that  tliey  agreed  to  prolong  their  sojonrn  till  after  tlie 
liarvest  (they  liad  not  sown  the  preceding  year). 

In  the  ensuing  October  (171(3),  writing  to  tlie  I.ords 
of  Trade,  he  informs  them  tliat  he  li.as  proposed  the  oath 
to  the  Aeadians  and  sends  them  their  replies.*  We  infer 
therefrom  that  they  reiterated  their  determination  to 
leave  the  country,  for  he  adds :  "  at  the  same  time  I  am 
persuaded  it  will  be  with  reluctancy  they  leave  the  eoun- 
trv." 

Caulfield  was  replaced  as  Lieutenant-Governor  by 
John  Doucette  (1717).  Addressing  lirst  the  inliabit- 
ants  of  Annapolis,  the  latter  severeh-  enjoined  them  to 
take  the  oath  according  to  the  formula  which  he  com- 
municated to  them.  Tired  of  waiting  in  vain  for  a 
response  to  the  questions  sulnniitcd  to  the  Queen  by 
Nicholson,  despairing  of  ever  obtaining  the  facilities 
necessary  to  their  transmigration,  they  answered  that 
they  all  desired  to  come  to  a  connnon  decision,  and  lor 
that  purpose  it  was  advisal)le  to  have  all  the  iidiabitanis 
of  the  other  localities  as.>~    nblcd  at  the  same  time : 

"  For  the  present  we  can  only  answer,  that  we  shall  be  ivaily  to 
carry  into  effect  the  demand  proposed  to  us,  as  soon  as  llis  Maji^ty 
shall  have  done  ns  the  favor  of  provldnii^  some  means  of  shelterlnii  us 
from  the  Indians,  who  are  always  ready  to  do  all  kinds  of  misriiii'f, 
proofs  ofwhiehliave  been  afforded  on  many  occasions  since  the  piMie. 

"  That  iniless  we  are  proteeti'd  from  them,  we  cannot  take  tlie  oiuli 
demanded  without  exposing  ourselves  to  have  our  throats  cut  in  our 
bouses  at  any  time,  which  they  have  already  threatened  to  do. 

"  in  case  other  means  cannot  be  found,  we  are  ready  to  take  an 
oath  that  we  will  take  up  arms  neither  against  His  Britannic  Maji'sty 
nor  against  France,  nor  against  any  of  their  subjects  or  allic-.'" 

Up  to  that  time  the  Aeadians  had  reftised  to  accept 
any  oath  that  tied  them  to  the  country ;  they  Avishcd  to 
*  Documents  omitted  iu  the  volume  of  the  Archives. 


Wh 


l-rt^* 


106 


A    ItKSKUVK   TO   THK    OATH    WANTED. 


u-,.: 


iWll 


I'luJHI 


depiirt  and  liatl  been  wuitiiig  to  be  enabled  to  do  so. 
From  that  moment  they  no  longer  refused  tliis  oath, 
proviiled  a  chiuse  were  inserted  exempting  them  from 
bearing  arms  against  the  French  or  Indians,  their  allies. 

The  situation  presents  no  difficidties.  Either  they 
nuist  be  aHowed  to  leave  with  their  goods  and  cattle,  as 
signiticfl  by  the  treaty  and  the  letter  of  the  Queen,  and 
obstacles  must  Ixj  removed  and  tlie  assistance  requisite 
for  their  transmigration  granted  them,  or  the  conditions 
they  imposed  on  their  sojourn  in  the  country  must  be 
accepted.  It  might  have  been  disagreeable  to  have  con- 
ditions imj)osed  by  poor  peasants ;  but  either  this  must 
be  endured  or  the  inconveniences  which  their  departure 
entailed,  at  least  if  justice  should  regulate  the  relations 
bclween  the  high  and  the  low,  between  the  weak  and 
the  strong.  Tlieir  conditions  were  certainly  not  friv- 
olous. The  onlv  enemv  that  EiiLfland  had  to  combat  in 
these  places  was  France.  Without  the  acceptance  of 
this  condition  they  could  be  obliged  to  take  up  arms 
against  their  compatriots  and  still  worse  against  their 
brethren,  their  relations  who  icsided  on  the  north  side 
of  the  Bay  of  Fuudy  at  liiver  8t.  Joiin,  ("Iii[)ody,  Peti- 
codiac,  ]\Iemramcook  and  even  at  Heaubassin  on  a 
territory  which,  it  is  true,  was  disputeil,  but  which  might 
eventually  be  adjudged  to  France  by  the  commission 
ii [(point I'd  to  decide  thereon. 

Xotliiiig  was  more  reasonable  tiian  the  exemption 
whiiii  tlicy  claimed,  especially  when  they  were  de^jrivcd 
of  ilu!  rioht  of  ooiiinr  iiway  ;  and  those  who  treat  their 
claim  as  frivolous  have  evidently  never  sounded  their  in- 
most hearts  to  see  what  would  be  their  sentiments  in  a 
similar  situation.  Later  on  we  shall  iind  that  the  Ameri- 
can colonists,  who  t'-<tabii-<li('<]  tlu'iiisclvc-^  in  IT'lOon  the 


A    IJKSKItVK    T<»   THK    OATH    WANTKl). 


107 


laiiils  of  tliu  Aciulians,  avlto  i-xcmpli'il  fnmi  Iwariiig 
anus  iifjiiiiisi  tlu'ir  hrelliieii  of  Nrw  KiihIuikI  at  tliu  time 
»it"  till'  war  of  iiidepeniUMic'e :  Imt  in  thai  rase  it  was 
»li'einecl(iuite  natural  toj^rant  tlieni  thisexcniittion.  Not 
\\itIioiit  lu'art-rentlint>-  grief  had  the  Ai-adians  resolved 
to  leave  theii'  country,  their  property,  these  abodes  of 
their  ehildhood  bedewed  l)Vthe  sweat  of  several  ijenera- 
tions.  (^h  !  assuredly,  they  woidd  have  preferred  by  far 
t(i  leinain  ;  but  in  those  days  of  prejudice,  intolerance  anil 
al)solutisni,  they  feared  the  caprice  of  their  governors, 
they  feare(l  that,  sooner  or  later,  oltstacles  would  be 
laised  to  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion.  Will  it 
bi'  said  that  their  fears  were  not  rt'asunable,  seeing  that 
for  three  years  they  had  been  retained  by  force  in  violati(»n 
of  a  treaty,  at  a  time  when  Kngland  had  not  yet  cjuerged 
from  the  most  intolerant  period  of  her  history '/  'I'hey 
might  perluijjs  run  these  risks,  but.  at  least,  they  did  not 
•A  ish  to  have  to  combat  their  fellow-i'ountrymen  anil 
tht'ir  brethren  :  they  wislie<l  to  put  themselves  in  a 
].ii>ition  to  be  able  at  any  time  to  tpiil  the  country,  if 
ilic  I'onditions  im[)osed  by  them  should  Ije  violated. 
i'|p(tn  siil'ticient  reflection  we  shall  tind  that  the  senti- 
imnts  that  actuated  them  arose  from  the  noblest  of 
iiioiives.  This  persistency  in  icfusing  during  ioi'ty  years 
.my  oath  that  exposed  tli;'m  tn  be  obliged  to  combat 
ilicir  comjjatriots,  does  an  honor  to  ihcni  of  which  their 
dt'srcndants  may  I'iglilly  be  proud.  Parkman  could 
ciUflessly  assert  that  llicy  WiMe  "weak  of  pur[)Ose :" 
but  wluMi  thert!  was  (pu-stion  of  eontravening  the  ele- 
mentary dictalt's  of  human  nature,  or  of  conscience, 
then  this  lirmness  energetically  fat-cd  consiMjuences  from 
wir.ch  men  of  our  civilized  time  and  probably  Parkniau 
himself  would  shrink. 


Jtfk!i 


!#^^i 


108 


A    lIKSKItVK   TO   TIIK   OATII     WANTKI>. 


P''"!!;!!];;! 


'r     Ilii 


't-i 


It  was  siilh-asit'r  lor  Ijp^Iiiiid  to^n'iaiil  tlicii'  tleniaiids, 
iis  WHS  <l(>in?  ill  1T.")(),  than  for  tin;  Acadiaii.s  not  to  make 
tiii'iii.  Ill  tlii'ir  simplicity,  tlu'y  tlioiinlit  pi'iiiaps  that  in 
these  proposals  tlu-yhad  found  a  very  aeeeptahle  middle 
term,  which,  whil(!  allayiiij^  their  iipj)reli(Misi()ns,  would 
permit  tliem  to  prestjrve  their  property  and  their  father- 
land. It  was  a  proposal  that  could  bo  considered,  dis- 
cussed and  nietl)y  another  proposal.  Could  not  the  local 
authorities  effect  a  compromise?  could  tliey  not  make  al- 
lowance for  sucii  justifiable  repuf,niance,  for  tlu!  obstacles 
opliosed  to  the  execnition  of  a  ritjht  so  evident  as  was 
that  of  their  departure  ?  couhl  they  not,  I  ask,  limit  this 
exemption  of  bearin<(  arms  to  a  deliiiite  leiiytli  of  time  '.' 
liiit  no;  no  coneession  I  "We  are  the  authority,  and 
we  do  not  treat  with  private  individuals.  Vou  shall  not 
de2)art,  and  you  must  take  tlie  oath  without  reseive,  you 
irast  depend  on  our  good  pleasure." 

Moreover,  if  tlu-}'  felt  no  such  natural  re[)U!:;iiance  to 
fig'bting  the  Indians  as  they  felt  to  liifhtiiig  their  own 
countrymen,  their  own  safety  led  them  to  shun  all 
Iiostility  to  the  savage.  We  bave  seen  that  Vetcli  and 
C'aullield  were  of  oi)inion  that  there  would  be  no  security 
for  Englisli  colonists  to  settle  in  the  country  on  account, 
ofthehostility  of  the  Indians.  Would  it  have  been  othci- 
Avise  witb  the  .\cadians,  if  tbey  had  been  forced  to  take 
up  arms  against  the  Indians  ?  There  were  certainly  be- 
tween tliem  friendly  ties  wliicli  dated  far  back  ;  but  what 
would  these  ties  have  availed  under  these  new  ciicum- 
Htaiices  ?  Does  not  our  friend  or  ally  of  to-day  become 
our  enemy  to-morrow,  if  be  lights  against  us?  And 
in  tbat  event,  what  greater  security  could  they  have 
enjo3-ed  tlian  tlie  English  colonists?  In  view  of  their 
security  the  objection  to  bear  arms  against  the  Indians 


iiiiii 


'?i'  '1 


A  i:kski:vk  m  Tin;  oath  wantkm. 


lo'.j 


\Viis  iniU'li  unnv  scridus  than  tlio  <tbjt'(li»iii  to  lifiiv  tluu; 
iiirainst  tlio  Ficiicli.  What  did  they  really  «I«'iiiaiid, 
wJR'ii  answeiint^  tin*  suimiKtiis  \o  take  tlie  oath  '/  Ndth- 
iii",'  more  than  this  icasoiiahh!  agrt'oinoiit :  "Find 
soiiit!  moans  to  piotect  us  aj^ainst  the  Indians,  and  we 
ask  no  exenij)tion  witli  ivi^ard  to  them,  in  spite  of  the 
threats  wliicli  they  use  against  us  every  day.  In  (h- 
fault  of  tins  means,  we  will  agree  to  remain  in  the  coun- 
try and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance,  provided  we  he  ex- 
empt from  any  obligation  to  bear  arms  against  the 
FitMich  and  the  Indians." 

Ceitain  historians  speak  of  the  efforts  made  by  Frencli 
authorities  to  pn^vail  on  the  Acadians  to  emigrate,  as 
if.  by  doing  so,  they  liad  been  guilty  of  reprehensible 
intrigues,  unworthy  of  a  great  nation.  It  may  be  ae- 
c'ttuntecl  ingenious  to  get  quit  of  one  accusation  by  an- 
other; there  are  always  some  peojile  who  let  themselves 
lie  duped  by  any  subterfuge,  liowever  gross  it  be.  That 
the  French  made  efforts  to  engage  tlie  Acadians  to  take 
advantage  of  the  clauses  of  the  treaty,  is  a  fact  not  to 
be  doubted.  That  was  their  right  and  their  interest,  as 
it  was  their  duty ;  the  Acadians  having  decided  to  urge 
the  English  authorities  to  grant  all  the  facilities  re- 
(juisite  for  their  departuie,  France  was  a  party  to  the 
treaty,  and,  in  virtue  of  this,  she  had  the  o])ligation  to 
protect  her  former  std)jects  against  any  violation  of  those 
clauses  which  were  profitable  to  them  :  and,  if  France 
is  to  be  blamed,  it  is  for  not  liaving  urged  the  matter 
with  sufficient  energy,  when  the  Acadians  so  earnestly 
claimed  her  supi)ort,  and  when  her  own  interests  were 
all  in  favor  of  it.  It  has  been  pretended  that  France, 
under  the  i(h'a  that  Acadia  might  return  to  her,  giad- 
ually  fought  shy  of   the   departure  of   the    Acadians. 


<f\^^- 


M  ^ 


i/^l 


J'i 


iiJAf 


l---^ 


-A'V-'--  -' 


I»  ■ 


■'%  li^Mllj 


■ti 

1  i 

i  \y ^  ,J,.; 

1  p''"" 

1 

iill. 

¥ 

1 

..  1 

if:-: 

1 

P  1  wifcrlivl 

p  .»*»-  >,- 

1 

f  *'*■ 

,  ' 

i& 


no 


A    UKSKKVK   TO    THK   ((ATI I     WANTKO. 


That  was  quite  possible;  allliough  lu;r  iiKlifferciife  to 
this  (leiiaitnre  coiihl  only  Ihj  partial,  since,  l)esi(les  tlie 
uncertainty  of  sucli  an  issue  us  the  return  to  Kiench 
dominion,  and  the  fact  that  tlie  departure  of  the  Acadians 
would  l)e  the  ruin  of  Nova  Scotia,  there  still  remained 
a  not  less  urgent  interest  for  France  to  people  her  colony 
of  Cape  Bieton  and  Prince  Edward  Island  and  to  gain 
strength  for  future  conflicts. 

Hut,  we  have  not  heie  to  consider  the  interests  of 
Fiance  and  England  otherwise  than  as  they  explain  facts. 
For  the  moment,  I  am  examining  only  the  (question  of 
right,  and  1  assert  that,  for  l)oih  France  and  England, 
tl»e  lawfulness  of  their  efforts  to  decide  the  Acadians  to 
depart  or  not  to  depart,  was  limited  to  persuasive  in- 
fluence, and  that,  while  France,  perhaps  on  account  of 
circumstances,  employed  oidy  this  expedient,  the  Englisli 
authorities  used  every  unlawful  means  that  ruse  and  force 
could  suggest.  Such  is  the  difference,  and  it  is  really 
enormous.  And  yet,  we  might  view  all  this  with  a  certain 
indulgence,  if  only  the  English  had  taken  into  account 
their  own  unlawful  conduct  in  their  subsequent  proceed- 
ings with  regard  to  the  Acadians. 

As  a  <|uestion  of  fact,  the  idea  of  departure  Mas  or 
appears  to  liave  been  spontaneous  on  the  part  of  the 
Acadians.  Port  Royal  had  been  in  the  hands  of  the 
English  for  only  thi-ee  months,  when  they  averred,  in 
an  address  to  the  Governor  of  Canada,  that  Governor 
Vetch  wsis  treating  them  as  negro  slaves,  and  that  they 
desired  to  move  into  French  territory.  Immediately 
after  the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  it  was  still,  as  far  as  we  can 
judge,  by  a  spontaneous  movement,  that  they  sent 
delegates  to  Louisburg  to  treat  this  same  question. 

After  having  given  the  above  response  of  the  Aca- 


A    KKSKKVK    To    TIIK   OATH    WANTKU. 


Ill 


(lians  to  the  .suiiunons  ot'  (Jovenioi'  Doucette,  the  ('on\- 
]iiler  plunges  us  again  into  darkness  by  letting  us  re- 
main ignorant  of  what  ensued. 

We  ran  here  clearly  j)er(*eive  an  omission  of  live 
U'tters,  three  of  which  are  from  the  (lovernor  himself 
and  two  replies,  one  from  Ahb^j  Pain,  curd  des  Mines, 
the  other  from  Mr.  de  Brouillan,  governor  of  Cape  Ure- 
tiiii.*  By  the  former's  reply  wo  may  judge  what  was 
tlie  drift  of  the  hitter's  answer. 

Minks,  I'O  Miircli,  \1\<. 
•'  I  haw  rcrcivod  tlio  Icttor,  with  which  yoii  honon-d  iiir,  umltT 
(lato  of  Di'O.  ."),  1717.  I  liav<^  the  honor  to  signify  to  yon,  sir,  t!i;it 
tlieso  Acadians  nnist  he  snJlioiontiy  a('(|uaint('«l  with  tlu'ir  dntics  mid 
obligations  iriUtintf  ncitliiiij  m;/  li'lii/ur  wliiif  i/dii  ih'sirr  un-  h>  ili,  mlth 
ri'ijitfil  t<i  Ukiii.  .  .  .  Allow  nie  to  dfclare  to  yon,  so  that  yon  may 
have  nothini;  to  say  ai^ainst  my  behavior  in  this  inattor,  that  1  am 
rt'solvt'd  to  jiivc  no  advice  for  or  against  tho  nieasiirc:  thus  yon  will 
recognize  their  natural  intentions,"    etc.,  etc. 

Fki.ix  Pain  . 

From  this  re})ly  it  api)ears  evident  that  the  (Jovernor 
solicited  liie  concurrence  of  this  priest  to  intluence  the 
Acadians  in  the  direction  of  an  unconditional  oath,  in 
justice  we  must  say  that  he  declares  himself  satisfied 
with  this  reply,  and  with  the  priest's  intention  not  to 
meddle  witli  temporal  affairs.  We  have  likewise  the 
reply  of  the  governor  of  Cape  lireton,  and  it  contirnis 
all  that  I  have  previously  said  respecting  the  obstacles 
opposed  to  the  departure  of  the  Acadians. 

liOuisburg,  21  July,  I"is. 

"  Concerning  your  complaints  that  the  inhabitants  of  Acadia  hud 
not  departed  as  agreed  upon,  and  that  this  delay  has  cansetl  l(»s  to 
His  IJritannic  Majesty,  you  must  have  known,  sir,  the  impossibility 
in  which  Mr.  Nicholson  and  other  rulers  of  Acadia  have  put  them  of 
executing  wliat  hail  heen  agreed  upon;  some  not  wishinsj;  to  let  llnin 
carry  away  their  effects,  and  the  others  not  wishing  us  to  send  them 

*  Colouiul  Ik'cords,  N.  y.,  Vol.  II. 


H 


^f<^ 


UJmi 


W.I-. 


.l\f^ 


4Kf^^ 


WWTAKO 


m 


112 


A    !!i:sKltVK   T(»   Tin:   OATH    WANTKD. 


tin-  ripniiii;  !••  i'<|<iil>  lJi«'  littlo  ships  tlioy  hail  Imilt,  and  which  in  I'oii- 
8p<|U»'iic('  they  wt'ic  ohliiicd  to  sfll  almost  for  notliing  to  Kn^iish  iiicr- 
rhaiits.  I  will  not  fail  to  liiforni  tlif  Kinu  my  master  of  all  yon  iv- 
uiark  to  mo  thercou,  du  thai  Uu  luuy  givu  thuorUcni  that  he  will  jiiclgo 
proper." 


!!t 


T 

i 


IP  lff**r'<l<4 


pw;ii5( . 


I 


OOVKIlNOK    I'KlLll'PSd   OHDEUB. 


113 


CHAPTER  V. 


Administration  of  Philipps  (17"-iO-1722)— TaltinK  the  required  oath 
of  iillt'Kianc  e  or  departure  within  four  months  witliout  carry- 
ing away  uiiythiiig — Decision  to  depart — Disap|K>intment  of 
i'hihpps — New  oniirtsions  of  the  Coininler — Tlie  Acadian-, 
undertake  to  open  a  road  in  order  to  effectu.  te  tlieir  departure 
— l*iiilipi)s  orders  the  suspension  of  tiio  w.:rk8 — Prolongation 
of  tile  delay — I'ajoleries  t<»  keep  back  the  Acadians — Import- 
ant letter  t)f  the  Secretary  of  State  Cragga — Parkman, 

In  1720  General  Philipps,  who  in  reality  had  already 
been  tor  almost  three  years  Governor  of  Nova  Scotiu, 
came  to  Annapolis  to  take  charge  of  his  province,  lie 
was  invested  with  more  ample  jurisdiction  than  his 
predecessors,  and  his  high  position  in  the  army  added 
weight  and  importance  to  his  authority.  At  first  he 
dealt  very  haughtily  with  the  Acadians.  Hardly  had 
lie  arrived  when  he  issued  a  pioclaraation  ordering  them 
to  take  the  oath  without  reserve  or  to  leave  the  country 
within  four  months,  without  being  able  either  to  dis- 
pose of  their  goods  or  to  transport  them.  "  It  is  ex- 
pressly prohibited  to  those  who  will  choose  to  leave  the 
country  to  sell,  dispose  or  bring  with  them  any  of  their 
effects."  These  conditions  were  excessively  hard.  Is 
that  tlie  reason  why  the  Compiler  omits  this  important 
document,  this  proclamation? 

Thus  the  temporizing  plan  invented  by  Vetch,  and 
continued  by  Nicholson  and  his  successors,  attained  the 
desired  result.      The  only  fault  of  the  Acadians  was 


tW^f 


\m 


114 


<;oVKl!Nni{    I'lllLiri'SS    OKDKKS. 


llieii  liiiviii^  let  theiiisi^lvcs  Ih.*  (Iu[R'(I  and  their  having 
so  meekly  awaited  a  reply,  whieh  the  rulers  took  good 
ciin;  not  to  give  tliein. 

IMjilipps's  intention  wiis evident.  lie  well  knew  that, 
without  means  of  transport,  the  Acadians  could  not  de- 
part, especially  on  such  short  notice.  He  Ixjlieved  that 
ilicy  were  so  attached  to  their  property  that  his  pr(»lu- 
iiition  to  carry  awsiy  anything  with  them  would  force 
tlicm  to  accept  his  t«'rnis  of  the  oath  without  reserve, 
and  even  all  the  conditions  that  he  would  l>e  pit  ii>ed  to 
rxact.  lie  was,  however,  deceived.  Nevertheless,  such 
severe  orders  spread  consternation  all  around  :  llie  ayita- 
li<»n  was  most  violent;  a  [»ronipl  decision  was  inipciative. 
They  replied  in  substance  as  follows:*  "We  cannot 
take  the  oath  which  you  demand  of  us,  and  tJie  (luestinii 
is  still  more  diilicult  with  regard  to  the  Indians  than 
to  the  French,  because  the  former  daily  threaten  w,s 
with  revenge  if  (Uir  reservation  (h)  not  extend  to  them. 
Since  ytm  cannot  grant  us  this  reservation,  there  only 
remains  to  us  the  alternative  of  retiring  from  the  coun- 
try even  on  the  hard  conditions  you  impose,  life  Jjeing 
dearer  to  us  than  all  our  goods.  As  the  sowing  season 
has  just  elapsed,  and  tliere  remains  haidly  any  more 
grain  to  nourish  our  families,  the  only  favor  we  beg  of 
you  is  to  prolong  the  delay  a  little,  so  as  to  give  us  time 
to  gather  in  our  grain  and  permission  to  carry  it  away 
with  us,  and  also  to  make  use  of  the  vehicles  that  wc 
(iwn  or  of  those  we  might  make  or  otherwise  piocurc, 
lio])ing  that  Your  Excellency  will  permit  us  to  seiul  to 
Cape  IJrcton  Island  to  ask  help  for  our  departuie." 

I  have  in  hand,  relating  to  these  facts,  six  documents 
or    letters,    all    most   important   and   absolutely    indi.v 

♦  Col.  liecoids,  X.  S.,  vtjl.  3. 


:'<  ■. : 


<!ovei:n()i;  imiilii'I'ss  oi!I)ki:s. 


115 


j»ensable  for  the  clt'iir  uiuKMstiUMlin^f  u|"  ilu'si-  rvi'uU. 
They  consist  of  u  reply  of  Futlier  .Instiniiiii  to  IMiilipps, 
JlOth  April,  1720;  t\\H>  nienioriuls  of  tlic  Acadnins  of 
Aniiiipolis  iiiiil  Mines  to  IMiilipps,  Im)IIi  presented  May 
L'ttth,  1720,  a  letter  of  the  (Jovernor  (»!"  liouislmr^  to 
IMiilipps,  June  Hth,  1720  ;  a  hater  «)f  the  Acadians  to 
the  Ctovernor  of  Louishur^'  and  the  hitter's  rejil\ .  None 
nf  these  documents  are  found  in  the  volume  nf  tin; 
Archives,  and  yet  the  lirst  four  are  foun<l  in  the  ('dloiiial 
Records  in  I^ondon,  just  alongside  those  which  llic  (nm- 
jiilcr  produces;  his  voh.ine  contains  all  the  lettcr>  of 
Phili;  MS  to  the  jtersons  mentioned  ahove,  hut  nut  a 
siiigk  one  of  the  icjilies.  Oh  I  I  am  wrong  :  there  is 
one,  not  here  mentioned,  and  it  is  tlu;  one  that  is  the 
worst  drawn  U[>,  the  least  explieit.  Is  that  the  leason 
why  it  is  there  '/  Is  that  also  the  reason  why  we  liiid  in 
his  volume  a  letter  of  the  Acadians  to  the  Ciovcinoi  of 
houishure;,  when  theie  was  another  far  supcrioi'  to  it  as 
a  statement  of  the  situation.  The  Compiler  renders  his 
case  more  complicated  by  the  insertion  of  this  docuuient, 
for  this  lett<'r  of  the  Acadians  to  the  (iovernoi'of  Louis- 
hurg,  it  will  he  understoo<l.  could  not  reasonahly  he 
found  in  the  archives  either  of  Halifax  or  of  London  ;  it 
could  lie  hailoidy  in  the  archives  of  the  Marine  in  Paris. 
Did  he  go  there  to  ferret  it  out  ?  If  so,  then,  he  studied 
those  archives,  and  why  in  the  world  did  lu-  go  (>tit  of 
his  way.  while  he  was  passing  over  so  many  important 
tlociunents  in  London,  which  should  have  been  hroULiht 
to  Halifax?  Howevci',  not  to  run  the  risk  of  being  un- 
just to  him.  I  will  not  liold  him  lesjionsible  for  any  olhei' 
omissions  than  those  iclative  to  the  archives  of  these 
two  last  j)laces. 

In  spite  of  my  desire  to  till  up  the  void  that  the  Com- 


■k 


'■>Mt 


n 


i^\f 


Ili3 


OllSTACLES   TO    I)KI'Ai;Tri;K. 


k'' ' . 


■I  fill 


t:;:: 


I 


H 


\n\vv  liiis  left,  ill  spite  of  tiie  impoitanco  ol'  llu;  documents 
oiniLk'd,  I  sluiU  present  only  short  extruets.  The  letter 
iuldiessed  h}'  the  Aeiidians  to  the  Governor  of  Louisburg 
contains  anion*,'  other  thing's  the  following-: 

"Von  iirc,  sir.  aware  of  the  (liMieultics  opposed  to  otir  dcparturo 
wlion  wi"  pi'tilioiit'd  for  it,  and  the  impossibility  in  which  we  were,  to 
acconiplisii  wiiat  was  demanded  of  us.  And  yet.  now  they  wish  to 
constrain  iis  to  talie  tins  oath,  or  to  abandon  the  country,  and  it  is 
iiii]i'>s<ible  to  do  either.  .  .  We  are  resolved  not  to  take  this  oath  im- 
posed upon  u-<.  lint  we  <'annot  <|uit  the  country  without  suitaljle 
facilities,  such  ;is  were  i)romised  to  us  by  the  Court  of  France  and  re- 
fused i»y  the  Court  of  Kn-iliiud.  Our  situation  is  painful  and  per- 
jilexiuij;.  and  we  best'ecdi  you  to  assist  us." 

In  his  reply  to  lMiilip[)s,  Mr.  de  Brouillun,  governor 
of  Louishnrg,  .says: 

".Vllow  me  to  state,  that  the  inaction  of  tlu;  Acadians  neither  can 
nor  should  be  imputed  to  them,  both  on  account  of  their  want  of 
the  ;issislan<'e  essentially  retpusite  for  their  transniij;ration,  and  on 
account  of  the  obstacles  which  the  (Governors,  general  or  local,  who 
pieceded  you,  hiive  put  in  their  way. 

••  I  cannot,  moreover,  refrain  from  representing  to  you  that  the 
claiises  of  your  proclamation  that  refer  to  the  term  antl  the  circum- 
stances of  their  dej)arture  soeni  to  me  but  little  in  keeping  with  ordinary 
kindnrss,  especially  after  a  treaty  and  an  ajjreement  of  nuitnal  good 
faith  between  Queen  Anne  and  King  Louis  XIV.,  a  treaty  that  ha.s 
been  executed  in  its  entirety  by  France  and  partially  by  England. 

"  Vou  are  aware,  sir,  that  by  this  agreement  the  lot  of  the  inhabit- 
ants of  .\eadia  was  to  be  the  same  as  that  of  the  inhabitants  of  Plais- 
anc«f.  It  were  impossible  to  aild  to  the  kindness  and  sincerity  with 
which  this  evacuation  of  IMaisance  was  accomplished,  and  I  have  the 
honor  to  represent  to  you.  that  nothing  could  be  harsher  than  tlm 
extremity  or  rather  the  impossibility  to  which  these  poor  people 
would  be  rediu'ed,  should  you  not  consent  to  be  less  severe  for  the 
time  and  the  maimer  in  which  you  e.\act  their  departure." 

To  prove  the  obstacles  opposed  to  the  departure  of 
the  Acadians,  T  have  quotetl,  so  far,  more  than  twenty 


'B 


M 


OJiSTACLK.S   TO    DlOI'AllTUItK. 


117 


documents,  all  of  which  aro  omitted  in  the  volume  of 
the  Archives.  What  is  there  in  this  volume  against 
these  clear  and  precise  afTirniatioiis?  Nothing.  No- 
where do  we  find  that  these  allirniations  have  been 
contradicted  in  reply  to  thost;  who  made  them.  Neither 
Nicholson  nor  l)()U(;ette  replied  to  the  athrmations  of 
Costahelle  and  de  Brouillan.  The  only  passage  that  looks 
like  a  formal  contradiction  of  these  allirmations  is  found 
in  a  letter  of  Philip[)S  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  in  which 
he  says : 

"  At  llie  time  of  llic;  surrondcr  of  the  coiiiitry,  it  was  slipiiliiti'il  in 
lifliiilf  of  llic  Aoadiiiiis,  to  have  thoir  (•lu)i('c,  cither  to  iciriaii!  in  tiic 
I'lnvincf,  if  llicy  would  transfer  llicir  allegiance,  or,  in  ease  of  tin-  al- 
ternative, to  (//.s/H(.se  of  their  estate  (//*'/  i  [f'trts  to  the  hoi,  advanlii.i;e  ; 
to  (ieterniine  which,  one  year's  time  was  allowed  them;  i)nl.  at  the 
ex]iiration  fheicof,  finding  their  new  masters  in  no  condition  lo 
olilige  them  to  the  ohservance,  of  one  or  the  other,  they  havo 
remained." 

l*liilip[)s  himself  knew  nothing  (d"  the  obstacles  we  have 
i;uMitioned ;  he  conld,  doubtless,  be  iidormeil  by  N'cLch, 
("aullield,  I)oucett(!,  iiixl  oilier  ol'licers  of  thc!  garrison; 
biU.  it  is  clear  that  they  were  not  eaucr  to  accuse 
themselves  of  their  own  trickery.  We  mtiy  judge  of  the 
credit  we  should  give  to  the  <leclaration  of  lMiili[)ps  l)y 
the  trouble  he  takes  todisligure  tlu!  tietity  he  had  under 
his  eyes.  Clearly,  the  treaty  gave  the  Acadians  the  right 
to  carry  awiiy  their  nuivid)le  eft'ccts,  their  cattle,  etc 
i'hilipps  converted  this  clause  into  a  light  to  sell  or 
dispose  of  them,  aiul  nothing  more.  If  he  erred  so 
grossly  as  to  the  terms  of  a  treaty,  what  tire  we  to  think 
of  his  seconddiand  assertions  ])icked  up  from  persons 
interested  in  deceiving  him  ?  This  proliibition  to  carrv 
iniythiug  away  with  them  was  not  only  inhuman,  it  was 


'■^^4 


P"''  '     it 
'.#^1 


118 


ACADIANS    MAKE  A   ROAD. 


lit  " 


also  a  fraud.  lie  well  knew  that,  since  they  were  the 
only  inhabitants  of  the  country,  they  would  have  no  one 
to  whom  they  might  sell  their  goods  in  case  they  de- 
jwrted,  and  that  is  why  he  chose  this  means  of  attaining 
his  cn<l,  amd  preventing  their  departure.  He  w.is  soon 
to  be  coiivineed  that  the  people  about  him  had  deceived 
him  respecting  the  reasons  that  had  prevented  their 
departure,  and  that  lie  deceived  himself,  if  he  fancied 
his  barbarous  orders  were  going  to  produce  the  result 
he  expected. 

As  the  Acadians  no  longer  lioped  to  work  upon  the 
(Toveriior's  determination,  as  they  no  longer  hoped  either 
for  timely  help  or  for  a  prolongation  of  the  appointed 
delay,  they  set  to  work  to  devise  ways  and  means  to 
effect  their  (le[)artnre.  Unable  to  withdraw  in  ships, 
they  had  no  other  alternative  than  the  land  route ;  but, 
for  that,  the}'  would  be  obliged  to  open  new  roads  where 
there  were  none. 

Tlie  lieaubassiii  [)eople  could  easily  withdraw  by  Bay 
Verle,  but  the  case  was  otherwise  with  those  of  Mines, 
and  especially  of  Auiia[)olis.  Hetween  these  two  places 
there  was  a  space  of  from  twenty  to  tiiirty  miles  which 
had  never  yet  been  opened  to  veliicles. 

To  tliis  point  the  Acadians  of  Mines  first  directed 
their  efforts,  and  thus  came  to  the  assistance  of  their 
Aiuiapolis  brethren.  .\11  the  able-bodied  population 
s<!t  lesolutely  to  work,  and  the  road-making  was  rapidly 
advancing.  In  presence  of  this  determination  to  leave 
the  country,  which  was  shown  in  so  inimistakable  a 
way,  Philipps  was  alarmed  ;  but  what  could  be  done  ? 
Could  he  reasonably  oi)pose  these  works,  indispensable 
as  they  were  to  the  transmigration?  Certainly  not, 
since  it  was  the  only  means  left  them  to  depart  and  to 


♦'*"*■■'■;'  II'' 


I'HILIPl'S    1-OUIiIDS    n(»Al)-MAKIN«i. 


119 


coiiJ'oiiu  to  tlie  alternative  of  his  proclamation  ! 

Au«l,  nevertheless,  they  must  not  Ihj  allowed  to  depart! 
His  conduct  would  be  incredible,  had  I  not  before  me 
the  official  documents  that  establish  indisputably  the 
means  which  Philipps  used  to  balk  the  Acadians  once 
more,  as  had  previously  done  Vetch,  Nicholson  and 
Caultielil.  'J'here  was  only  one  means;  it  was  to  forbid 
tiic  coniiuuation  of  these  works  ;  he  did  so. 

"  At  a  Couiioil  helil,  itc,  At. 
"  l'r>'st>iit  : 

"  His  Jlonor  Li*'iit.-<iovt'nior  Annslrong,  «frc.,  &c.,  &c. 

"  TliH  IlonoraWlc  IjitMit.-Clovernor  aoi|uainte(l  tho  Board,  that  Ifis 
Kxi't'll'  /ley.  (ii'in'ial  Pliilipps,  having  advice  that  the  Acadians  of  this 
river  arc  cuttius  a  road  from  here  to  Mines,  which  gives  him  suspicion 
that  thi'y  design  l)y  it  citlicr  to  inolcst  this  place,  or  todrivc  otf  tlicii- 
cattle  and  carry  their  ctTccfs  from  hence  by  that  way,  in  order  to 
settle  in  a  l)ody.  either  there  or  at  Beanbassin,  and  stand  in  defiance 
of  the  Government,  Advised  and  agreed  : 

"  That  His  Excellency  he  desired  to  send  his  special  orders  to  the 
Acadians  of  this  river  and  Mines  not  to  cut  any  such  road  without 
having  His  Excellency's  leave  in  writing." 

We  have  also  the  proclamation  drawn  u[)  conformably 
to  tlie  above  ordcr-iu-council.  In  this  pioclaii  itioii  he 
adds:  "Ami  T  do  further  forldil  anij  pi'rm)ii<  to  (jKt't  their 
/(((hitatimis  cJoin/ext/iief//  and  /rlth'iuf  inij  leaiu-." 

Naturally,  as  ini<iht  be  expected,  the  order  was  drawn 
U[i  as  if  he  suj)[)osed  other  dcsions  tlian  tluit  of  (putting 
the  countiy,  but  ontjs  jicreeidions  wouhl  have  to  Ije  very 
(hill  indiied  not  to  understand  the  true  scusi'  of  what 
was  meant  by  this  order,  "  not  to  cut  a  road  nor  ([uit 
ihcir  habitations  without  leave." 

IMiilipps  and  his  coiuicil  were  well  aware  that  their 
ol)j('ctcould  not  have  been  to  molest  anybody,  but  merely 
to  leave  the  country.     When  writin;^  to  the  Lords  of 


^Wr 


V20 


VEXATlors    I'ltOHlHITlONS 


Trade,  he  does  not  teel  consliainod  to  disguise  liis  pur- 
pose under  false  pretexts  ;  lienee,  in  rendering  an  ac- 
count of  these  events,  lie  does  not  make  a  mystery  of  their 
intention,  which,  he  says,  was,  or  must  have  heeii,  to 
leave  the  country  hy  way  of  Hay  Verte:  "  Being  joined 
in  alxjdy,  they  can  intirch,  'iff  ((t  their  Ii'Ihiuw  fni  tin'  ivnij 
of  the  Ban  Verte  \\\i\\  tiieir  effects,  and  destroy  what  tliey 
leave  behind,  without  danger  of  being  moleste<l  by  tlie 
giirrison."  So,  as  is  clearly  shown,  in  this  opening  of  a 
road,  Philipps  did  not  see  anything  but  the  means  and 
the  design  of  leaving  the  country.  Mis  fear  was  not 
that  his  garrison  might  be  molested  by  them,  but,  on 
the  contrary,  that  his  garrison  might  not  be  able  to 
molest  them  and  prevent  their  marching  off.  The  case 
is  widely  different. 

It  reminds  us  somewhat  of  the  fable  of  the  crocodile 
and  the  child: — "Why  do  you  shed  tears  at  the  l;ua- 
entations  of  thiscliild?  Have  you  of  late  become  so 
tender-hearted?"  was  remarked  to  him. — ''I  wee[),  " 
retorted  the  crocodile,  "  because  I  could  not  reach  him 
and  swallow  him  up." 

It  was  the  settled  fate  of  the  Acadians  tlmt  ihcy 
should  not  leave  the  country  except  by  deportation. 
Once  more  were  they  detained  against  their  will.  \\\ 
alternative  had  been  offered  them,  but  eventually  tlicy 
liad  none.  At  first,  they  had  thought  they  could  leave 
in  English  vessels;  these  were  refused.  Tliey  had 
asked  that  French  ships  might  be  allowed  to  enter  the 
ports  of  Acadia:  this  was  o[)[)Osed.  Having  constructed 
small  vessels,  they  wished  to  [)rocure  the  necessary 
equii)mentat  Louisburg  :  this  was  forbidden  ;  at  liostou, 
forbidden  again.  This  tinu;  the  order  to  take  away 
nothing  extended  even  to  vehicles,  and,  as  that  did  not 


VEXATIOUS   PROHIBITIONS. 


121 


suffice  to  deter  them,  the  route  by  land  was  likewise 
forbidden.  There  still  remained  the  air  route  ;  but  the 
manageable  balloons  of  the  twentieth  century,  nay, 
even  the  primitive  le-balloons  had  not  yet  been  in- 
vented. The  letter  Queen  Anne  extended  their  right 
to  the  selling  of  their  innnovable  propert}',  but,  with 
obstacle  on  obstacle,  restriction  on  restriction,  ruse  on 
ruse,  the  result  was  this  much  simplilied  statement :  "  If 
you  go  away,  you  shall  not  take  even  your  effects  with 
you."  And  to  strike  the  lowest  note  of  the  scale :  '"Go 
away,  if  you  like,  but  you  shall  not  take  away  even  your 
bodies  ;  your  bones  will  have  to  remain  here.  When 
the  time  for  your  dei)arture  shall  come,  we  ourselves 
will  see  to  your  transportation,  and  we  will  scatter  you 
upon  all  the  shores  of  the  new  world."'  Considered  in 
all  its  naked  reality,  such  was  the  situation. 

Only  peaceable  persons,  as  they  weie.  could  have  sul> 
mitted  to  so  many  unjust  impositions.  They  could  put  on 
foot  six  times  more  fighting  men  than  were  numbered  in 
the  garrison  of  Annapolis.  The  decision  of  the  Aca- 
dians  had  rendered  Philipps's  situation  very  perplexing. 
In  the  same  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  he  writes  : 


m 


5sf-i:*: 


'Wv 


v'T^M 


"  For  the  s((h-p  of  tidinliir/ tiiin\  And  keeping  all  things  quiet  till  I 
have  the  honor  of  your  further  conimands  in  what  manner  to  act,  I 
have  thought  it  most  for  Ills  Majesty's  service  to  send  home  the 
Acadian  deputies  loilhsiuoofh  tconl-s  and promiaeH  vf  inlaryeitiCiif  nf 
time." 

He  ends  his  letter  as  follows : 


•'m- 


"  They  say  they  will  oblige  themselves  to  be  good  subjects  in  i\('ry 
respect,  excepting  that  of  taking  up  arms  against  the  French  and 
Indians.  .  .  .  And  I  would  humbly  propose  that  if  an  oath  were 
formed  for  them  to  take,  wliereby  they  should  oblige  themselves  to 
take  up  arms  against  the  Indians,  if  required,  etc.,  etc.,  how  tar  this 
may  be  thought  to  bind  them." 


iS!M 


'-m-': 


122 


PHII.IIM'SS    HUMILIATION. 


*;' 


lii 


-<l«*)|IVi| 


It  is  easy  to  see,  while  following  this  correspondence 
of  Philipps  with  the  Secretary  of  State  and  the  Lords  of 
Trade,  that  lie  was  profoundly  humiliated  by  his  want 
of  success.  1  le  had  flattered  himself  that  his  high  posi- 
tion in  t!'o  army,  the  renown  of  his  name,  would  over- 
throw all  the  obstacles  that  a  little  simple  and  ignorant 
populali(jn  might  oppose  to  him.  Arriving  with  the 
air  of  a  conqueror,  he  had  issued  a  pompous  and  severe 
proclamation  which  admitted  of  no  reply ;  then  he  had 
encountered  difficulties  which  he  could  have  smoothed 
away,  but  which  he  had  only  increased  by  his  demeanor. 
He  would  have  liked  to  retrace  his  steps  and  to  resort 
to  conciliation,  but  he  had  sown  mistrust  and  was  rea])- 
ing  alarm.  He  had  thought  that  these  Acadiuns  were 
so  attaciied  to  their  goods  that  the  short  delay  granted 
them  to  leave  the  country  and  the  prohilntion  to  take 
away  their  effects  would  infallibly  determine  them  to 
accept  the  proposed  oath.  As  totluit,  he  had  fallen  into 
the  same  error  as  Nicholson,  and,  like  him,  he  found 
himself  obliged  to  prevent  at  any  price  the  departure  of 
the  Acadians,  with  this  diffeience,  that  Nicholson  could 
use  subterfuges,  while  he  had  not  even  this  resource. 
His  own  order,  which  forbade  the  inhalntants  to  open  a 
road  leading  out  of  the  country,  while  his  proclamation 
to  evacuate  it  was  still  fresh,  nuist  have  jarred  his  sense 
of  consistency.  And.  what  a  humiliation  here  for  a  man 
that  deserved,  I  believe,  on  other  occasions,  the  reputa- 
tion of  being  able,  affable  and  conciliating. 

The  more  meek  and  amiable  he  became  towards  the 
Acadians,  the  greater  was  his  bitterness  and  the  more 
malevolent  his  insinuations  with  regard  to  them  in  his 
corresi)oiidence.  He  liad  suffered  failure.  To  justify 
or  attenuate  it,  he  did  wliat  has  ahvavs  been  done,  what 


•t* 


I  >!»»►. I 


MLS    lUTTKIINKSS. 


128 


is  still  (lone:  he  laid  the  blame  on  othei-s.  In  order  to 
do  so,  he  liad  to  lepresent  the  Aeiidiaiis  as  headstrong, 
ungovernable,  directed  by  '*  bigoted  [)riestH;""  this  he 
did  to  the  Ijest  of  his  ability. 

"  Th«^y  will  never,  saitl  he.  in  .substance,  make  i^oocl  siihjeets.  They 
eaiinot  l)e  Wl  uo  now  at  least  :  their  departure,  if  they  weiU  to  swell 
tilt'  colony  of  ('ape  Breton,  wouhl  render  oiu-  neishbors  loo  power- 
ful :  we  need  them  to  ere(!t  our  fortitications  and  to  provision  oiu' 
forts,  till  tilt  Enx'ltiili  iirr  jiotrcr/nl  t:itiiH<ili(>/  thriii.silrcs  to  ija  on, 
iiiid  thi'U  must  not  vil/nlrdir  hcj'in-c  a  conKidcrKhlr  nnnihi-r  nj 
Jiritish  si.hjectft  he  Hettled  in  tlnir  xti'inl.  On  the  other  hand,//' 
llifi/  t'-Ulnlran;  In  sintcof  us,  a  great  many  tine  possessions  will  be- 
<i)nie  vacant.  1  believe  it  will  not  be  difficult  to  draw  as  many  people 
almost  from  New  England  as  would  su[)ply  their  room,  if  it  were  not 
robbing  a  neighboring  colony  vlthonl  ijuhi'mu  nnn-li  hi/  thr  r.r- 
fl((tniji' ;  therefore,  hope  there  are  schemes  forming  al  Home,  to  set- 
tle the  country  with  British  subjects  in  the  spring,  hi/on'  irhhli  limr 
fhi  se  inhohitniltsilo  not  think'  itl'  nmrinii,  hurin;/  the  luii'lit  nf  oildi'ir- 
mint  of  time  I  <jr<uile<l,  luitil  1  shall  receive  youi'  further  conunands. 
Whut  (.s  to  be  apprehended  in  the  resettling  these  farms  isitisturtxmre 
j'rnin  the  hi'Udvs.  who  do  not  like  of  the  Acadians  going  off,  and  will 
not  want  prompting  to  mischief." 

In  his  vexation  Philijips  had  shown  only  the  dark 
side,  and  had  painted  it  so  vividly  as  to  affect  the 
l.oids  of  Trade,  who  wrote  under  dale  of  December 
•JOth.  17-20: 

"  As  to  tlie  .Vcadiansof  Xova  ScoIIm.   who  pppcar  m» 

u-ureriiifi  in  their  inclinations,  we  areapi)r('hensi\c  they  will  nexcr  be- 
come good  subjects  to  His  Majesty.  .  .  .  W'c  Ill-Ill/  iijiinioii  the;/  <>ii<l/it 
tu  hr  I'lnwved  us  soon  as  tln/ori-i  s  I'-hirli  ire  /mrt'  iiruimstil  lit  lir  sint 
III  1/(111  shall  Ui'rirf  in  i/mir  I'riirinrf,  Inil  lis  i/iiit  lire  mil  til  iillriiij>t 
thiir  riiiinrnt  irithiiiit  His  Miijisti/'s  piisitire  nnlrr  foi'  that  pur]>i)se, 
y(Hi  will  do  well  in  the  meanwhile,  tn  rimtiniii'  the  siime  iirmlnit  iiii'> 


rniit 


iniis  I'll 


mluct    tniriu-ils    till 


to  endeavor  tu  mul 


iiilrrilri'  Hum  rim- 


virnin;/  the  exercise  n/ tin  ii'  reliiiinii  which  will  douldless  !»'  allowed 
them  if  it  shniihl  hi'  tlnnii/ht  iirninr  tu  Irl  them  sttii/  ir/iirr  lliei/  urr."  ' 


*Pai'knuui  luul    this  ilncument  het'ore  liiii 


F 


III  iii>toriiiii  I't'  lip'. 


^Iiiiiilinq  be  slmuld   have  cmu'itIv  seized  a  letter  that  tliicw  >■ 


IjKII 

hj^ht  on  liistury ;  it  was  a  real  tit-liit 


(A 


^^''^ 


■\n  f^-- 


but  it  was  not  i([  tile  light  kiml. 


124 


CKAG(;.S    TO    I'HILIIM'S. 


fi'"' 


•%  1  .;«. 


"•^iMiil 


On  reading  this  oiiu  fuels  iis  though  a  leaden  cloak 
were  falling  on  his  shoulders,  and  as  though  there  was 
not  enough  air  to  breathe  freely.  The  sinister  project 
of  the  deportation  has  just  been  hatched.  A  cold  shiver 
runs  down  one's  s])ine.  One  fancies  he  hears  tin- 
first  blasts  of  the  trunijjet  that  Wias  to  order  the  endjaik 
ation. 

I  api)end,  by  way  of  elucidation,  aversion  of  the  same 
letter  in  familiar  style: 


m 


in;  ;. 


^|:ila 


mm 


"My  1)k.vi{  Piiii.HM's: 

"I  s<'t'  you  do  not  get  the  bottor  of  the  Acatlians  as  you  expoetcil 
before  yoiw  depailuie.  It  is  singular  ail  the  same  that  these  iieopii- 
should  liave  prefeired  to  lose  their  goods  rather  than  be  exposed  lo 
light  against  their  brethren.  This  sentimentality  is  stiii)id.  Tln-e 
jjeople  are  evidently  too  nnieh  attaehed  to  th(»ii'  fellow-couiitrynnii 
and  to  their  rtligion  ever  to  niaki'  true  Englishmen.  It  mu>t  be 
avowed  your  jtosition  was  deueedly  eritieal  ;  it  was  very  diliieiilt  to 
jirevent  them  from  dei>arting.  after  having  left  the  bargain  lo  tlu-ir 
elioiee.  However,  you  did  well  toaet  thus,  it  was  yoiuonly  resoiirei-. 
The  treaty  l>e  hangfd  I  Don't  bother  about  justice  and  other  baubles 
any  more  than  Xieholsou  and  Veteh  did  ;  those  things  will  not  ;id- 
van('<'  our  interests.  Their  departure  will,  doubtless,  iiu'rease  tlie 
power  of  France  :  it  must  not  be  .xo  :  they  must  eventually  l)e  tr;uis- 
l)orted  to  some  place,  where,  mingling  with  oiu'  sul).jectx,  they  v.ill 
soon  lose  their  language,  their  religion  and  the  lemendjrance  of  the 
past,  to  become  true  Englishmen.  For  the  moment,  we  are  too  weak 
to  undertake  this  deportation  :  but  we  purijose  etfecting  it  in  the 
spring  time,  when  we  shall  have  sent  to  you  the  re(]uired  troops.  Do 
nothing  of  your  own  accoi'd  before  we  liave  given  you  orders.  Mean- 
while, my  dear  friend,  lay  aside  your  high  and  nnghty  air.-,  -.linw 
yourself  affable  and  kind  towards  them.  Encourage  them  with  any 
hopes  you  choose,  say  what  you  like  ;  provided  you  obtain  the  desired 
enil.  which  is  none  other  than  to  prevent  their  departure,  you  will 


merit  our  gratitude. 


"  Your.s, 


'TliAOOS. 

"  Secretary  of  State. 


"  N.  B.— Make  tbeiu  believe  that  we  shall  leave  them  the  free  exer- 


Flits  r    HINT    OF    DKl'OllTATION. 


12-) 


cist'  of  their  relisiion  ;  we  shall  son  Inter  on  what  we  shall  do  oti  this 

score,  if  it  be  decidetl  to  leave  them  in  tlie  eoiintry.     In  this  ease  it  in 

probable  we  shall  allow  theiu  th(>  free  exercise  of  tlieir  religion. 

"  p.  s. — There  is  a  great  storm  brewing  against  Aislabie,  Stanhope 

and  myself  relatively  to  the Sonth  Sea  Co.  .  .  .     I  am  all  of  a  tremble 

at  it.  .  .  .     Must  I.  .  .  . 

"Chaihjs.* 


The  reader  will  find  the  document  I  have  just  para- 
phrased hardly  agrees  with  the  declaration  of  my  intro- 
ductory remarks,  exonerating  the  home  government  from 
all  complicity  in  this  iniquitous  deportation.  It  was,  in- 
tleed,  a  Secretary  of  State  who  liad  resolved  to  execute 
it,  but  a  man  of  the  stamp  of  Craggs  is  rarely  met  witli 
in  history.  There  was  certainly  no  question  here  of  a 
government  project,  but  of  the  scheme  of  a  single  indi- 
vidual, who  had  begun  his  career  by  a  fraud  that 
brought  him  to  the  Tower,  and  ended  it  by  another 
which  ought  to  have  sent  him  back  thither.  Tluis,  the 
deportation  was  conceived  b}-  a  barber  who  became 
Secretary  of  State,  and  it  was  executed  thirty-five  years 
later  by  a  house-painter  who  became  I*rovincial  Gov- 
einor.  It  was  conceived  by  a  pluiulerer  and  executed 
for  the  sake  of  plunder.  One  man  died  as  he  was  plan- 
ning it,  the  other  as  he  was  realizing  it.  The  one  had 
l)een  shut  up  in  the  Tower,  and  avoided  a  return  tliither 
l.)y  an  opportune  death  ;  the  other  escaped  the  same  fate 
in  the  same  manner.  Under  such  exceptional  circum- 
stances   I    think   it    would   be    unjust    to    throw    the 

*  C'raRj?s  had  befjun  life  as  a  barber.  He  then  became  a  footman,  and, 
later  ou,  an  army  clothier.  His  dealings  as  such  Ijeiug  iuvesti^ated,  he  n- 
fiised  to  produce  his  books  and  was  sent  to  the  Tower.  Twenty-two  years 
later  he  was  Secretary  of  State,  with  Aislabie  as  leader  of  the  House  of 
Commons.  When  the  Smilh  Sfd  Ptulthlf  expiorted,  Aislabie  was  oxpt'lN'd 
from  the  House  for  his  shameful  conduct  in  connection  with  tho  famous 
Hnhhie.  C'ra^irs  "'sciijied  tlie  same  fate  by  a  timely  death.  Groen,  in  his 
history,  say.-<  that  he  died  of  terror  at  the  punishment  he  expected  to 
meet. 


m^% 


m* 


126 


Ai'AKiANs  i'kackaum:. 


<M 


::iii 


tk  ll'l 


Ul'i; 


responsibility  of  tliis  ddi'iinient  on  the  lionie  fjoverninent 
in  virtue  of  the  ministeiiiil  responsibility.  It  wiis  none 
the  less  an  unfortunate  deed;  for  Lawrence,  who  knew 
of  it,  took  pattern  from  it;  he  saw  or  thouglit  he  saw 
therein  liis  jnstilication. 

The  good-natured  souls  who  have  pitied  the  deporta- 
tion and  sad  fate  of  the  Acadians,  says  Kameau,  have  no 
need,  by  way  of  explaining  the  fact,  to  credit  them  with 
imaginary  crimes.  After  this  document,  it  ma}'  be  said 
that  the  proscription  was  not  a  deed  improvised  in 
anger:  it  was  jiremeditated  as  early  as  1720.  Lawrence, 
upon  whom  this  crime  is  chaiged,  v.a.i  accjuainted  witli 
this  document. 

It  cannot  be  said  that  the  Acadians  had  been  rebel- 
lious, nor  even  that  they  had  had  recourse  to  violence, 
since  their  submission  embraced  evtni  obedience  to  the 
Older  to  depart  without  taking  awaj-  anything,  and  to  the 
still  moi'e  unjust  order  that  put  a  stop  to  their  depart- 
ure, and  this,  when  they  were  powerful  eiu)ugh  to  snap 
their  fingers  at  authority.  Examples  of  such  peaceable 
dispositions  are  very  rare  in  history.  Their  extreme 
peaceableness  was  their  misfortune.  Had  they  not  been 
so  meek,  they  would  have  had  to  be  let  go. 

This  document,  llameau  says  again,  would  suffice,  in 
default  of  others,  to  show  what  nervous  apprehension 
the  Hoard  of  Trade  in  Europe  and  the  Governor  of 
Annapolis  in  America  felt  lest  the  Acadians  escape  from 
their  control.  They  wish  at  all  costs  to  avoid  this 
misfortune;  so,  in  spite  of  the  bitter  anger  which 
Philipps's  disappointment  caused  him,  see  how  lie 
lavishes  kind  words  upon  them,  with  what  insinuating 
sweetness,  while  praising  the  tenderness  of  King  Creorge, 
he  slips  in  those  perfidious   assurances    of  liberty,   of 


PHILirrs    \VMKK1»L1N(;. 


121 


jteaeefulness,  of  reli<;ioll^^  tret'doni,  in  order  to  j)rotriict 
tlieir  present  eondition  and  make  them  aiieept  a  pio- 
vi.sional  toleranee  tliat  should  not  he  hinding  lor  the 
future,  vnitil  the  favorabh*  lioursliould  strike  wlieu  they 
might  be  deported  without  lisk. 

Philipps  perfeetly  uiuhirslood  his  instructions  ;  lie, 
who  had  made  his  foitune  amid  the  intrigues  of  the  coui  t, 
was  now  altogether  on  liis  own  ground  :  he  put  away 
his  great  sabi'e  and  the  high-flown  phrases  of  his  lirst 
appearance  on  the  scene,  and  continued  the  [)oliey 
he  had  just  inaugurated:  wheedle  the  Acadians  s(»as  to 
make  them  remain  on  their  lands,  exact  allegiance  if 
the  occasion  j)resents  itself,  if  not,  then  lavish  line 
words  without  promising  anything  detinite  ;  keep  a 
way  open  for  retreat,  so  as  to  pi'ove  no  promises  had  ever 
been  made,  but  oidy  attempts  at  agreement.  Thus 
was  obtained  from  the  Acadians  the  desiied  amount  of 
usefulness,  Ijy  freely  granting  them  toh;ranoe  without 
ever  affording  them  any  certainty. 

IMiilipps  made  this  situation  last  two  years  more  with- 
out allowing  their  departure, but  also  without  accepting  or 
refusing  the  restricted  oath  which  the  Acadians  claimed  ; 
he  still  kept  them  on  their  lands  by  protrai'ting  their  un- 
certainty, lie  thus  reached  the  year  17-l2,  when  he  le- 
turned  to  Europe,  leaving  in  his  j>lace  Captain  Doucette 
as  lieutenant-governor. 

In  his  work  entitled  "  Wolfe  and  Montcalm  "  Park - 
man,  falling  in  with  the  Compiler,  alHrmed  that  the 
Acadians  had  remained  in  the  country  of  their  own  frc(i 
will.  Since  writing  whsit  precedes  I  have  noticed  in  his 
new  work,  "  A  Half  Century  of  Conflict,"  that  he  has 
modified  his  first  opinions  on  this  subject.  It  was  indeed 
difficult  not  to  yield  to  evidence  that  was  supported  by 


ArC'i; 


*  V    ' 


"Hr^ 


XM^ 


].'' 


Ii^'"» 


'l,ii;i' 


■  fH'i-f 


I  ■ 


^::m 


i4 


1'2H 


I'AKKMAN    i:kti:A(Ts. 


such  ii  coiisidrriildc  mass  of  (Incimu'iits  as  tliiit  cnlli-ctcd 
l)y  ('iisgniiii  ill  iUc  ••  Ciiiiadii  l''raii<;ais."  IlowlM-it,  it  is 
witli  plt'asiiiv  I  j,'ivt!  Parkiiiaii  ( rt'(lit  tor  tliis  iiiiplird 
cuiK-L'Ssion.  I  ciinuot  reasonably  expect  him  to  do  as 
imich  with  respect  to  all  hi.s  other  erroi-s,  for  then  it 
would  bo  necessary  to  destroy  almost  all  tliat  he  has 
written  on  the  liistory  of  Acadia. 

"  Govonior  Xioholsmi,''  says  lie,  '■  like  his  prcMecossor,  was  ri'solvfil 
to  keep  the  AcadiaiiH  in  thoProviiiPo  ifliocoiiltl.  Tliis  persona^f,  ablr, 
i'ii('i';;t'li<',  lifadsiroiij^,  ptTvcrsc,  iiiiscnipiilous,  coiKJuf'tt'd  hiiusclf  even 
towarils  tliL'  Knglisli  olliccrs  ami  soldit'is  in  a  luaaiuT  tlial  setiius  mi- 
aPcoiintal)l('  and  that  kindlod  lliolr  utmost  iiidii,'nati()ii.  Towards  liic 
Acadiaiis  Ids  Ijcliavior  was  still  worse.  .  .Tho  Acadiaiis  built  small  vos- 
scls  ami  till'  French  authorities  at  Lonishurs  sent  them  the  iiect'ssai  " 
riyj^in;?.  Nirlmlxun  ordvrtd  it  hack,  forbade  the  sale  of  their  landi 
ami  liouses  (Uid  a'aiihl  not  evr)i  ht  fhi'in  sill  flu  h-  piTsounl  effect  ■•< ; 
cotdly  setting  .at  nanjiht  both  the  treaty  of  rtiecht  and  the  letter  of 
the  Queen.  Caultiehl  and  Doiieette,  his  deputies,  both  in  one  degree  or 
another,  followeil  his  example  in  preventing,  so  far  as  they  could,  the 
emigration  of  the  Acadians." 

All  that  this  citation  contains  is,  in  a  general  way, 
true ;  but,  as  a  question  of  fact,  it  is  not  strictly 
accurate  ;  thus,  Nicholson  did  not  order  the  Acadians  to 
send  back  the  rigging  to  liouisburg,  but  forbade  them 
to  procure  any,  nor  did  he  forbid  them  to  sell  their 
effects,  but  only  to  take  them  away  with  them.  Though 
these  variations  would  be  unimportant  in  an  ordinary 
chronicler  without  sncli  }»rf. tensions  as  Parkman  has  to 
historic  accuracy  and  fi  irness,  still,  it  would  have  been 
better  to  be  absolutely  precise,  when  it  was  so  easy  for 
him  to  be  so. 

After  having  made  this  concession,  apparently  so 
frank  and  candid,  let  us  see  how  he  sets  to  work  to 
nullify  it : 


^Si 


Nl'l.r-IIMKS    MIS    UKTIIACTATION. 


1:20 


"  If  lln'v  liail  wislit'tl  tt>  fiiiiLtriitt',  till'  l*;n;;lisli  Oovcriior  liiul  im 
|K>wer  to  otnp  iIk'Iii.  .  .  'I'lu-y  woic  iirmt'il  iiiul  (nroiitiiiiiiilicitvl  flii> 
Kii>:li>l>  K<"Ti!)oii,  'I'o  siiy  tliut  tln'v  wi-^lit'il  to  l«'!iv«*  Aciitlia,  hiil  W)>r<> 
l>rt'veiili'(l  from  soih'ii;,'  l>y  ii  |n'lty  >,'iirriNoii  at  the  otlu-r  cml  of  tlm 
I'roviiicf,  vo  fi't>l)l('  i',;i:  it  could  Iiiinlly  liolil  Aiiimpolis  itself,  is  an 
unjust  n-pi-oacli  iipnn  a  pi'ople  wlio,  llioiiuiiijiiioraiit  iiiitl  »r*'(iA-  nf 
p»(r/('(.vr.  wcir  not  want iiijj  iti  pliysjcal  couraiii'.  'I'ln*  truth  is,  tluil 
j'riiiii  l/iia  liiiii  to  llii'ir  ft)r('fil  cxpalrialion,  all  Hit*  Aciuliaiis,  t.ccipl 
thiiKC  »/  AniKijiolis,  wfiv  fi»M'  to  iin  or  stay  iil  will." 


It  is  pcrtVctly  true,  its  Parkiiiiin  says,  that  the  Aca- 

<liiiiis.   t\fff[)t    t/io-v   of  AnHnpnllx,  had    the    imiiiciical 

.'^tiviigth  to  eiifoice  theif  (U'partHK;   tfom  the  coiiiitiy; 

i'or,  as  is  most  jnobabU'.  were  they  wanting  in  [)hysi('al 

courage,  iiiid    they   nndonhtedly  ]iad    th(!  right  to  aet 

iliiis:  but  we  must  not  judge  tlieir  aetions  aceording  to 

otn'  own  ith'ius.     Parkman,  as   all    this  history  (dearly 

proves,  should  have  understood  that  these  people,  these 

if,'norant  peasants,  as  he  never  tails  to  call  them,  had,  far 

f>therwise  than  we,  the  love  of  peace,  respect  for   and 

submission  to  authority.     Instetid  of  overthrowing  by 

force  the  iniquitous  obstacles  opposed  to  their  departure, 

they  applied  to  the  French  authorities  to  put  an  end  to 

them.     In  their  naive  ignorance  the  stipulations  of  a 

treaty   seemed  sacred,  and,    thought  they,  eventually 

justi(?e  would  prevail ;  they  did  not  suspect,  so  well  as 

we  should,  the  perverseness  of  their  rulers.     It  is  this 

spirit  of  submission  that  later  on  enabled  Lawrence  to 

<lei)ort  them.     Would  Parkman  have  it  imputed  to  theuj 

as  a  crime?     And,  because  they  might  have  effected 

their  departure  in  spite  of  the  authorities,  does  this  fact 

relieve  the  authorities  from  all  blame  for  their  unjust 

proceedings  ?     Did  that  iniquitous  detention  oblige  the 

Acadians  to  take  the  oath  exacted  of  them?    Is  Mr. 

Parkman's  indulgence  and  commiseration  invariably  for 
9 


m 


w. 


lao 


KKASONS    AiiAlNST    DKI'AIJTING. 


I  >- 


f  n 


III    i'     V     "' 


the  oppressor  as  against  the  op])ressed  ?  To  depart 
without  having  tlie  recpiisite  faeilities  for  deportation 
meant  to  leave  behind  iheni  their  effects  and  tlieir  cattle, 
all  which  was  very  painful,  especially  when  the  right  to 
take  them  away  was  guaranteed  by  a  treaty. 

'I'here  are  still  other  ver}'  imi)ortant  considerations  to 
which  Mr.  Parkman,  from  the  snugnessof  his  easy  chair, 
did  not  even  take  the  trouble  to  advert.     Thus,  if  it  be 
:rue  that  the  Acadians  of   IJeaubassin  and  Mines  had 
sulllicient   strength  to  effectuate   their    de[>arture.  and 
ihey  would.   I   believe,   have  succeeded  therein,  it  was 
not  so  for  those  of  Annap(»lis,  as  he  adnnts.      liy  with- 
diawing.the  former  would  leave  these  Litter  behind  llieur, 
they  would  leave  a  large  iuuid)er  of  their  compatriots, 
their  relations  and  brethren  at  the  mercy  of  a  power  that 
held  out  no  ho[)cs  of  equitable   treatment.     Not  being 
able  to  depart  in  Knglish,  French  or  even  Acadian  ves- 
sels, it  was  expressly   to  permit  those  of  Anna[)olis   to 
effect  a    union   with    themselves   that  the   Acadian»   of 
Mines  had  set  to  work  to  oi»en  a  roiul  between   the  two 
places,  in    which   attempt   they   were   frustrated  by  an 
order  from  Philipps.     To  withdraw  thus  and  leave  their 
relations  behind  would  mean  a  lifelong  separation,  un- 
less they  should  chance  to  meet  as  adversaries  upon  the 
held  of  battle,  in  case  a  war  should  break   out   between 
France  and  Encjland.     Parkman   makes   no  account  oi 
this  se[)aration,  or  more  probably  he  did  not  even  think 
of  it :  these  ignorant  people,  who  were   guided  in  their 
actions  by  the  humane  feelings  inherent  in   our  nature, 
l)ore  most  heavily  thiy   separation  with  all  its   dread. "ill 
consequtnices  :  tliey  had  W(Mghed  and  [)ondered  it:  they 
liad  felt  the  delicacy  of  their  situation  ;  they  had  seen 


'Ff.K"' 


REASONS    A<;A1NST    DKI'AUTINC. 

farther  and  more  correctly  than   Paiknian  with  all  his 
learning. 

Pursuing  the  same  idea  Parkman  iuhh. . 

"  The  year  had  loiif;  ago  expin'd,  and  most  of  tliom  were  still  in 
Aoadia,  unwilling  to  leavo  it,  yet,  refusing  to  own  King  (George." 

Thus  does  Parkman  endeavor  to  nullity  all  the  merit 
of  liis  formei'  a(hnission.  Me  had  admitted  that  Vetch, 
Nicholson,  C'auKield  and  Doucette,  in  one  way  <»r  an- 
other, did  all  in  their  [)ower  to  render  the  departure  of 
the  Acadians  impossible,  and  yet  these  Acadians,  in  spite 
of  all  these  etTorts,  "were  unwilling  to  go."  It  is  very 
hard  to  I'cconcile  these  two  conflicting  statements,  hut 
we  nnist  h(!  prei)ared  lo  see  Parkman  I'ontradict  himself 
on  one  and  tlie  saine  i^nge ;  *  the  puhlie  was  so  eagerly 
bolted  his  first  ten  volumes  that  he  ceased  to  be  on  his 
guard  in  the  eleventh.  After  he  had  said  in  a  general 
Avay  that  the  Acadians  "  wei'e  unwilling  to  leave,"  I  lind, 
thirteen  lines  further  on,  the  following,  r<;lative  to  the 
proclamation  of  Philipj)s  : 

"  Tlioy  profosU'd  to  M.  df  IJioiiillan  that  tlntj  iniiilil  iiIkiiiiIuii  nil 
Ttit/nr  than  rcnouin'e  thoir  rcli:.'ioi'.  and  llicii'  Kin^;  "'  '/"  sdmr  (inn- 
III'  1/  f)fi'iiiirri1  fur  II  i/i'iuriil  iiiiitirnl imi  hi/  inn/  nf  tlir  istlnmis  nail 
liai/  Vrrtr.  when  it  would  liavf  Ix'cn  impossihlo  to  sto])  them." 

The  contradict^  ,..  j:?  i^i^vant  enough,  but  it  would  be 
still  moie  so,  if  l"  rkuian,  by  a  trick  that  is  familiar  to 
him,  had  not.  ..  it  were,  cut  his  sentence  in  two.  -o  as 
not  to  let  us  kiK  ',v  wlial.  this  time,  had  prevented  the 
departure  of  the  Acadians.  We  have  only  i.t  uud.  in 
order  to  comnleti  the  tintinished  sentence,  the  foUowinjx 
words:  "  but  they  w<M'e  slopj)ed  in  their  prei)aiations by 

*  A  IMf  Cmtin-j  nf  Coiittl't.  \,.  108. 


132 


GAHHLING 


an  ovcUm-  of  Govei'iior  Pliilipps,  i'oiljiddiiig  their  cutting 
ii  I'oiul  between  Annapolis  and  Mines  and  i'orbidding- 
their  leaving  their  habitations."  This  addition  is  not 
long,  and  these  few  Avords  su^jplj-  the  reader  with  in- 
formation of  great  importance.  liy  cutting  his  sentence 
in  two,  Parkman  stoj)ped,  so  to  speak,  on  the  brink  of  a 
precipice,  for  I  am  merely  yielding  to  evidence  in  saying, 
that  the  avowal,  which  the  com[)letion  of  his  sentence 
entiiiled,  would  have  been  extremely  painful  to  him. 
Should  the  reader  doul)t  it,  I  can  assuie  him  that  his 
hesitation  will  be  dispelled  long  before  reaching  the 
end  of  this  Avork. 

And,  when  Mr.  Parkman  added:  "  Vft,  rffusuii/ to 
oini  Kiiii/  Georin',''^  had  he  absolutely  persisted  in  in- 
troducing these  incorrect  terms  into  his  account,  he 
might  have  explained  in  a  few  words  that  the  Acadians, 
when  they  saw  how  their  departure  was  made  impos- 
sible, luianimously  offered  to  (xovernor  Doucette  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance  with  a  clause  exempting  them 
from  bearing  arms  against  the  French  and  the  Indians 
their  allies;  or  simply  against  the  French,  if  means  were 
affoi'ded  to  protect  them  against  the  Indians  ;  and  that, 
fiom  that  time  up  to  their  deportation,  they  never  refused 
such  an  oath.  Many  of  Mr.  Parkman's  readers  might 
liave  found  this  detail  veiy  instructive  and  very  im- 
portant in  order  to  judge  of  the  spirit  that  animated  the 
Acadians.  Leaving  the  public  under  a  contrary  impres- 
sion, through  omission  and  misconstruction,  was  allow- 
ing unjust  prejudices  against  them  to  circulate  ;  which 
is  equivalent  to  falsifying  history. 


DErAKTUKE  OF    rUlLlPPS. 


133 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Departure  of  Philipps  (17:32) — Dourette  reassumes  his  functions 
as  lieutenant-governor,  which  lie  exercises  till  1725 — Total 
absence  in  the  volume  of  the  Archives  of  documents  foi-  tliis 
}M'riod — Armstrong  succeetls  him — His  character — Taking 
of  the  oatli  at  Annaoolis — Captain  Bennett  and  Philipps 
make  the  tour  of  the  ])rovince  for  the  same  purpose — Tlieir 
failure' — Armstrong  confides  the  same  mission  to  Officer 
Worth — Incomplete  success — His  report. 


%^^ 


.*^a 


Philipps  returned  to  Kiigl;iii(l  altogetlier  disgusted 
with  everything :  with  the  ungrateful  task  that  had 
fallen  to  his  lot,  with  the  state  of  the  fortilicalions, 
with  the  weakness  of  the  garrison,  with  the  indiftereiiee 
of  the  authorities  in  regaid  to  his  projeets,  with  his  own 
inability  to  enforee  obedienee.  I  le  felt  himself  huntl)led 
by  his  failnie.  Moreover,  this  life  in  an  out  of  the  way 
<7arrison,  far  from  comfort  and  civilization,  coincided  so 
''■"Ue  will;  his  tastes  of  a  great  loid  and  courtier  that, 
i  faidless  of  the  general  o[)ening  of  hostilities  with  tlie 
Ijidians,  he  end)arke(l  for  Kngland  in  the  course  of  the 
■ununer  of  1722.  He  neveitheless  remained  titular 
governor  of  the  province  with  all  the  emoluments  of 
his  ollice  till  the  foundation  of  Halifax  in  174*.t,  at 
which  time  he  had  nearly  attained  the  age  of  ninet}- 
years. 

John  Doueette,  who  liad  been  lieutenant-governoi* 
some  time  before  the  arrival  of  Philip})s,  lesumed  his 
functions,  whieh  he  exercised  till  1725.      Oddly  enough, 


fWA 


ih 


:ii.i  '^t  jir 


1:34 


GAr    IN    THE    AltrHIVKS. 


tile  volume  of  the  archives  does  not  eontaiu  a  single 
document  of  the  period  extending  from  1722  to  1725. 
Given  the  partiality  of  the  Compiler  and  his  efforts  to 
combine  in  this  volume  all  that  could  he  prejudicial  to 
the  Acudians  and  justify  their  deportation,  here  is  tlie 
explanation  that  seems  to  me  most  probable.  Philipps, 
for  feai'  of  seeing  the  Acadians  escape,  had  shown  him- 
self meek  and  amiable  toward  them,  and  up  to  his 
departuj  the  burning  question  of  the  oath  had  been 
kept  piar-  •  in.  the  shade.  The  pro])or  thing  to  do 
was  to  letsv  j-vl  years  glide  by,  to  await  the  favorable 
moment,  and,  umil  then,  to  treat  the  Acadians  with  the 
greatest  regard.  This  policy  was  all  the  more  com- 
mendable because  the  Indians  of  Maine  Avere  in  open 
war  and  those  of  Nova  Scotia  threatened  to  follow  their 
example,  and  in  fai-t  were  already  committing  depreda- 
tions. Under  such  circumstances  Philipps  could  not 
have  failed  to  recommend  strongly  to  Doucette  mainte- 
nance will)  regard  to  the  Acadians  of  that  same  prudence 
and  forlunirance  which  he  himself  had  inausjfurated. 
The  inter]>()siti()n  of  the  governor  in  the  affairs  of  the 
Acadians  became  almost  null,  and  that  is  why  his  corre- 
spondence contained  nothing  or  almost  nothing  relative 
to  them,  and  especially  nothing  that  could  be  turned 
against  them.  Put,  some  will  say,  this  volume  was  to 
have  been  a  compilation  to  serve  for  the  general  history 
of  the  province.  That  is  veiy  true  :  but  the  Compiler 
thought  otherwise.  For  him,  as  1  have  said,  and  the 
thing  is  evident,  this  volume  was  the  combination  of  all 
the  documents  that  could  throw  some  light  on  the 
reasons  that  might  have  called  for  the  de[)ortation ; 
and,  wiiatever  did  not  tend  to  confirm  this  proof,  or 
whatever  tended  to  overthrow  it,  was  extraneous  matter. 


GAP    IN   THE   AHCHIVES. 


135 


'-"*.-■ 


So  true  is  this  tijat,  up  to  the  foundation  of  Halifax, 
this  volume  contains  nothing  Imt  what  relates  to  the 
Acadians  and  to  tlieir  priests  ;  and,  wlien  a  letter  men- 
tions something  that  does  not  relate  to  them,  or  some- 
tliing  that  throws  discredit  on  the  governor  or  some 
oilier  important  otlicial,  this  pari  is  systematically  sup- 
pressed, and  this  is  done  even  when  the  omitted  part 
explains  or  exhibits  in  a  different  light  the  inserted 
part.  In  this  period,  from  1722  to  1725,  the  Acadians, 
(MMiformably  to  the  orders  of  Fhilipps,  had  been  left  to 
themselves,  and  the  C'om})iler,  Hnding  nothing  in 
Diiueette's  correspondence  to  support  his  proofs,  found 
nothing  worth  re[)roduciiig.  Yet  it  is  certain  that 
Doihettc  nnist  have  had  regular  correspondence  with 
tlie  iJoard  of  Tj'ade  and  with  Fhilipps.  If  we  suppose 
the  small  number  of  four  dispatches  a  ytiAv  to  the  Lords 
of  Tiiule,  as  many  to  Fhilipps  and  the  replies  thereto, 
we  should  have  forty-eight  documents,  of  which  some, 
though  they  contained  nothing  for  or  against  the 
Acadians,  miglit  at  least  be  useful  for  the  general 
liisKjiy  of  the  piovinee.  Such  had  been  the  intention 
of  the  legislature.  1  have  sejn  some  of  these  docu- 
ments, which  in  fact  contained  nothing  of  importance 
to  the  Acadians. 

In  striking  contrast  with  Fhilip[)s,  Armstrong,  who 
succeeded  Doucette  in  1725.  was  a  man  of  violent 
tempei'.  of  a  rough  and  disorderly  ciust  of  mind,  alto- 
gether luitit  for  the  fuiietions  of  a  governor,  even  under 
the  most  favorable  eireumstanees,  and  still  less  suited 
to  the  task  of  smoutiiing  out  dillieulties  such  as  then 
faced  him.  The  most  salient  feature  of  his  character 
was,  however,  the  capriciousness  of  his  humor.  Some- 
times affable  and  obligiuf-,  he  was  most  often  so  harsh 


ii'S\ 


186 


AUMSTUONc;  S   AXTECKDKNT.S. 


^illllil 


.i.i'  ! 


i 


rm 


mM, 


and  brutal  sis  to  provoke  officers  jiikI  soldiei"s  to  insult 
him  i)ublicl3\ 

Tlie  new  governor  was  that  same  Captain  Armstif»it<^ 
concerning  whom,  ten  years  before,  Ijieutenant-Govcnior 
CaulHeld  addressed  complaints  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  in 
the  following  terms  : 

"  1  must  own 'tis  7i'illi  If  ,i;reute.st  reluctancy  immiujimthU:  that  J 
am  obliged  U)  aciiuaint  Your  Lordships  of  ?/e /■;•«/» ewt  tiitshi-hiirioiiy 
of  ra])tain  Annstroui;  of  tiiis  jiariison /(nofov/.s  sprcnil  uilnil'i/inils 
licff.  and  by  my  next  sliall  transmit  to  Vour  Lordships  tlie  several  rom- 
plaints  ill  behalf  of  yo  said  inhabitants." 

In-.  I  '.od  with  absolute  power  over  all  the  Province, 
lie  could  liardly  be  expected  to  do  aught  else  than  vex 
and  worry  it.  And,  in  point  of  fact,  lie  was  continually 
at  log^or-li  ids  with  everybody  :  with  the  priests,  with 
his  officers,  with  his  soldiers,  with  his  council,  witheacii 
member  of  his  council,  even  more  than  with  the  Acadi- 
ans.  The  volume  of  the  archives,  as  might  be  guessed, 
indicates  only  his  (piarrels  with  the  priests  and  the  A(  ;i- 
dians,  according  to  the  above-mentioned  policy  of  ex- 
cluding wliatever  might  discredit  Armstrong  and  woakon 
the  effect  of  his  sayings  and  doings  in  regard  to  ilicin. 
Fortunately,  the  hostilities  of  the  Indians  liad  eii(k-(l 
before  his  arrival  at  Annapolis  ;  else  he  would  perluqis 
liave  plunged  the  Province  into  a  nuist  deplorable  situa- 
tion. At  first,  he  seemed  to  wish  to  make  Canso  the 
seat  of  liis  government  and  assembled  there  a  quorum  nf 
liis  councillors  ;  but,  the  following  year,  he  established 
himself  at  Annapolis. 

Tlis  nomination  to  the  post  of  lieutenant-governor  had 
alarmed  the  Acadians.  From  the  moment  of  his  arrival 
at  Canso,  he  spoke  of  nothing  less  than  crossing  Nova 
Scotia  in   battle  ari-ay  and  thus  cutting  the   (xordian 


m  !'i 


^i*^*^ 


ai;msti:ong  s  antecedents. 


1  '>'^ 


knot,  if  only  the  necessary  troops  were  furnished  him. 
Writing  to  the  Seeretivr}'  of  State,  he  said: 

"  T  have  written  fo  tlio  (JoveniniPiU,  of  Xew  Engliind  to '^oikI  iiie 
sixty  Indians  of  tliat  country,  with  twelve  whale-boats,  which,  joined 
with  so  many  of  our  troops  and  forty  men  from  Commodore  St.  Lo, 
1  intend  to  take  a  tour  throiish  the  rrovince  to  humbletlic  villainous 
french  inhabitants.  .  .  1  hope  we  shall  do  our  duty  and  },'ivpa  ^ood 
account  of  ourselves."' 

All  this  had  no  other  foundation  than  the  taking  of  the 
oath,  and  he  relied  on  terroi-  to  exact  it.  However,  lie 
did  nothing  of  the  sort;  but  the  Acadians  long  since 
knew  what  they  might  expect  from  him.  In  the  course 
of  the  following  summer  they  prepared  for  a  general 
emigration,  fully  resolved,  should  circumstances  .,(>  per- 
mit, not  to  take  any  account  of  the  prohibitions  that 
might  be  opposed  thereto.  Some  families  withdrew 
that  very  year  to  settle  in  Prince  Edward  Island,  where 
the  French  goveriuneiit  were  preparing  to  receive  them. 
In  July  of  that  same  year  Armstrong  wrote : 

"  They  are  resolved  to  quit  the  Province  rather  than  take  the  oath, 
and  as  I  aminformed,  have  transported  several  of  their  cattle  and  other 
effects." 

Yielding  to  his  irrepres.sil)le  temper,  he  had  hoped 
violently  to  break  down  all  opposition  by  spreading  ter- 
lor  around  him,  and  the  only  result  he  was  obtaining 
was  the  hatred  and  contem[»t  of  his  officers  and  the  de- 
parture of  the  Acadians.  The  threatened  exodus  must 
be  stopped,  or  he  would  incur  a  severe  reprimand  and 
ruin  his  dearest  hopes. 

Was  lie  going  to  let  France  strengthen  her  colony 
with  so  many  iisefid  subje(,'ts?  Was  he  going  to  let  his 
Province  be  deprived  of  the  oidy  inhabitants  that  he 


Aig 


y. 


M! 


m 


138 


Ai:MSTi:«)N<;  skntimkntaf.. 


';tJ'«  -v  I' 


'; 


:  ii 


I  ; 


lil'Nnff 


had  to  govern  .'  What  wouhl  [»e(>i»lu  say  of  him  ? 
What  wouhl  hi'come  of  the  goveinmeiit  with  which  he 
was  eliarged,  what  wouhl  Ix'couie  of  his  own  [josition  ? 
All  this  tilled  him  with  fear;  his  manner  and  tactics  were 
suddenly  t'lianged;  he  inveigled  the  Acadians  to  well- 
|)rei)ai('d  meetings,  where  he  stroke  feelingly  of  the  great 
advantages  they  would  secure  hy  accepting  the  oath 
and  cordially  becoming  the  loyal  subjects  of  King 
(Jeorge.  Then,  as  soon  as  he  thought  that  the  favor- 
able moment  had  come,  he  proposed  to  them  the  taking 
of  the  oath  : 

"  lie  liopt'd  tlu-y  had  coino  with  a  full  rt'soiiitioii  to  tiikc  tlu'  oath 
oi  tiiU'lity  ]ik«'  ijiooil  suhji-cts,  iiuliircd  witli  .siiict'ic  honest  jiriiiciplt's 
of  .siihmissioii  ainl  loyalty  lo  so  ijood  and  jjfi'acioiis  a  Kini;,  who.  upon 
their  so  doiny,  due  and  faithful  observation  of  their  saered  oaths, 
hiid  promised  them,  not  only  the  free  exereise  of  tiieir  religion,  hut, 
e\en  the  enjoyment  of  their  estates  and  other  inumniitics  of  his  ow  n 
fice  l)orn  subjects  of  (J reat  Ihilain  ;  and  that  for  his  part,  while  he 
had  the  honor  to  eonunand.  Ids  (>nd«'avors  should  always  be  to  main- 
tain lo  tlieni  wliat  His  Majesty  liad  so  graeiously  vouehsafeil  to 
grant. 

"Whereupon,  at  the  re(|uest  of  sonu' of  the  iidiabitants,  a  french 
translation  of  tlie  oath  recpiired  to  !)<•  taken  was  read  unto  them. 

"  Upon  wliieh,  some  of  them  desirinij  that  a  elaiise  wlierehy  tiiey 
may  not  hi'  oltli<;ed  to  carry  arms  mii;ht  he  inserted, 

'■  I  told  them  thai  Ihey  had  no  reason  to  fear  any  sueh  Ihiui;  as 
that,  //  fii'inn  confriirii  to  the  Jairs  nf  (tvcnt  Urilaiti,  llidt  <i  liiininii 
C'lilhnllf  shoiilil  '"'rve  !»  IIk'  (iriin/.  His  Majesty  h(ir'ni<i  xa  nnittij 
fdillit'iil  Protrslimr  snl'Jcrtft  Jirsf  t<>  proriilr  for,  that  all  Ilis  Maj- 
esty requireil  of  them  was  fa  In- J'dithfiiJ  xnhji'rls. 


ini. 


and 


B;i;^;^■ 


'•  P.ut  they,  upon  the  motion  made  as  aforesaid,  still  refusii 
desirinsj;  the  same  clause  to  he  inserted,  the  (iovenior,  with  the 
advice  of  the  Council,  siraiited  the  same  lt>  he  written  iiixni  the  )nnr- 
f/in  n/ Ihr  J'renrli  tniiixltitidn,  in  orilcr  to  (jet  tlicnt  nrer  tnj  ilajrees. 
Whereupon,  they  look  ami  subscribed  the  same  tutthinfrpvcti  ami 
eniillsf,.  .  .  And  havin-j;  drank  His  Majesty's,  the  royal  family,  and 
several  other  loyal  healths.  /  ///</  tlicm  ;io(><l  nii/lil."' 

Such  is  the  report  drawn  up  by  Armstrong  himself. 


IIKiM    COMKDV. 


189 


When  a  man  of  his  position  has  tho  rrtVontiMy  tlius  to 
jtaiade  his  knavery  in  a  public  tlotuinent  of  this  kind, 
we  naturally  infer  that  his  honor  is  not  worth  much. 
This  document  is  cui-ious,  it  throws  a  slronji'  litrht  on 
the  kind  of  diplomacy  tliat  was  iLse<l  toward  the  Aca- 
dians.  Itameau,  from  whom  I  «lraw,  has  analyzt'd  it 
MJlh  much  skill.  'I'he  dramatic  oi't-uj)  of  the  whole 
iitfair,  says  this  historiiin,  the  feigned  <>;ood-nature  and 
honeyed  speeches  of  the  man,  tlie  "Howing  howl  "  that 
wins  consent,  and  the  cordial  "  i(Ood-idght  "  that  sends 
everybody  to  l)ed  "midlow  *" :  all  this  shows  the  consum- 
mate craft  of  an  artful  dodgei'.  A  master-stroke  is  that 
marginal  note  which  he  makes  believe  to  accept  in  order 
••  (o  </ii  fhi-ni  over  hij  ijcji recti,''  and  which  he  carelessly 
inserts  in  only  one  of  the  reports  read  by  no  one  and 
never  seen  again.  An  admirable  fabrication  is  that 
subterfuge  about  militar}'  service. 

What  I  siiys  Armstrong,  3'oa  fear  to  be  enrolled  by 
force?  Know  that,  as  you  are  Catholics,  you  would 
not  even  have  the  right  to  enlist  of  your  own  free  will. 
His  Majesty  reserve's  this  honor  for  his  Protestant  sub- 
jects only.  Assui'edly  this  is  one  of  the  daintiest  hoaxes 
ever  invented  in  the  lealm  of  knavery.  It  belongs  to 
high  comedy,  not  to  history.  A  pity  it  is  tliat  Molieii' 
)iever  lieard  of  this  adventure  I  "  What ! ""  would  Scapin 
have  exclaimed,  "Aie  you  afraid  1  will  take  your 
purse?  Why,  my  dear  fellow,  I  wouldn't  have  it,  ev<Mi 
though  you  beggi'd  me  to  take  it."' 

Scai'cely  hadlii^  linishrd  with  the  taking  of  the  oath  by 
the  inhabitants  of  l*ort  Koyal,  wdien  he  arrested  Fathci 
(Jaulin.  their  parish  priest,  '' that  old  nuschievous  incen- 
diary (Jaulin  "  as  he  calls  him,  on  the  plea  that  he  had 
meddled  with  affairs  that  did  not  concern  his  ministry. 


i^-: 


'  1. 


'/*,'i 


<    :        I 


'^  I  III ! 


140 


AHltKST    OF    Aimi-:   (iATMN. 


#  ii  I  i  I 


The  offeiK^o,  if  it  sliould  be  really  coiisideied  one,  and  if 
the  aeensatioii  were  well  grounded,  was  ceitaiidy  trivial: 
at  any  rate  thi.s  ari-est  might  be  ini|tolitic  under  the  cir- 
eunistanees.  There  still  remained  for  him  lo  cause  the 
oath  to  be  taken  by  the  inhabitants  of  Grand  I'le, 
I'igiguit,  Cobe(iuid.  IJeaubassin,  ete.,  that  is  by  moic 
than  three-fourths  of  tbe  entire  population  ;  butsuch  was 
the  irrepressible  violence  of  his  character  that  lie  couhl 
not  control  himself.  His  efforts  to  induce  tlu;  peojile  of 
these  places  to  take  the  oath  wcie  ineff(!ct,ual.  ('apt. 
Bennett  and  Ensign  I'hilipps,  whom  he  had  sent  for  this 
purpose,  returned  without  having  ac<'omplished  any- 
thing. However,  lu;  does  not  attribnte  tbe  (;ause  of  it 
to  the  arrest  of  Father  (iaulin,  if  we  judye  bv  his  Ictlcr 
of  April  :}<),  1727.  to  the  Secretary  of  State. 

The  pid)lie  will  be  surjjrised  to  learn  that  he  imputes 
liis  defeat  to  the  instigations  of  some  merchants  of 
Boston  and  to  Major  Cosby,  iifterward  lieutenant-gover- 
nor of  Auna[)olis  : 

"  SiiK'O  my  liisl  I  liiivc  tlic^  mortification  to  tell  Your  (Jracc  thai, 
then;  aiTivcd  Iutc  from  Kostoii  one  M.  (iambcll,  a  licuttMiaiit  in  lin- 
army,  avIio.  I  am  told,  rami'  from  lOnglaud  witli  .MiiJoiC'ostjy  to  l>o>toii, 
wlicrc  tli(!  Majoi' still  continues,  ilio"  I  have  ordcfcd  him  to  his  [tost 
at  Canso,  and  in  dotiancc  and  disobedience  to  my  oideis.  stays  In 
New  England  lo  know  the  result  of  the  said  (Jandx'H's  false  com- 
plaints ajjainst  me.  After  his  arrival  here  frt)m  England,  heassoiiated 
himself  with  some  Buxlun  (iiilUiiiinarchicnl  t nnhru,  who,  to;;ether 
with  some  ev:i  intended  french  inhahilants.  .  .  .  incited  them  to 
sign  such  oomiilaints  as  he  had  formed  against  me,  telling  them,  that 
I  had  no  power  nor  authority  to  administer  lliem  such  oaths,  and  also 
that  Major  f'oshy  woidd  he  with  them  this  sjiring  with  full  power  to 

govern  the  Province \n(l   all  this  occasioned  l)y   tin-   incitements 

and  ill  conduct  of  the  aforesaid  Gambell.  and  three  or  foui'  \ew  Jmiij- 
laiul  iradi'rs," 

Mr.  Parkman.    it   seems   to  me,   ought  not  to  have 


,■(  'I 


MOSTON  a<;ainst  ai;msti;(>n<;. 


141 


v.a 

II  >st 

ill 
iiii- 
\M 

1    In 

i;\t 
r  to 

(Mils 


(le|iiive<l  liis  leadtMs  of  this  dociimtiiit.  iiiul  of  tlie  other 
still  more  imporlaiitoiie  that  precedes  it.  Thoy  would 
1h'  iiilerosttid  to  know  the  tiiu^  iii\viirdn«'ss  of  the  wrangle 
to  which  Arnistronf,^  alludes.  He  must  have  had  a 
s])«'eial  gift  f(<r  making  enemies,  sinee  we  have  here 
leagued  againsi  him  a  major  of  his  own  regiment,  a 
lieutenant  from  some  oth(,'r  regiment,  and  three  or  foui' 
nierehants  who  liad  come  from  Hoston  to  dissuade  the 
Aeadians  from  taking  the  oath  that  he  proposed  to  them. 
\V«;  can  understand  his  havin^r  enemii;s  in  Acadia,  hut 
liis  having-  enemies  as  far  as  Boston  is  beyond  us.  That 
there  should  he  Frenehmen  or  piiests  to  dissuade  tin? 
Aeadians  from  taking  the  oath  is  oidy  natural ;  but  that 
Knglish  oOieers  and  English  mei'chants  should  do  so  is 
most  astounding.  And  if  his  yoke  was  hateful  even  as 
far  as  Boston,  what  must  it  have  been  at  Annapolis  and 
in  Acadia? 

Undejected  by  the  failure  of  Bennett  and  Plnlipps, 
Aimstrong-  despatched  to  the  Aeadians  of  the  district  of 
Mines  and  Beaubassin  a  young  offieer  of  the  garrison 
named  Robert  Wroth.  He  gave  him  some  veiy  detailed 
instructions  on  the  way  he  was  to  proceed.  First,  he 
was  to  pioelaim  tiu;  accession  to  the  throne  of  Flis 
.Majesty  (reorge  II,  and  to  celebrate  the  event  by  pulv 
lic  festivities,  aftei-  which  he  would  make  them  sign  the 
proclamation  of  this  event,  and  then,  in  the  niek  of  time, 
he  was  dexterously  to  slip  in  the  oath  of  allegiance : 

''  Vouare  to  behave  st'eitiinyUf  I'uth  nn  iilr  of  indiffcri'nn',  aii.i  yyi 
are  to  represent  to  them  hov^  Dirinc  Proi'Ulenvc  by  wuijx  uriforesepn 
. . .  .You  are  not  to  depart  from  my  instruetions  unless  where  circuni' 
istaticcx  loiil  jihicr  111(11/  xo  r)'<ii(ir(." 


(I 


lave 


In  realitv  Wroth  had  great  latitude   a.s  to  the  oath 


m 


i  -       ''i 


142 


i;nm:KT  nvumth. 


lie  Wiis  to  at'ccjtt.  TIh'  iii.striiclioiis  ol'  Ainisliony  In 
Wiotli.  tin-  i('|)(Ht  ol'  tlu'  latter,  tlio  text  of  tin-  oatli  aiid 
«i|  tilt;  couviMitions  coiicIikUmI  iM'twci'ii  liiin  ami  tlic 
Acadians  iiic  loiiiid  in  tlir  Colonial  liecords.  Wlir 
OIK'  reads  tlwse  «lot'unients,  it  is  easy  to  understand  why 
they  were  suppressed  at  Halifax,  and  still  <'asiei-  to 
leuli/.e  the  fraud  and  duj>lieity  with  whieh  Arnistr(»ny 
presided  at  the  taking  of  the  oath. 

"<'o|)y  oC  till'  iiiilli  of  ffiilty  which  I  left  to  thr  iiihiihiliiiit^  of 
ISrauhiissiii  iiiKl  ils(h>i><>uih'iici*-M: 

"I  (hisinccrt'ly  rroiiiisc  and  swfiir  that  1  will  he  faillifiil  and  Juar 
'I'nu'  Allciiiaiici'  lo  Mis  Majesty  Kiiij;  (Jt'orj;*'  the  .Second.  >io  hidp  nir 
(iod. 

"  Orijiinal  of  llic  arlicics  tlial  I  ;,'ranl<'(l  to  tlio  inhaljilant>  i>f  JMaii- 


hassin 


I.  Itohcrt  Wroth,  <'lc..  rtc,  inoMiisc  and  tji'ant  in  tlic  iianif  of  the 


kiiiii   ftc,  <'tt 


lo  tiu'  inliahliants  of  licaiiltassin.    etc.,  ftc 


ailicU's  ht'i'i'  h<dow  that  Mioy  liavc  iciiiit'.'itt'd  of  iiif,  iiaiiiidy: 

•■  I,  Tliat  they  shall  he  cxt'inpt  from  taking  up  arms  af^ainst  imy- 
oiii'.  so  lun^  as  Ihi'v  shall  Ix'  under  th(>  rule  of  tin-  kin;;  of  Kni;laiid. 

■'!'.  That  they  shall  he  frci-  to  withdraw  whithiTsocvcr  they  will 
think  lit.  and  that  they  shall  h<>  <lisi-hari;t'd  from  this  signed  ai^n-c- 
iiiciit.  as  soon  as  they  shall  he  outside  the  domination  of  the  Kin;,'  of 
Knylaiid. 

■■ ;!.  That  they  shall  have  full  and  entire  lii>erty  to  practise  their  re- 
ligion and  to  have  (."atholie,  Apostolic  and  Koman  Priests. 

"  HOIJKKT  Wkoth." 

This  oath  did  not  differ  perceptil)ly  from  tliat  aecepted 
by  Arnistrono-  from  the  inhabitants  of  Aimapolis,  since 
he  liiniself  had  agreed  to  their  exemption  from  military 
seryiee  and  the  otiier  articles  had  been  provided  for  by 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

The  rei)ort  of  Wroth  to  the  governor  is  very  long 
and  detailed.  It  is  very  interesting  retiding  :  step  by 
step,  says  Haniean,  we  can  trace  his  method,  \yluoh  does 


*'-4^^'         ti'' 


^j  .';,! '  ij 


AN    AMI. Mil. i;    l;l.A<  KJil   Ai;i». 


ll: 


iiitt  tlifl'ri-  ruHii  Armsti'oii;,'"s  ji.s  I'lir  as  I'liiud  ^(ifs  :  Imt, 
wliilo  tlir  liiltrr  is  iiiUM'rioiis  iiml  jiiissionatf,  flic  foiiiirr 
is  an  ainialilc  black^niairl  wlio  atlciids  t(»  liis  alTairs 
wliilr  t'lijoyiiiLj  liiiiiscH'  ami  wlio  ciijuys  liiinscir  so  as  to 
.iltcinl  to  tlicni  iM'ttcr.  Wlit'icvcr  lie  shows  liiinscll,,  lie 
KjH'iis  ])ro<'(MMliiijfs  l)y  l)aiH|iii'ts :  a  liaM(|iii't  tlu^  liist  (hy, 
,1  liaiMint't  llic  sim'oimI;  tlicii!  is  I'alin;^  and  diiiikiiiif. 
I  lie  liist  day  no  special  topic  is  iiitrodiicccl  ;  next  da\, 
ilic  kinj^'s  death  is  annoinnu'd  and  the  accesNiun  ol  his 
siK'cessor,  who  is  j^'rcatly  inU'restod  in  tim  weHarc  of  ihc 
Acadians.  They  diink  in  nx-nioiy  of  tin;  (h-alh  of  tin! 
former  an<l  foi- tlu;  liealth  of  the;  hitter:  tlu'v  diink  in 
honor  of  His  (Jracions  Majesty,  they  drink  the  iicalth 
of  the  (^)Meen  rejrnant,  of  the  other  (^>urcn  ;  they  drink 
t<»  all  the  other  I'oyal  and  htyal  toasts;  ihen  thisamiahle 
ltlack_t,njard  winds  up  hy  drinkint,'  with  feelintfs  of  coni- 


lunction 


to  n 


irnit' 


t'liVlilt'Ufi'    II 


hi  ill   Uif   iiuiifs    lint 


tiff 


xirii. 


Afl. 


kliicli,"  icsiiiut's  Wrotli,  "1  jiiilf,"'!  Ill"  iiiuiiiriil  liivoiiiljlt 


lo  iiilrniliK'i'  my  littlf  (liscoiirsc  us  follows: 

"  I  (loiil)i  not,  my  iVii'iiils,  you  know  wliat  liiiiij,'s  me  Iicrc.  how  tliiit, 
liy  lilt' (It'iUli  of  till' Kiiif,',  my  iiiiisttT,  of  i,'lorious  mcmoiy,  Dn-'nif 
I'riiriiliiifi-  lias  tiiifiiriibntstii  iitfonlt'd  you  tin'  ocrasioii."  .... 

Here,  lie   extols  the  kin^  and  his  bounty,  hut  makes 
no  mention  yet  of  tlie  oath,  which  was  the  ol)ject  of  his 


mission  ;  on 


ly,  h 


le  convokes  them  to  anotlier  haiMiuct 


duriuij  which  they  wei'e  to  iirocetid  to  the  jiroclaiminn' 
of  the  king,  and  Wroth  improves  the  occasion  liy  ex- 
horting th(^m  to  bring  as  many  friends  as  jxi.ssible,  for 
that  they  were  to  acclaim  and  sign  the  Proclamation  of 
the  king. 

The  way  was  thus  skilfully  ^irejiared  ;  but  in  spite  of 
orchestral  .symphonies,  boiiliies,  discharges  of  musketry. 


144 


i»()rr.i,H-i>KAi.iN(;. 


m'  fi 


liurralis,  LMitluisiastu-  tosists,  yen  even  the  fumes  oi 
liquoi',  these  Aeiulians  I'ad  not  (juite  lost  tlieii-  wits, 
and,  when  ho  finally  presented  the  written  oath  to  liave 
it  signed,  they  respectfully  reminded  liim  that  lie  had 
forgotten  to  complete  it,  and  requested  him  to  insert  tlie 
restrictions  they  had  always  demanded  in  such  an  emer- 
ijeney.  Tic  flew  into  a  rarje,  cooled  down,  returned  to 
the  attack  on  the  morrow  ;  but,  with  their  simple  good- 
nature, he  found  them  still  inexorable. 


,tfi;f 


fiff^'  , 


"  They  still  insistod  upon  the  saiiio  ih-mauds,  and  after  having  seri- 
ously weii^hed  them,  and  not  judging  thoin  repugnant  to  Treaties, 
Acts  of  I'arliiiinenl  and  Trade,  1  granted  them  as  an  indulgenee,  and 
l)y  reason  of  their  ditlidenee  of  my  authority,  /  icus  obUycd  to  certify 
the  sitnte  in  llio  body  of  the  oafh." 

It  was  the  same  at  Mines  :  the  same  matmnivres,  the 
same  results.  There,  objections  were  made  with  refer- 
ence to  the  word  "  obeirai," 

"...  lohieh'juce me  no  conrern,the  ewilixh  lieuvj  what  Iliad  to^ovrvn 
myself  til/  ;  and  finding  hy  adviee,  the  same  might  he  translated  in  a 
manner  more  agreahle  to  them,  and.  at  the  same  time,  as  eonformahie 
to  the  english  and  as  binding  ;  I  thoiiijht  jiroper  to  alter  the  Nin)!!-, 
as  appears  hy  the  oath  they  took." 

So,  here  we  have,  nay?.  Rameau,  a  man  who  does  not 
scruple,  in  a  treat}^  of  which  two  copies  were  extant,  to 
alter  one  of  them  so  as  to  render  the  agreement  more 
acceptable,  and  who  is,  meanwhile,  fully  aware  that  tiie 
French  will  understand  the  text  in  one  way,  while  he, 
the  Englishman,  will  understand  it  in  quite  a  different 
way.  After  all,  says  he,  I  will  sign  whatever  they 
wish  ;  for  nte,  only  the  English  text  will  count. 

Wroth  was  very  badly  received  by  Armstrong,  and 
yet  he  had  not  swerveil  from  his  instructions ;  he  had, 


DOUBLE-DEALING. 


145 


substantially,   followed   the  same   line   of  conduct   as 
Armstrong  himself.      By  a  decision  of  the  council  the 
oath  obtanied  by  Wroth  was  declared  null  and  void  • 
but,  most  strange  to  relate-for  tliese  negotiations  are  a 
series  of  surprises-it  was  declared  in  the  same  resolu- 
tion that,  since  the  inhabitants  had  signed  these  acts  and 
proclaimed  His  Majesty,  they  had  become  his  subjects 
and  would   enjoy  all    the   privileges   attached  to  that 
quality,  which  no  doubt  also  implies  all  the  obligations 
resulting  therefrom. 
10 


**« 


A*?i 


Vl^' 


146 


PHILIPPS       KEDUX. 


CHAPTER  VII. 


k] .  > 


Return  of  Philipps— All  the  Acadians  of  the  peninsula  take  the 
oath — Nature  of  this  oath — It  was  entitlfd  '•Oatli  of  failty,'^ 
("  Sermerit    de     Fidelite"),    and    tlif   Acadians  e    called 

"  French   Neutrals  " — What  the  Compiler  thinks  ol  vliis — Park- 
man. 

Whoever  confronts  Armstrong's  reports  on  the  ques- 
tion of  the  oath  witli  his  letters  to  tlie  Lords  of  Trade 
after  his  operations  at  Annapolis,  the  other  letter  that 
followed  the  failure  of  Captain  Bennett,  his  instructions 
to  Wroth  and  the  hitter's  report,  can  easily  account  for 
the  indignation  the  Lords  of  Trade  must  luive  felt  in 
presence  of  this  series  of  administrative  tomfooleries 
and  tricks,  wortliy,  at  hest,  of  a  horse-jockey  or  a  street 
mountebank.  The  exploits  of  Wroth  had  filled  u[)  the 
measure ;  all  this  nonsense  must  now  be  stopped :  the 
Government's  dignity  gravely  compromised  by  Arm- 
strong must  be  restored;  a  linal  and  fairh' reasonable 
settlement  must  be  made  of  this  eternal  Acadian 
question. 

The  Ivords  ol"  Trade  had  recourse  to  Pliili])[)s.  who 
always  retained  the  title  of  Governorof  Xova  Scotia.  It 
was  not  without  regret  that  he  (piitted  London  where 
he  led  so  pleasant  a  life  of  leisure  on  his  large  salarv. 
He  himself,  in  his  first  attempt,  it  is  true,  had  not  been 
more  fortunate  than  Ai'instrong  ;  but  he  was  able  at  least 
to  command  attention  by  his  high  position,  bis  coiully 
manners,  his  urbanity  ;  and,  at  all  events,  the  digiiitv  of 


HE  ADMINISTERS   THE   OATH. 


147 


the  crown  would  be  safe  in  his  hands.  Moreover, 
knowing  by  his  own  experience  the  inflexible  determina- 
tion of  tlie  Acadians  with  regard  to  military  exemption, 
he  brought  with  him  or  was  expected  to  have  brought 
a  solution  to  tlie  difiiculty,  a  middle  term,  wiiich,  lie 
trusted,  would  give  them  satisfaction.  We  know  not 
the  tenor  of  his  instructions,  but  his  subsequent  acts 
permit  us  to  form  a  very  correct  estimate  thereof. 

Hardly  had  Philii)ps  landed  at  Annapolis  wlicn  he 
set  to  work,  and  three  weeks  later,  he  wrote  to  tiie 
Lords  of  Trade  that  he  had  administered  the  oath  to  all 
the  inliabitants  of  Anna[)olis,  and  that  at  the  opening  of 
navigation  he  would  do  the  same  for  the  inhabitants  of 
Mines,  Cobequid  and  Beaubassin,  who,  it  was  said,  were 
all  disposed  to  take  it  resolutely,  ''  as  they  are  pleased  to 
exprc:;s  that  the  good  likeing  they  have  to  my  Ciovein- 
ment,  in  compariHon  of  what  they  e.rpet'lenced  iiftcncanh^ 
did  not  a  little  contribute,  and  therefore,  rcservt'd  this 
honor  for  me  ;  indeed,  1  hare  had  no  ocea^^iun  to  make 
nse  of  threats  ami  eonipalifiijn.''' 

Philipps  liad  arrived  in  December,  1720.  On  Sep- 
tember 2nd  following,  he  infoi-med  the  Lords  of  Trade 
that  he  had  completed  the  tendering  of  the  oath  to  all  the 
Acadians  of  the  province.  "  ^V  work."  says  he,  "  wliit-h 
became  daily  more  necessary  in  rt'gai'd  to  tlie  great  in- 
crease of  those  people,  who  are  this  day  a  formidable 
body  and,  like  Noah's  progeny,  spreading  themselves 
ovei'  the  face  of  the  Province.  Vou  are  not  unae(|U!iinted 
that  for  twenty  years  i)ast  they  have  contiimed  stubborn 
and  refractory  U[)on  all  sunnnons  of  this  kind,  /"'/ 
harhii/  ensai/eil  the  dlfferenee  of  Goi<ern)ne)it  in  mif 
absence,  they  signilied  their  rciuliness  to  comjily  .... 
Thus  far  the  peace  of  the  country  is  settled." 


li: 


^m 


148 


ORAL   PROMISE. 


How  had  Philipps  been  able  to  ol)tiuii,  andiiiipareiitly 
with  so  much  ease,  what  he  himself  and  otlieis  liad 
hitherto  failed  to  obtain?  Was  tiiis,  as  he  boasted,  (hie 
to  tlie  superiority  of  his  metiiods,  to  the  niildiiess  of  liis 
govermnent?  What  had  really  liapjx'ued  ?  What  wa< 
the  nature  of  the  oath  obtained  ?  Was  tliere  a  clause 
exempting  tlie  Acadians  from  bearing  arms  against  the 
French  and  their  allies  ?  And  if  so,  was  it  written  or 
verbal ? 

The  answer  is  easy.  Philipps,  it  is  true,  did  not  ex- 
jilain  that  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  he  merely  says  that  he 
took  care  not  to  imitate  Wroth's  shameful  surrender. 
Any  further  statement  was  unnecessary,  since  he  had 
but  just  come  from  England,  his  instructions  were  quite 
fresh,  and  the  question  must  have  been  discussed  in  all 
its  different  aspects  before  his  departure,  l^hiiipps  well 
knew  by  his  own  sad  experience  that  lie  could  not  hope 
for  an  unrestricted  oath  ;  lie  must  therefore  have  come 
with  a  solution  all  prepared,  and  this  solution  was — to 
agree  hi/  word  of  month  with  the  Acadians  that  they  should 
be  exempt  from  bearing  arms.  A  written  promise  an- 
nexed to  the  oath  was  the  difficulty  that  the  authoiities 
could  not  surmount ;  it  was,  thought  they,  a  shameful 
capitulation,  a  derogation  from  the  dignity  of  the  crown. 
It  was  not  so  for  an  oral  promise,  and  that  was,  I  have  no 
doubt,  the  concession  which  Philipps  was  instructed  to 
grant;  for,  in  England  at  least,  it  was  very  well  under- 
stood that  the  Acadians  could  not  be  obliged  to  take  up 
arms  against  their  fellow-countrymen.  For  the  Acadians, 
the  objection  to  an  oral  promise  was  the  lack  of  security ; 
but  this  obstacle  was  not  insurmountable.  With  a 
man  of  Philipps's  high  position,  newly  arrived  from  Eng- 
land, who  vouched  for  the  word  of  his  sovereign,  the 


,»••«-: 


HALIBUUTON  S    VI KW. 


149 


guarantee  seemed  sufHcieiit,  and  dirtideiice  ceased.  Such 
was,  I  firmly  believe,  the  compromise  j)roposed,  discussed 
and  accepted ;  it  readily  explains  the  prompt  success  of 
the  negotiations. 

When  Ilaliburton  wrote  his  liistory  of  Nova  Scotia, 
he  had  not  access  to  the  documents  wc  now  possess.  He 
does  not  even  seem  to  liave  seriously  ti'ied  to  penetrate 
the  problem  ;  but,  with  his  knowledge  of  this  people,  his 
great  talent  of  observation,  developed  by  liis  experience 
as  a  lawyer  and  a  judge,  he  innnediately  perceived  that 
the  Acadians  could  not  have  accepted  an  unrestricted 
oath  :  but  he  supi)Oses  treacliery  ;  he  recalls  Armstrong's 
impostures,  and  supposes  that  some  artifice  of  the  kind 
had  been  practised.  He  camiot  have  convinced  these 
men,  he  must  have  deceived  them,  says  he.  He  was 
right  in  tlie  sense  that  the  Acadians  did  not  indeed  take 
an  unrestricted  oatli.  Hut  I  do  not  think  they  were 
deceived.  The  promise  was  only  verbal,  but  was  ac- 
cepted as  a  solemn  promise.  Haliburton,  judging  accord- 
ing to  previous  events,  cannot  believe  the  Acadians 
accepted  simple  oral  promises.  His  mistake  arises  from 
his  not  adverting  to  the  wide  distinction  they  drew  be- 
tween a  man  of  Armstrong's  character,  so  violent,  so 
crafty,  so  lickle,  so  little  respected  by  the  people  about 
him,  a  man  whose  position  was  after  all  only  secondary, 
and  Philipi)s  with  his  imi)Osing  dignity,  his  high  position 
and  the  autliorizatiou  wl)ich  he  had  brought  with  him 
from  England. 

Contrary,  then,  to  several  historians,  who  have  su^v 
posed  a  written  restrictive  clause  annexed  to  the  body 
of  the  oatli  and  afterwards  supi)ressed  as  was  the  oath 
itself,  wliich  is  not  in  the  an-hivcs  of  Halifax.  1  assert 
that,  in  all  likelihood,  the  Acadians  were  not  deceived  by 


'U'^\ 


•*   'l!' 


,m 


\r 


150 


lawkexce's  testimony. 


i     I 


w 


>?li  III 


Philipps,  that  the  restrictive  clause  about  not  bearing 
arms  was  only  verbal,  and  was  accepted  as  such. 

I  would  Jiot  undertake  to  establisli  tlie  proof  of  this 
restriction,  had  not  the  Compiler  objected  to  it,  and 
Paikman  accepted  his  ol)jection.  According  to  them 
the  oath  of  fidelity  was  taken  by  all  the  Acadians  vol- 
untarily and  without  any  written  or  verbal  condition. 

In  sui)port  of  my  contention,  I  shall  first  cite  Gov- 
ernor Lawrence,  the  very  man  who  deported  the 
Acadians.  In  his  circular  to  the  governors  of  New 
England,  whicli  accompanied  the  transports  laden  with 
exiled  Acadians,  I  iind  the  following  :  "  The  Acadians 
ever  refused  to  take  the  oath  of  Allegiance,  without  hav- 
infi  at  the  Kanw  t'nnc  from  the  Governor  an  axaurance  in 
7vrithi(/  that  they  should  not  he  eaUed  upon  to  hear  arms 
in  the  defence  of  the  Province,  and  with  this  General 
Philip})s  did  conijdi/^  of  which  I  lis  Majesty  disap- 
proved." 

This  would  seem  to  prove  clearly  that  there  was  a 
written  promise;  l)ut  Lawrence,  1  have  every  reason  to 
believe,  was  mistaken  in  that  detail.  The  point  on  whicli 
he  wished  to  throw  light  was  the  restriction  in  the  oath, 
and  that  alone  is  well  founded  ;  the  details,  which  were 
only  incidental  to  the  principal  fact,  are  false  ;  and  it 
is  equally  false  that  His  Majesty  disapproved  this  re- 
striction, for  not  the  slightest  trace  of  such  disapproba- 
tion a[)pears  in  the  public  documents.  All  we  see  there 
is  a  small  discussion  between  the  Lords  of  Trade  and 
Philipps  on  the  construction  of  a  sentence  in  the  oath,  a 
mere  matter  of  grammar.  Lawrence,  avIio  was  not  very 
particular,  has  construed  this  simple  question  of  syn- 
tax into  a  formal  disapprobation  of  the  oath. 

In  another  letter  of  Lawrence  to  Sir  Thomas  Robin- 


A   (JLOUD   OF    WITNKSSKS. 


l.")! 


son,    of   November   30,  lT')o,  wo    find   the    follow! iiuf. 
relative  to  the  AcacUans  of  I>eaul.)a«sin: 

"  They  were  the  ilesccndants  of  those  French  who  had  taken  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  llis  Majesty  in  the  lime  of  Gntrrdl  P/iilijtj'K's 
Government,  with  the  reserve  of  not  taking  arms." 

Another  letter  from  Lawrence,  in  the  Archives  of 
Nova  Scotia,  page  259,  contains  this  passage  : 

"  As  the  Acadians  of  this  Province  have  never  yet  at  any  time  taken 
the  oath  of  allegiance  uiKjunllfieil.'''' 

Governor  Cornwallis,  in  his  letter,  dated  Septeml)er 
11,  1749,  to  the  duke  of  Bedford,  writes: 

"  I  cannot  help  saying  that  General  Philipps  deserved  the  highest 
punishment  for  what  he  did  here,  fiLs  allowing)  a  reserve  to  tin'  oath 
<it'  (ilhi/lcncr."' 

Tliesame  Governor,  addressing  the  Acadian  deputies, 
said  : 

"  Yon  have  alwai/s  re/useil  to  tak<>  this  oath  without  an  expressed 
reservation.''^  * 

Governor  Ilopson,  writing  to  the  Lords  of  Trade, 
December  10,  1752,  said  : 

"  Lord  Cornwallis  can  likewise  acquaint  you  tha„  he  inhabitants  of 
Beauhassin  who  had  taken  the  oath  with  General  Philipjjs's  eonill' 
tion " 

Governor  Mascarene,  in  a  letter  to  Shirley  in  April 
1718,  said  with  reference  to  the  oath  obtained  by 
Philipps  : 

"  The  Acadians  intending  to  have  a  clause  not  to  be  obliged  to  take 
up  arms  against  the  French,  though  not  inserted,  they  have  always 

♦N.  8.  Archives,  p.  174. 


■*-. 


1 1^  ju^^diJiii 


::m 


fc 


M-"5 


I/'- 


152 


ACADIAN   CERTIFICATE. 


1. 1«! 


mm 


stood  was  promised  to  tliciu  ;  <iitd  I  hacv  heard  it  owned  by  Umsv  who 
were  at  Miiien  when  the  onth  wan  adinhustered  at  that  itlnre,  that 
snrh  a  proin'me  w(ik  ijircn.  Tln'ir  ploa  with  the  French,  who  pressed 
them  to  take  up  arms,  was  their  oath.''^ 

In  1744,  when  war  was  raging  between  France  and 
England,  an  attempt  was  made  to  oblige  the  Acadians 
to  serve  as  pilots  and  guides  ;  but  tlie  Acadians,  believ- 
ing that  their  oath  exempted  them  from  a  service  that 
appeared  contrary  to  their  neutrality,  addressed  a  petition 
to  the  govei'iior  to  ask  liim  his  opinion  on  this  point. 
Governor  Mascarene  replied : 

"  If  in  taltini;  this  oath  of  allegiance,  the  Government  was  kind 
enoui.'li  to  say  to  yini,  that  it  vniilil  not  roniini  i/oit  to  tiike  mi  unns,  it 
was  out  of  puri'  doferenee.  That  they  were  not  thereby  exempted  from 
serving  as  pilots  and  guides.  .  .  .  Whereupon,  they  withdrew  their 
petition. 

There  are  other  proofs  of  the  same  kind  in  twenty 
different  places  in  the  volume  of  the  Archives,  and 
particularly  on  pages  204,  233,  234. 

It  was  not  without  some  apprehension  that  the  Aca- 
dians consented  to  waive  their  claim  to  a  written  proof; 
so,  in  order  to  provide  for  emergencies,  they,  immediately 
after  the  taking  of  the  oath,  drew  up  a  certificate,  which 
was  signed  and  attested,  and  addressed  to  the  minister 
of  foreign  affairs  in  Paris,  to  be,  in  case  of  necessity, 
appealed  to  by  the  French  Government. 

"  We,  Charles  de  la  Goudalie,  priest,  missionary  of  the  parish  of 
Mines,  (Grand  Pre  and  River  aux  Canards)  and  Xoel  Alexandre  Xoir- 
ville,  priest  bachelor  of  the  faculty  of  theologians  of  la  Sarbonne,  mis- 
sionary and  parish  priest  of  the  Assumption  and  of  the  Holy  Family 
of  Pigiguit,  certify  to  whom  this  may  concern,  that  His  Excellency 
Richard  Philipps,  etc.,  etc.,  has  promised  to  the  inhabitants  of  Mines 
and  other  rivers  dependent  thereon,  that  he  exempts  them  from  bear- 
ing arms  and  fighting  in  war  against  the  French  and  the  Indian*,  and 


|fc''     ;i 


"FRENCH    NKUTRALS. 


loa 


iiof 

|oir- 
Inis- 
luily 
]noy 

lines 

Ipar- 

aiid 


that  tho  said  inhabitants  have  only  accopted  allegiance  and  promised 
never  to  take  np  arms  in  the  event  of  a  war  against  the  Kingdom  of 
England  and  its  government. 

"  The  present  certificate  made,  given  and  signed  by  ns  here  named, 
this  April  2."»,  17o0,  to  be  put  into  the  hands  of  the  iidiabitants,  to  be 
available  and  nsefn!  to  them  wherever  there  shall  be  need  or  reason 
for  it. 

'•  Signed  :  de  la  Gondalie,  parish  priest;  Xoel  Xoirville,  priest  and 
missionary. 

"Collated  by  Alexander  Bourg  Uello-IImueur,  this  i*")th  April, 
1730." 

It  would  Ijo  (lifficult  not  to  admit  tlio  foi'oo  of  tlie 
proof  I  Imve  just  given.  I  miglit  add  thejtgry  signili- 
oant  fact  tliat,  since  1780,  the  Acadiaiis  Avere  univeisally 
known  bv  tlie  name  of  '•'' French  Ni'Kfraf.s.^''  Thus  are 
they  very  often  designated  by  the  olTicial  document.s 
emanating  from  the  governors  of  the  province  and  from 
the  Lords  of  Trade.  To  pretend,  as  the  Compiler  does, 
tliat  their  oath  contained  no  restriction,  woukl  be  to  de- 
•stroy  all  the  signitieance  of  this  appellation,  and  to  sup- 
pose an  absurdity. 

In  spite  of  all  this  evidence  the  Compiler  says : 
*'  Governor  Philipps,  on  his  return  to  Anmipolis  iit  1780, 
brought  the  people,  at  last,  to  take  an  unconditional  oath 
iriUintjly.''''  The  reader  will  be  curious  to  know  what 
grounds  the  Compiler  had  to  establish  a  pretension  that 
was  never  alleged  at  this  epoch,  and  which  is  expre.s.sly 
and  repeatedly  contradicted  by  all  the  governors  of 
the  Province,  who  succeeded  Philipps,  namely  :  by  ^[as- 
carene,  Cornwallis,  Ilopson,  and  Lawrence.  The  reply  is 
very  sim})le  :  his  pretension  is  utt(;rly  groundless.  In  the 
entire  volume,  which  he  himself  compiled,  there  is  not 
one  sentence,  not  one  word  that  sup])orts  his  pretension 
or  implies  it,  whether  directly  or  indirectly.  This  may 
appear  strange,  but  it  is  not  so  for  me  who  am  accus- 


>^e^ 


kA 


■Am^ 


w:. 


'W. 


f- 


^ '  ^ 


ir,4 


THK   COMl'ILKU    INVKNTS. 


tonu'd  to  tlio  artifices  of  the  Coniijiler.  It  would  be 
dinii'ult  to  express  in  fit  language  tiie  conduct  of  a  man 
who  dares  to  uphold  such  views  not  only  without  any 
proof,  but  against  a  mass  of  documents  that  destroy 
them. 

"  In  April,  17-50,"' says  tlui  Com[»ilei-, ''  Ciovernoi"  Phil- 
il51)s  ann()uiict!(l  to  the  council  the  utnindllfwd  sul)- 
mission  of  the  inhabitants."  No  such  thing  occurred. 
Neither  to  his  council,  nor  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  did  Phil- 
il)ps  ever  use  the  expression  "  uiuiudllficd^''  nor  any  other 
equivalent  one ;  at  least  there  is  not  a  trace  thereof  in 
the  Compiler's  volume,  and  there  can  be  no  doubt  that 
any  document  that  contained  such  an  ex[)ression  would 
not  have  been  omitted,  as  he  omits  such  documents  only 
as  are  unsuiled  to  his  jjui'pose. 

Until  now  I  have  had  to  attack  only  his  bad  faith, 
and  that  was  bad  enough ;  but  it  is,  if  such  a  thing  be 
possible,  outdone  by  his  presumption.     Listen  to  him  : 

"  The  term  "  Xoiitral  French"'  having  been  so  frcqnently  applieil 
to  the  Acailians  in  pnhlic  doeinnents,  tlieir  constant  denial  of  an  nn- 
qnalifieil  oalli  ever  havinj;  l)een  lalten  by  them,  tlie  reiterated  asser- 
tions of  tlieir  i)riests.  .  .  led  the  governors  at  Halifax,  in  174i),  and  at 
subsequent  periods,  crronconsUi  to  mtiiposc  that  no  unconditional 
oath  of  alleuianee  had  ever  been  taken  by  the  people  of  Acadia  to 
the  British  Crown." 

This  is  really  ridiculous.  A  man  must  fancy  himself 
endowed  with  intuitive  cognition  and  born  with  infused 
science,  before  he  thus  ventures  to  substitute  his  own 
groundless  view  for  the  wisely  formed  o])inions  of  all  his 
predecessors,  and  to  set  himself  against  them  all.  lie 
is  ludicrously  in  earnest  when  he  proclaims  to  the  world 
that  the  term  "French  Neutral"  never  had  any  foun- 
dation in  fact.     The  contemporaries  of  these  events,  the 


n  „  '\ 


TIfK   rOMl'ILEU    INVKNTM. 


i:>r, 


governors  and  Lords  of  Trade,  \vlieii  tlu-y  iimde  use 
of  it  in  public  doeunients,  kiievr  not  what  they  weie 
sayiuj^'.  Masearene,  wlio  had  Ijeeii  i)res(.'iil  at  the  liikiii^^ 
of  I'ort  Koyal  in  ITlO,  wlio  in  17-)0  was  counseUnr  to 
Philipps,  and  in  1740  oovornor  liiniself,  knew  nothing'. 
'J'he  ttrfii'crs  of  tlie  <^arrison  wlio  h;id  lu'cii,  some  of  them, 
witnesses  of  tliis  ttmcU-ring*  of  tin;  oalli,  and  who  iiad 
rej)orted  it  to  Masoarene,  Cornwallis,  liopson  and  Law- 
rence, knew  nothintic.  All  these  governors  had  a  thou- 
sand ways  of  ascertaining  the  true  stale;  of  the  i-ase  ; 
yet,  they  knew  nothing.  The  facts  that  they  so  posi- 
tively allii'm  were  contrary  to  their  interests  and  desires, 
and,  nevertheless,  they  let  themselves  he  imposed  ui)on 
by  the  aflirniations  of  the  Aeadians.  What  a  fraud 
history  is,  if  this  be  the  case  I  Hut,  considering  that 
this  attempt  to  overthrow  one  of  the  best  established 
historical  facts  is  supported  only  by  the  qixe  dij-it  oi  a 
man  living  in  a  dilTerent  century,  even  though  he  be  a 
com[)iler  of  archives,  I  prefer  to  say  :  What  monumen- 
tal audacit}' ! 

"  Their  constani  <hnii<tl Jed  the  f/nvermrrn  to  Re- 
lieve '' ,  as  if  there  had  then  been  a  great  contro- 
versy on  this  subject  between  the  Aeadians  and  the 
governors  ;  whereas,  I  repeat,  there  is  not  one  sentence, 
not  one  word  in  the  whole  volume  of  the  archives,  com- 
piled by  himself,  that  shows  it  was  so.  It  is  a  pure 
fabrication.  And,  if  in  reality  this  (piestiou  had  been 
the  object  of  a  controversy,  it  would  be  necessary  to 
believe  that  the  Aeadians  were  able  to  satisfy  these 
governors  that  their  pretension.s  were  well  founded,  and 
then  it  would  be  rash  for  afu-de-niecle  compiler  of  the 
nineteenth  century  to  dispute  the  validity  of  facts  a 
century  and  a  half  old,  already  pondered,  matured  and 


M 


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I'AKKMAN    UKUTIFIKS, 


III  III 


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If*?' 


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accepted  by  contemporaries  wliose  interest  it  was  not  to 
admit  tliem.  "  'IMurir  fotiHfitnf  dvnlnl  of  an  nntiualilied 
oath,  and  the  nitcnttvij  (ism'rfloHx  of  their  priests  .  . .  hid 
the  governors  erroneonsly  to  ixdieve  ". . . .  Accordinj^ 
to  this  ineffahU,'  compiU'i',  the  testimony,  the  constant 
allirmations  of  the  Acadians  and  their  piiests,  all  count 
for  nothing,  are  not  worth  the  least  verbal  report  of  tlio 
vilest  soldier  of  the  garrison  :  that  is  no  doubt  the 
reason  why  he  lias  systematically  omitttid  the  few 
documents  coming  from  the  A(;adians.  In  this  spirit 
has  all  this  volume  been  comjjiled. 

llaliburton,  it  is  easy  to  sec,  cannot  have  known  the 
opinion  on  this  subject  of  the  four  governors  I  have 
just  named  ;  however,  his  powers  of  observation  and  his 
legal  instinct,  aided  by  his  impartiality,  had  guidi'd  him 
securely  in  this  search  for  truth,  lbs  had  not  been  able 
to  believe  in  an  oath  without  restriction  :  tlu'  subse- 
([uent  discoveries  showed  he  was  riglit.  Thus  is  true 
histoiy  written;  one  must  possess  these  (lualities  to 
write  it ;  otherwise  it  is  only  a  lie. 

Parkman,  on  this  point,  as  on  man}-  (»theis,  has 
endorsed  the  opinion  of  the  Compiler.  It  is  so  conven- 
ient to  find  opinions  ready-made.  Hut,  there  is  this 
difference  between  them:  while  the  Compiler  had  abso- 
lutely no  ground  for  his  opinion,  Parkman  liad  at  least 
the  excuse  of  resting  on  the  Compiler's  authority. 
Slender  as  this  is,  let  him  have  the  benefit  of  it.* 


*Sinco  tho  furogoiug  was  written.  Mr.  Parkman  iu  liif'  ii<'v. 
Half  Century  of  Couillct"  lias  recUlk'tl  in  tLi'so  terms  %vl 
nicrly  said  : 

"  Hoeontly.howover,  ovidoneo  has  appearod  that,  so  far  at 
the  Acadians  on  and  noar  tho  Minos  IJasin,  the  cflt'i't  of  the 
lli'd  by  a  promise  on  tlie  part  of  I'hilipps  that  thoy  should  not  i 
to  tako  up  arms  cither  against  French  or  Indians." 

Mr.  Parkman  had  accepted  tho  opinion  of  the  Compiler  without  verify- 
ing it.    I  must  do  him  tho  justice  of  admitting  that  ho  likes  to  found  his 


A 

i    ->r- 

I-' 

ivfjards 

w 

isi(uali- 

iMpi  i-(>d 

I'AUKMAN    UKCTIFIKS. 


•  }i 


aUitomt'Utt*  on  Koiiiething  ;  hut  ln' is  wr<>ii>{  in  miyiiiK:  "  nri'titli/  t>viili<ii(>i> 
hiis  iiiipcarcil,"  U>r  witii  tin-  cxcoiitinii  of  tlio  iillldiivit  nf  Mi'ssrs.  di'  In 
(iiiiiilitlii>,  Noirvillo  iind  Unwru,  tint  cntirit  iiniiif  I  iiitvc  |iriiiliii-oi{  in  ilruwu 
fnmi  till- vnliimiMif  tli(«  Arcliivi's  ItHi'lf,  wliii'li  li(<  (lUoti'M  fri'iiiii'iitly  In  hu 
fcirint'r  worli,  "  Wolfe  iind  Montciilni ;  "  liowi'V(<r,  sonio  liilior  Is  ni'i'ilcil  to 
niniliin<>  th«»  fiii'tors  of  tills  proof.  lJ<>Hl(lcs,liis  i-orroction  is  iiu'oniiili'ti',  us 
he  apiilios  to  the  AcinliuuH  of  Miues  whut  shuuld  iii>|)ly  touU. 


4' 'IS., 


•'A 
.1  for- 


\r 


v.iify- 
nd  his 


j.'^'if 


158 


QUESTION   APPARENTLY  SETTLED. 


rHAPTER  VIII. 


,i  "' 


i 


Pliilipps  returns  to  England  1731 — Armstrong  resumes  the  admin- 
istration of  tlie  i)rovinfe — His  character,  his  difficulties  witii 
Major  Cosby,  Blinn,  Winniett,  etc. — His  relations  witli  Mau- 
geant — The  Conii)iler.  his  omissions,  his  artifices — Suicide  of 
Armstrong,  Dec.  6th,  1739. 

At  liLst,  this  question  of  the  oath,  so  long  an  occasion 
of  strife,  vexation  and  uncertainty,  Avas,  apparently  at 
least,  settled  for  good.  There  was  no  more  question  of 
it  for  twenty  years  till  the  foundation  of  Halifax  in  1T4!>. 
Until  then,  the  Acadians  had  been  held  captive  in  the 
eoinitry  by  the  orders  and  hindrances  of  the  governors, 
who  had  refused  to  accept  in  good  faith  the  treaty  and 
conventions  of  Queen  Anne. 

Wearied  of  a  bootless  struggle,  the  Acadians  had 
accepted  the  oath  of  fealty  Avhich  granted  them  tlie 
exemption  Avhich  they  clung  to  so  earnestly.  They  were 
becoming  English  subjects,  and  were  iinally  giving  up  the 
ever-entertained  idea  of  a  departure.  Their  agricultural 
holdings,  which  had  suffered  from  this  uncertainty,  were 
about  to  make  rapid  progress.  Peace  and  contentment 
were  about  to  take  the  place  of  distrust,  and  prosperity 
was  going  to  spring  up  anew. 

This  period  of  twenty  years  was  the  most  tranquil, 
tlie  happiest  and  most  prosperous  in  the  history  of 
Acadia.  The  Acadians  had  still  to  suffer  from  Arm- 
strong,   who,   for    nine    years    after    the    departure    ul' 


"PROCUL   A   JOVE. 


159 


Philipps,  once  more  filled  the  office  of  lieutenant- 
governor;  but  as  much  might  be  said  of  the  garrison, 
the  officers  and  the  council,  all  of  whom  suffered  perhaps 
even  more  than  the  Acadians,  because  the  daily  contact 
they  had  with  him  exposed  them  still  more  to  his  whims 
and  bursts  of  anger.  On  the  whole  the  Acadians  did 
not  feel  the  yoke  too  severely ;  in  fact,  those  of  Mines 
jind  Beaubassin  were  almost  left  to  themselves.  For  a 
long  time  there  was  almost  no  other  garrison  in  the 
Province  than  that  of  Annapolis.  Outside  this  place  the 
authority  of  the  government  was  in  no  way  represented, 
except  perhaps  by  the  notary,  who  was  at  the  same  time 
receiver  of  the  rents  Jind  revenues  of  tlie  Crown,  which 
were  very  little.  These  notaries,  moreover,  were  them- 
selves Acadians,*  and,  during  six  months  of  the  year,  all 
communications  between  these  places  and  Annapolis  were 
interrupted.  Disagreements  between  Acadians  were 
rare,  and  were  usually  settled  by  arbiters,  except  tliose 
arising  from  the  limits  of  their  lands,  which  were  re- 
ferred to  the  Council  of  Annapolis.  These  latter  seem 
to  liave  been  frequent  after  1730.  These  properties 
had  never  been  regularly  surveyed,  and,  as  the  popula- 
tion rapidly  increased  and  the  government  refused  or 
delayed  to  make  new  concessions,  the  result  was  re- 
peated subdivisions  of  the  land  and  frequent  conflicts, 
which  were  submitted  to  the  decision  of  the  council.  I 
shall  return  to  this  subject. 

I  would  like  to  speak  as  seldom  as  possible  of  the 
Com[)iler,  but,  in  spite  of  myself,  I  am  forced  to  return 
to  him,  because  he  puts  me  in  the  impossibility  of  passing 


*  Jean  Duon  was  notary  at  Annapolis,  Pierre  BerKoron  at  Beaubassin, 
Alexauiln*  Bourj^  at   Min(>s.    Saint  Cenne  was  physician  at  Annapolis, , 
Bugeaud  and  Moutuu  at  Mines. 


iikk 


Hl/1£ 


»w 


w^ 


i^4 


lt)0 


GRAVE  LACUNAE. 


K**V 


an  enlightened  judgment  on  many  a  phase  of  this 
history.  His  volume,  which,  in  the  intention  of  the 
Legislature,  was  to  serve  for  the  general  history  of  the 
province,  is,  as  I  have  already  said,  only  a  compilation 
of  complaints  against  the  Acadians  and  the  clergy. 
Insignificant  as  they  sometimes  are,  they  take  up  the 
whole  of  his  space  during  Armstrong's  administration, 
from  1725  to  1740.  There  is  not  in  the  volume  of  the 
Archives  a  single  document  emanating  from  the  Acadians 
or  their  priests  during  these  fifteen  yenva ;  it  was  not, 
however,  hecause  they  were  completely  wanting,  since 
in  several  of  Armstrong's  letters  to  the  Loi-ds  of  Trade 
he  makes  mention  of  copies  of  such  documents  which  he 
communicates  to  them. 

Not  only  does  the  volume  of  the  Archives  contain 
nothing  hut  letters  setting  forth  complaints  against  the 
Acadians  and  the  clergy,  hut  these  letters  are  mutilated 
in  such  a  way  as  to  exclude  all  that  does  not  relate 
thereto.  It  is  easy  to  understand  that  Armstrong  in  his 
letters  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  must  have  most  carefully 
avoided  whatever  mijjht  damaqe  him ;  hut  his  other  let- 
ters,  treating  of  his  endless  difficulties  with  his  officers, 
his  council  and  all  his  attendants,  are  quite  sufficient  to 
give  us  a  clear  insight  into  his  charactei',  and  these 
were  omitted  hy  the  Compiler,  who,  I  have  no  hesitation 
in  saying  it,  has  carefully  eliminated  all  that  might 
direct  suspicion  to  Armstrong.  And,  if  Armstrong's 
own  letters  are  a  sufficient  portrait  of  himself,  how  much 
more  life-like  that  portrait  would  he,  if  in  each  case  the 
letters  of  others  ahout  him  were  also  shown  ?  Did  the 
Compiler  imagine  that  writers  who  like  to  get  to  tlu- 
hottom  of  a  (question  were  going  to  accept  as  proved 
and  indis[)utahle   every   accusation    hrought   hy    Arn)- 


Alt.MSTUONC;  S    MlSDEliDS. 


i<n 


strong,  even  were  this  nmii  what  the  Compiler  litis  eii- 
deiivored  to  make  him  ?  With  some  {)eople,  doubtless, 
he  luis  suceeedcid ;  but  all  this  deception  will  come  to  an 
end  :  for,  not  to  speak  of  the  researches  of  painstaking 
writers  on  this  sul)ject.  the  (rovei'iiment  of  Nova  Scotia 
will.  I  trust,  understand  bow  it  is  its  bounden  dutv  to 


have    the    Archives 


d    that 


ilati 


nave  me  Arciuves  overJiauieu  ana  mat  cominiation 
com[)leted  and  corrected,  whitli  has  issued  so  incomplete 
and  so  one-sided  from  the  bands  of  Thomas  B.  Akins. 

'riu'ougb  the  fMult  of  this  Compiler,  I  am  unabU;  to 
salinity  myself  and  the  i)ublic  fully  as  to  Armstrong's 
administiation,  whicb  occupies,  in  the  period  of  history 
I  am  engaged  on,  fifteen  years,  that  is,  nearly  one-third 
of  the  whole.  Though  tbe  Compiler's  liandling  of  tbe 
othei'  two-thirds  is  not  niucb  better,  I  have  at  least  bad, 
in  certain  parts,  tbe  advantage  of  receiving  more  com- 
plete information  from  documents  outside  the  volume 
of  the  Archives. 

I  will,  however,  try  to  make  up,  as  best  I  can,  for  the 
Compiler's  omissions,  and  to  show,  what  he  hides,  tbe 
chaiacter  of  Armstrong  ;  for  that  purpose  T  shall  in  eei- 
tain  cases  receive  help  from  the  curtailed  portion  of  the 
documents  that  he  delivers  to  us,  in  others,  from  new 
documents  coming  mostly  from  Armstrong  himself. 
Thus,  to  a  great  extent,  which  ivS  certainly  a  rare  priv- 
ilege, Armstrong  shall  be  judged  by  himself. 

We  have  already  seen  what  Lieutenant-Governor 
(^aultield  said  of  him  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  when  Arm- 
strong was  as  yet  only  captain  in  the  regiment  gar- 
risoned at  Annapolis  in  1715.  We  have  seen  how  be 
had  made  himself  enemies  at  Boston  among  the  mer- 
chants of  the  place.     AVe  have  seen,  ])esides,  by  another 

letter  dated  October  24,  1735,  not  cited  iu  the  volume  of 
11 


lim 


m 


!^P 


i'<*k» 


J  1; 


1(12 


AlIMSTIJONti  S    MISDEEDS. 


^ii?'" 


i 


fttr 


1 1 '  I- 


Ihe  Arcliives,  tliat,  a«  soon  as  lie  arrived  at  Canso  fiom 
Loiulon  with  liis  commission  as  lieutenant-governor,  lie 
wrote  to  the  T^ords  of  Tiade,  that  he  had  asked  to  have 
from  Boston  sixty  Indians  and  twelve  whalers,  tliat  he 
liad  fioni  Commodore  St.  Lo  the  promise  of  sixty 
maiines,  that,  with  all  of  these  joined  to  the  soldiers  of 
ills  gariison,  he  intended  to  traverse  the  province  for 
;lit'  purpose  of  forcing  the  Acadians  to  take  the  oath. 
He  ended  his  letter  thus:  "T  hope  we  shall  do  our 
duty,  and  give  a  good  aci-ount  of  ourselves."  True,  he 
(lid  nothing  of  the  kind  ;  hut  pei'haps  he  could  not  help 
himself.  At  all  events  this  letter  speaks  volumes  for 
his  character. 

At  the  same  time  he  complained  of  Captain  John 
Kliot,  Captain  Fraidclin,  Captain  Kenwood  and  several 
others.  OnSe2;iember  28, 172*5,  he  accused  his  servant, 
.lohn  Nichols,  of  an  assault  on  his  person.  In  the  month 
of  July  following.  Mr.  Shirrcff,  secretary  of  the  council, 
lesigned  his  position  after  some  diffieulties  he  had  with 
Armstrong.  A  month  later,  as  Murdoch  writes:  "A 
discord  ai'ose  between  Armstrong  and  M.  M.  Winniett, 
James  Bliim  and  Bissell,  merchants,  connected  with  the 
sup[)lics  for  the  garrison."  August  2Bd,  Armstrong  in- 
formed the  council:  "of  M.  Blinn's  insolent  behaviour 
t(i  him  on  ]\Iouday  last,  u})on  the  public  parade,  before 
most  of  the  oiliccrs  and  soldiers  of  the  garrison,  wliere, 
after  a  great  d(>al  of  disrespectful  language  and  unman- 
jierlv  Q'cstures,  he.  at  leiinth,  told  him  that  he  would 
not  give  him  two  pence  for  his  commission." 

In  September  of  ihe  sanu;  yenr  he  noli  tied  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Annapolis  to  take  the  oath.  Tliev  refused  un- 
h^ss  he  Avould  insert  the  restriction,  ]]()  impi-isoncd  llie 
tlnee  delegates  they  sent  him,  l.,an(liy,  Bourgeois  and 


'.  r  i: 


III 


WINMKTT 


168 


Richard  :  "  It  was  ordered  that  they  .shouhl  he  sent  to 
prison  and  laid  in  irons."  Landry's  wife  applied  to 
Armstrong,  in  consequence  of  her  hnshand  heing 
dangerously  ill,  to  grant  his  liherty  on  s\irety  for  his  re- 
turn when  recovered.     Her  piayer  was  rejected. 

July  12,  1728,  Armstrong  wrote  to  Mr.  Stanion.  of 
the  ofhce  of  the  Secretaiy  of  Stale  :  "  Several  com[»laints 
heing  sent  against  me  hy  two  or  three  malicious  leachMs 
in  this  Province,  although  not  exhihited,  hut  lodged  in 
the  hands  of  Governor  Philipps,  who.  I  am  suie,  only 
wants  a  proper  o[)[)ortunity  of  making  his  own  use  of 
them  to  my  i)rejudice."  Mui'docli.  the  ostimahle  author 
of  a  history  of  Nova  Scotia,  to  whom  I  owe  some  of  my 
quotations,  saj's,  that  Armstrong  had,  in  1711  and  after- 
wards, undergone  some  losses,  and  that  in  consetiuence 
he  hecanie  '^  miha/tpi/,  irrifafiJi',  iwu]  jt'o/diis.  lie  sus- 
pected Philipps  and  Coshy  <»f  heing  his  enemies."  the 
last  named  gentleman  hecause  he  had  niarried  the 
dauohtcr  of  Winniett,  with  whom  Armstrono'  Imd  had 
some  dilliculties.  '"Mr.  Winniett,"  continues  Murdoch, 
"seems  to  have  heen  maiTJed  to  an  Acadian  lady  and 
to  have  had  great  personal  inthience  among  the  Aca- 
dians,  hut  I  helieve  it  was  never  used  for  any  inqtroper 
purpose,  and  that  he  was  upright,  loyal  and  kindly  dis- 
l)osed.'*  ^ 

.lune  2;>,  1720,  Armstrong  wrote  again  to  the    Lords 

1  Wiiinii'tt,  who  wtiH  a  mcrfbant  at  Aimaixilis  and  I'ouusollor  of  tbi'  rov- 
iTiKii-,  had  inarrii'd  in  1711  Marii'  Maili'liiiii'  Maisoiinat.  sccoml  daii^rhtiT 
nf  I'it'rn- Maisoiiiiat  anil  .Miirt,'ni'riti'  limirKt'ois.  Tliis  Tii'iTi'  MaiM'hiiat, 
ill  till'  wars  tliat  in'cci'iicd  thr  caiitiiri'  of  I'oi't  lioyal,  was,  top'tiicr  with 
PiiTi't^  Moi'|iaiii  and  Francis  (iuyoii.  till'  terror  nf  liostnii  I'oninn'ri'i'.  lli« 
was  kiiDwn  tliroiij;lif>,.t  all  N'l'W  I'.iij^'laiid  liy  tin-  naiiii'  of  '•/.'((/.,''.-•/(." 
Toward  17(1(1  Ids  vi'ssi'i  was  talii'ii  and  lio  liiiiisrif  liiii\i},'lit  prisoner  t"  ISns- 
t<Mi.  Ill  1707  111'  was  i'.\chaii>,'i'd  for  llov.  Jolm  Williaiiis,  tin'  iinfortuii.iti' 
vii'tini  (if  till' niassai'ii' of  I)i'i'rtli'lil.  Major  t'osliy.  lii'Uti'iiant-),'ovi'riior  of 
the  >,Mrrison  of  Anua|Kilis.  inarrii'd  Anno,  the  eldest  dau^'hter  of  Winniett. 
I'iorre  Maisoiinut  settled  about  1712  at  ]}eaubassin  with  his  wife's  relatives. 


!?»^** 


ir 


iH 


Ill 


It 


i 


.f8 


104 


MAUCEANT. 


of  Tiadi'.  Ill  this  letter,  wliioh  is  very  long,  lie  coin- 
i)liiiiis  of  everj-body,  of  Major  Cosby  in  particular,  of 
Father  Hreslay,  of  the  French  papists,  of  the  collector  of 
customs,  etc.,  etc. 

On  the  arrival  of  Philipps,  in  IT^iO,  Armstrong  went 
back  to  England,  whence  he  returned  the  following 
year.  Here  is  what  Pliilipps  Avrote  to  the  Secretary  of 
State  a  few  weeks  after  his  anival  at  Annapolis  :  '•  I 
found  at  my  coming  <(  (/cncrdl  (lixsafisf'ivfin)!  hi  nil 
/>rt/"^v,iind  disagreement  between  the  two  lieutenant-gov- 
ernors (Cosily  and  Armstrong)  aliout  the  I'ight  of 
pow(!r  and  command,  which  drew  the  inferior  oflicers 
Into  parties;  but  I  assurt'  Voui'draccit  is  now  the  reverse. 
-Tot/  and  sttf/xfacfion  appear  in  everij  rountenancc  amonif 
till'  pi-oplt'^  and  in  the  garrison  tranquillity.'"  ' 

This  letter  is  in  the  volume  of  the  archives,  l)ut  tlie 
part  I  quote  is  omitted.  Doubtless  it  is  by  mistake  the 
Compiler  dates  this  letter  January  8,  1T2J\  for  in 
ieality  it  .should  be  January  o,  1730. 

The  followino-  fact  is  a  rev(dation  of  Armstrono-'s 
eliarac'ter.  In  172(3,  tliei-e  arrived  at  Annajiolis  a 
Frenchman  by  the  name  of  Maugeant,  who,  when  ex- 
amined by  the  council,  admitted  that  lie  was  fleeing 
from  French  justice  for  a  murder  he  hsid  committed  at 
Quelicc.  He  pleaded  as  ail  excuse  .self-defence.  Arm- 
.'•;trong  made  him  his  man  of  business,  his  instrument, 
and,  as  far  as  we  can  judge,  his  intimate  counsellor. 
With  Armstrong's  contidciice  and  protection,  Maugeant 
incurred  the  detestation  of  evervbodv:  oflftcers,  soldiers, 
and  Acadians.  His  infatuation  for  Maugeant  was  so 
great  tliat  he  took  him  with  him  to  England,  on  the 
arrival  of  Philippts.  Here  is  what  Philipps  wrote  of 
him,  September,  2,  1730 : 


VHILllM'S    AM>    Alt.MSTItONO 


m 


"  Tiiont.-(\)l.  Annstrong  who  is  none  for  Enjihiml,  t'aniod  with 
him  one  Maugoiint,  a  I'lvnch  papist,  who  fled  lately  Iroin  Canada  into 
this  rnnincf  for  a  harharous  nmrdcr.  The  liicnt. -Governor  look 
him  into  his  protection  and  admitted  him  to  take  the  oatli,  after 
which  ln^  rendered  himself  exceedingly  odious  to  the  inhaiiitants, 
hoth  English  and  F'rench,  they,  Ijelieving  that  the  Lieut. -(to\eri\nr 
acted  toward  them  hy  his  council  and  advice.  At  my  arri\iil.  he, 
finding  many  complaints  were  ready  to  l)c  I'xhihited  against  him. 
petitioned  for  leave  to^retire,  which,  hcing  granted,  with  a  dcfen>e 
nevci'  to  return,  gave  a  general  satisfa<'tion,  and  pi'ovcd  a  great  in- 
dueement  towards  their  suhmission  to  the  Crown  of  (inat  Mritiiin. 
The  fellow's  character  is  very  bad,  hut  is  allowi.'il  to  have  a  genius, 
and  would  make  an  excellent  minister  to  an  arhitrary  i)rincc." 

This  lottci'  is  also  in  llu;  vnlnint;  of  the  tifcliives, 
exi'epi,  liowevof,  this  citiitioii  ;  and  nevertlieless  this 
sliort  e.xtiiiet  says  niofc  as  to  the  chai'actef  of  Aini- 
sti'oiifr  and  is  moi-e  iis(!ful  to  the  oenwial  liistoiy  of  tlie 
Pfovince  tlian  many  othei'  docnments  found  tlieiein. 

IMiilipjjs  sang  liis  own  prai.ses  rather  hmd  whi'ii  he 
attributed  his  proinjjt  sueeess  to  the  good  remenihiance 
everv  oin;  had  })reserved  of  liini.  and  to  the  diffcrenee 
hetween  liis  athninistration  atid  .Viinstrong's.  He  ean- 
not  he  judged  exactl}'  hy  liis  own  valuatif)n  :  for, 
thougli  he  undouhtedly  possessed  great  practical  judg- 
ment, tact,  iind  m.iny  of  the  (jualities  that  go  to  make  a 
o-ood  administrator,  vet  all  tliis  was  favored  and  en- 
lianeed  by  circumstances ;  the  contrast  made  him  .seem 
jrreiiter  than  he  retdlv  was. 

Obliired  to  return  to  Eno'land  for  affairs  of  his  ref>i- 
meut,  lie  Avas  again  replaced  by  .Vrmstrong.  At  the 
moment  of  his  departure,  Philipps  wrote  to  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle:  "  It  imports  me  much  to  be  very  careful  of 
delivering  up  the  Government  to  l>ieutenant-CTOvernor 
Armstrong  with  the  greatest  exactness,  who  is  turning 
up  every  stone  and  raking  into  every  kennel,  to  find. 


i  ^<'0- 


\\t  '}■ 


liU...<r 


1H6 


I'HILIIM'S    AM)    Ai:.MSTl:(>N(5. 


'i 


some  (lilt  to  bcspaltrr  iiic  witli,  in  hoju's  tliiit  some 
may  stick,  etc.,  etc."     He  ueeust's  him  of  iiijLjnititiKlc. 

FFiiidly  liad  Pliilipps  jl,'oiil'  home,  wheu  Ariustrong's  flif- 
fieiilties  C'ommeiu'ed  aj,'aiii  worse  than  before  with  Cosby 
and  Winniett.  Cosby  (li<l  not  wish  to  sit  with  Arm- 
strong, and  the  eouni-il  was  leibiccd  to  foui-  eouneiUoi-s. 
Twice  in  the  coiii'se  of  tlie  autnmn  of  17o2  did  Arm- 
strong comj)lain  of  l)oth  tliese  connciUoi-s  lo  the  Lords 
of  Trade.  At  that  time  lie  wished  to  establish  a  fort  at 
Mines,  but  was  prevented  by  tiie  Indians.  Murdoch  says 
in  reference  to  this  :  "  Armstrong  accuises  and  suspects 
everybody  in  his  disappointment." 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  Armstrong's  unpopu- 
larity and  his  ever-ieeurring  ditlicultics  embittered  him 
more  and  more  and  drew  ui)on  him  a  severe  reprimand 
from  the  Lords  of  Trade;  for  he  ended  b}' committing 
suicide.  Deiemln'r  (1, 17ot>.  He  had  made  his  will  a 
month  liefoie.  and  a  few  weeks  after  his  d(!atli  all  hisgoods 
were  seized  in  the  hands  of  his  executors,  to  pay  for 
rents  and  govennuent  fees  wliich  lie  had  collected  for 
several  years  witliout  rcndeiing  any  account  of  them; 
in  othei'  words  he  was  a  peculator. 

1  ask  the  readei- :  Is  th(!  wiiter  that  does  not  get  firm 
hold  of  these  facts  a  person  capable  of  forming  a  sound 
(estimate  of  events  ?  \\y  sih'utly  igncning  them,  does 
he  fulfil  his  duty  towaids  the  [)ublic  as  an  historian  ? 
I  think  not  :  on  the  contrary.  I  think  that,  when  there 
is  (picstion  of  a  governnuuit  the  power  of  which  is 
centred  in  the  haiuls  of  a  single  man,  the  first  duty  of 
the  historian  is  to  seek  to  penetrate  the  character  of 
that  man.  This  once  fouiul,  he  has  the  secret  that  will 
enablt!  him  to  disentanole  and  elucidate  manv  confused 
situations,  to  s\d)stitnte  light  for  dai'kness. 


SOMK    VIltTIKS,  MAN'V    VICKS. 


V\l 


I  iui_L;lit  )»('ilia])s  t'X[)i«'ss  an  opinion  altout  some  of 
AiM)stroiiy;*s  (litlii'iiltics:  I  will  not  do  so:  it  is  not 
lu'i'f'ssai'y.  It  matters  little,  after  all.  wlietlier  in  this  or 
tliat  particular  ease  lie  may  have  lictMi  riirht  oi-  wron^. 
The  fact  that  he  was  in  a  (Continual  turmoil  (luriu!"-  his 
whole  administration,  with  everybody  and  everywhere, 
is  am[)le  evidence  that  he  himself  was  the  author  of  his 
troubles  through  his  eross-grained  and  hot-temjiered 
nature.  His  was  an  ill-balan(!ed  mind.  This  makes  it 
nioi).' difHeult  to  understand  and  judge  him  than  a  man 
whose  character  is  (inn  and  steadfiust,  whether  foi-  good 
nr  evil  ;  however,  enough  is  known  of  him  to  preclude 
all  danger  of  a  mistake,  lie  was  by  turns  kind  and 
tvrannical.  Amidst  his  fits  of  rage  and  liisbi'utalities  he 
sometimes  gave  prof)fs  of  Innuani!  feelings  and  of  a  sin- 
ceie  desire  to  promote  the  interests  of  his  govermnent. 
Though  des[)otie  at  times,  he  was  the  lirst  to  suggest 
to  the  Lords  of  Trade  the  esiablislunent  of  a  j-epresenta- 
ti  ve  assembly,  and.  when  he  saw  that  his  idea  was  for  the 
iiiomeut  impracticable,  lie  nevertheless  granted  the  Aca- 
dians,  aiid  that  spontaneously,  the  privilege  to  name 
(Jejiuiies,  Their  functions  and  powers  were  almost  null  ; 
yet  this  creation  of  his  was  wise  and  disinteresttMl ;  it 
piodnced  excellent  results  under  his  successor. 

While  passing  judgment  on  his  chanicter  and  admin- 
istration, we  cannot  foru'et  thesi;  facts:  liowevei\  thev 
atone  but  very  poorly  foi'  his  long  series  of  administra- 
tive buffooueries,  his  fi'auds,  his  unspeakable  l)rutalities. 
Ht^  made  enemies  of  all  the  jjeople  about  him  :  of  Major 
('#osby.  of  the  secretary  of  the  (^ouucil.  of  the  mer- 
eliants,  the  Acadians,  the  clergy,  an  1  even  of  rMiili[)j)s, 
with  whom  it  was  so  much  his  interest  to  be  on  good 
terms.     His  authoritv  had  so  fallen   into  disei'i-dit  that 


m 


'■Bm 


f/N^jri 


;W 


t^''t^;-??i: 


.....  \ , 


ir,8 


a<:adian  li:ttki:s  missinc!. 


he  was  even  puMicly  insulted  hy  a  iiiercliiintot'llic  iilinr 
and  .suffc'i't'(l  n  [)t'isi)nid  ussiiult  iVoni  Ids  servant.  1 1 
W()nl<l  indeed  be  siiinetliing  (pnte  nniiret'edenicil  if  dif. 
lieulties  so  IVe(iuent  and  persistent  ci'ossed  the  jjiitli 
of  one  who  knew  liow  lo  iisi-  Ids  authority  witli  din'iiity 
and  justiee.     The  tree  is  judyiMl  l»y  its  I'ruits. 

NothiuL,^  jTfives  ns  a  hetter  insig'ht  into  Arnistnini^'s 
chai'acter  than  his  ivhitions  with  Mau^cant.  'Plioni^h 
the  hittei'  had  been  expelled  hy  I'hilippson  a('<;ountot"his 
criniinal  record,  and  for  having  made  himself  odious  to 
ijveryhody,  Armstrong  took  him  with  him  to  I'^ngland 
as  a  cliosen  companion.  l)rnught  liim  hack  again  aftei' 
eiglitecn  months'  absence,  and,  in  direct  (^p^jositioii  to 
the  orders  of  his  chief,  retained  him  lu-ar  his  own  person 
even  till  death,  as  his  intimate  counsellor  and  the  instru- 
ment of  his  ca[»iicc.  In  view  of  tlieso  facts  it  is  noi 
surprising  that  Armstrong's  authority  had  fallen  so  low. 

It  will  be  readilv  understood  tliat  what  T  have  allegcil 
embraces  only  a  vciy  small  part  of  Armstrong's  deeds 
and  feats,  for,  I  lia\t'  hardly  touched  on  the  last  seven 
years  of  his  ailministration,  the  years  that  immediately 
preceded  his  suicide.  Very  little  is  known  of  the 
events  of  that  period ;  presumably,  this  suicide  was 
brought  on  by  the  aggravation  of  his  faults  and  disup- 
l)ointments  so  keeidv  felt  bv  his  ill-balani;ed  mind  as  to 
throw  it  (iompletely  out  of  gear  ;  but  the  ( 'oni[)ilei'  cun- 
ningly saw  that  all  this  would  throw  too  much  light  on 
Armstrong's  administiation  and  character,  and  defeat 
his  i)ur[)ose  ;  so  he  deemed  it  ex[)edient  to  eliminate 
carefully  whatever  might  reflect  upon  Armstrong,  in 
Older,  thereby,  to  animadvert  with  cumulative  force 
upon  the  Acadiaiis  and  the  clergy.  AVhen  the  docu- 
ments contain  nothing  against  them,  his  occupation  is 


ACADIAN  m:tti:i;s  missincj 


i»;o 


troiie  :  he  croiitcs  ,i  vuciimn. 


tiU'tirs,  tliiit  li 


And.  so  I'lir  (lid  lie  cMiiy 
luse  tiU'lU's,  riiiit  iw.  t;ven  ciuufully  omitted  all  doiii- 
nients  which  would  let  the  iciuler  kii<t\v  ol'  Annstionn's 
suici<li'. 

'I'he  better  to  exhibit  his  iirtilice,  I  lii'ie  L;ive  the  iimu- 
bef  of  the  dncMuueuts  that  the  voluine  of  the  Archives 
contains  for  each  year  of  Arnistrontjf's  adniinistiation  : 
17-2r),a— 172r,,4  i't-JT.II  ITiiSj— 1T21M— 17:n.:)— 
1732,  0—17:?!'..  0—17:54.  0—1785, 1—17:50,  2—17:57.  0-- 
1738,  0 — 1~?)\\  0.  Kxcept  live  or  six  documents  of  the 
Council,  this  collection  is  wholly  made  up  of  ,\nti- 
strong'.s  own  letters  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  'riien,'  is 
not  a  sinjfle  letter  tVom  tin;  Acadians  or  the  priests, 
and  yet  there  were  sucdi  connnunications,  since  even 
Armstrong's  letters  mention  several  of  them.  \N'riting 
on  Juncf  10th,  17:52,  ho  says  :  ''  I  transmit  the  enclosed 
letters;  Nos.  4,  '),  (>,  from  priest  de  la,  (Joudalie  :  7.  H, 
are  mine  ;  No.  0  is  from  Kc'iic  l.c  lllanc."  In  another 
letter  of  Nov.  22nd,  17:50,  he  writes  :  -  No.  1  is  M.  St. 
Ovide's  firxt  lettei-,  No.  2  is  my  answer  :  No.  :^  are  the 
minutes  of  the  Council;  No.  4  is  M.  St.  Policy's  decla- 
ration in  Council ;  No.  o  are  the  minutes  of  Council: 
No.  6  is  the  petition  of  the  Acatlians." 


170 


»TK(>N(i    I,AN'(!U.V(JK. 


CHAPTER  JX. 


m 


\i 


\ 


ii*i^'  ^ 


! 


Armstroiu  ".'•  diflficulties  with  tho  cU'r^y — Tho  case  of  Abb*  d« 
Bresla.v,  .^  bin-  iHidoiv,  and  M«'ssis(;iiuiivn'iilx  aiulduHt.  Policy — 
Painlui  f)if  "Hon  of  the  clergy — Their  attitude. 

In  the  precetlin^  cliii|)tei'  T  have,  of  Armstrong's  diffi- 
culties, touiihed  only  on  those  which  he  had  with  liis 
olliceis,  his  couiicil,  and  the  EnoJish  inerehajits  of  Aniia- 
[)olis.  It  may  reasoiialily  ht;  sn[)[)()sed  that  lie  had  some 
also  with  th(!  [MJests  and  the  Acadiaiis.  Strange  to  say, 
those  he  had  with  the  A(;adians  are  tew  in  mimher  and 
relate  only  to  liie  ([iiestion  of  the  oath  hel'ore  it  was 
settled  hy  IMiilipps  in  ITHO,  and  they  are  of  so  trivial  a 
nature  that  the  reader  mwy  well  he  s[)ared  the  recital  of 
them.  All  may  1h^  leduced  to  some  complaints  to  tlu- 
Lords  of  Trade  eoneerning  their  ivfusal  to  take  the  oath 
iu  the  form  desired  ;  hut,  if  the  facts  are  in  themselves 
insignilicant  or  justitiable,  the  expressions  Armstrong 
uses  are  not  wantiug  in  force.  Their  conduct,  iu  so 
resisting  his  wishes,  is  repeatedly  termed:  uudutiful, 
insolent,  contem[)tuous,  etc.,  etc. 

lie  had  far  more  trouble  with  the  clergy;  but,  just  as 
it.  would  be  impossible  in  most  cases  to  judge  between 
Armstrong  and  Philipps,  Armstrong  and  Cosby,  Arm- 
slioug  and  Winniett,  so  it  would  be  iuipossible  for  me 
to  judge  between  Armstrong  and  the  priests  with  whom 
he  was  at  variance.  After  what  is  known  of  Armstronir, 
Avho  would  venture  to  accept  as  the  exact  truth  all  he 
has  said  of  [^hilip[)s  and  Cosby,  and  to  believe,  upon  his 


M.  i»i:  Mi;i;si,Av 


171 


siinplt'  iiniiiiiiition,  tliiit  he  svuh  vh^Ul  iUid  they  wort? 
wmiiiir  /  No  oiu',  I  piesunit',  would  In;  so  nish.  Simi- 
liiily,  I  iim  utterly  iiiiiible  to  (Ici'idf  hctwot'ii  Armstioiiijj 
;iiid  tlit'st.'  pru'sts.  I  n'l^it't  it  :  I'or,  I  would  act  with 
iln'  smut;  fivedoni  of  niiud  iis  it'  tlu'ie  wciv  (iiu'stiou  of 
iiiiytliinjjf  fise  ;  I  i«'i,M'et  it,  heciuisi*,  fur  from  di.sctiuiiiif- 
iiiuf  me,  problems  of  this  sort  liavc  a  j)articular  attrar- 
tioii.  The  reproach  I  should  feel  uiost  would  hi'  that 
I  let  luyself  \)e  iulhitniced  hy  prejudices,  likes  or  dis- 
likes, all  of  which  it  is  my  uiost  siucere  desir»;  to  esi-hew. 
It  wei'O.  I  thiuk,  a  le_<fitiuiate  iufttreuoe,  after  what  has 
Ik'cu  said  of  Anustroug,  that,  in  his  ditHiculties  with 
l'hilip[)s,  Cosby  or  others,  the  blaiue  was  j;eiu.'rally  nii 
his  side,  aud,  when  it  was  not  wholly  so,  lie  was  guilty 
of  liaviug  drawn  the  (piarrel  upon  liimself. 

The  lii'st  im[»ortaiil  difticulty  of  this  kind  was  witli 
y\.  do  Hreslay,  })arish-i)riest  of  Aniuipolis.  All  that  we 
know  of  it  is  contained  in  a  letter  of  Arinstroii!.','s  to 
the  [.ords  of  Trade,  dated  June  2nd,  17-JO.  This  l.-itci, 
as  a  matter  of  cotuse,  is  published  by  the  Compiler,  biu, 
as  he  only  gives  f/n-  Diiili/fr  of  it  (the  part  indieatt  il 
Iierein  by  italics),  I  transcrib(!  it  here  almost  in  full, 
because  the  passages  he  has  suppressed  modify  consid- 
ei'ably  the  part  he  has  given.  Ainistrong  lirst  speaks 
of  a  series  of  insults  commit te*!  against  him  [)y  diveis 
jM'i'sons  of  his  garrison  and  (»thei's: 

•  Tlirouf^li  the  inalicc  of  some  jicople  who  are  abetted  ami  fii- 
(•uiirii;r<'<l  l)y  tlie  favor  and  couiiteiiiince  of  Major  t'osin'.  the 
Lieut. -( lovernor  of  tliis  <;iinisoii.  wlio.  foigettinj;'  liis  eliaraeter ami 
diiriiity.  lias  eondoseeudt'd  to  tu'come  a  party  in  the  lualiciou-^  con- 
trivjiuce's  of  my  enemies,  who.  witliout  any  regard  to  truth  or 
Justice,  or  His  Majesty's  service,  iiave  obstructed,  vilitied  and  niis- 
rt  pre-iented  all  my  actions. 
"  Tlie Jlrst  jieraoii  I  slmll  take  intt'n-c  of  for  lu's  notorinu^^  iiim)- 


id  "h. 


M 


i.^'v 


^^\ 


m 


,*<■»! 


H'i 


f^y 


172 


M.  Pi:  iw;i;si, 


Iiiii'i  is  M.  ill'  liiisliii/.  tlir  I'l'/iisli  i>riist  nf  litis  rii'ir.  irlin,  iinrinif 
for  simir  lime  imst  iinli'inuiiiri'il  In  irilhiliuir  llir  pioiilrfrniii  llinr 
liifiniilnicr  dii  It.  M's  (Idi'i'nniii'iil .  In/  (issiniiiin/  id  liiiiisilf  llir 
iiiilliiiiKi/  i>f  II  JiiiUji'   ill   ciril  a(liiirs.  iiiiil  iiiiiiloi/iiiii  his  s/iirihiiil 


•sill  I'on-r  llicni  In  a  siihiiiissiiu 


11  i 


IS  I iisiiii'iicr  mill  ii/riniii/i 


ijroiri  i<i  III  liisl  iiisiippniiitblr.  I  sriil  llir  iiiljiiilinil  In  *■  iiii  li>lii< 
lioiisr.  loih'sitT  Id  . ■:!':■  u\'  irilli  liiiii.  Iiiil  his  i iililliiiriicr  jirurn'  .v.. 
(jihhI,  Ihoiiifh  iiDbiiii,/  iriis  nciiiiiiiiiliil  Ihnririlh  Inil  MhJdi  <  'nsh  i. 
lliiilybvfDvi'  till'  iiiljiiiliiiil  (  Diilil  riiicli  his  liDiisr.  hr  inis  i/dih'  d//',  ninl 
liiis  rnr  siiirr  ahscDiiiliil  in  Ihr  iroDils.  uhniil  Ihis  rirrr,  inmniii  lln 
liiih'iins.  piirsiiiiiii  liis  fiirmi'r  priirlins  uf  Dhstriirliiiii  II.  M  < 
sirvii'i.  iiiiil  r.rriliiiii  llir  siiruiirs  Id  iiiisriiirf.  'in  prrrriil  trhirh, 
.1  lliDiiijIil  jiroprr.  hi/  uii  onlrr.  piihlishril  nl  Ihr  .1/((n,s  liiiii.'ir.  In 
nHiiiiiHuil  him  Id  lir  ijDiir  mil  nf  Ihr  riDriiirr  in  n  iiiniilh's  linir. 


'I'lic  Sii'iir   M;iiiK<'itnt.  wluun 


I 


iiniildx  I'll 


lo  rc;l(l  the  s.ili 


(ii  (lii'iii  in  I'rciicli.  ill  (lie  pirsi'iuc  <>r  (lie  ,  i(i(    .\liijitr.  M.  W'l'oth 


;iiiil  siimc 


>lll 


'lltlcilH'll.  wllicll.   li;i\ill^'   (lullc.  ;is   tlicy  Wrrc  li 


tiiruiiij::  hack  to  iiiakc  iiic  a  rciioit,  aiiioii.t;sl  a  crowtl  nT  ]m'(|>|i'. 
tlii'v  lia|)|H'ii('il  (o  iniH't  Major  ( 'osliv.  (lie  l.iciil .-( loMTimr.  on  tlw 
In.uliway.  who,  witlioiit  any  provocation,  insiihcil  and  alm^cd  the 
saiil  Maii^caiil.  .  .  MaJ.ir  ( '(isl)y  sent  me  iiniiKMliali'ly  a  complaint 
auJiiiist  tlic  said  !\lau}i(>aiit.  alli';iiii,n'  that  hr  liail  alVrontcd  him.  \>\ 
j:;rinniii.i;- or  lauuhii.j;'  in  liis  lace  I  loiiiid  M.  ('oshys  ailc.uati' 'iis 
a.Ciiinst  IMau.ucaiil  to  he  frivolous  and  .i;roiindl(ss.  and  (he  trin- 
reason  of  the  atl'ront  and  insult  to  proeeed  I'roiii  his  reseiitim;-  tiie 
services  M.  Man.nfant  had  done  His  Majesty  Ity  reading  and  piih- 
lisliin.i;-  my  orders  to  the  |ieople  against  llieir  departing;  tiie  I'l^v- 
iiice  without   leave,  ami  a,i;ainst   M.  de.  Hicslay.  the  I'opish  priest. 


h( 


)se  t-ause 


he  i\\ 


vowedly  es|)ous('s  merely  in  opposilion  to  m 


Sticli   was  tilt'  iU'i'Usatioii. 


T\ 


u'    (ibviotis  iiilV'rciiicc    Is 


that  M.  (Ic  Hfcslay  had  hccii  i-hoscn  as  ai'hitci'  :  lluit 
(MIC  «)rthc  ttai'ties  refused  to  siihmit  to  his  dot'lsioii.  and 
tliat  lu'  had  iiiaiU  use  of  ei-eh'sirstieal  eeiisiires  to  eon- 
strain  him  thereto.  Hnt  (liere  was  (|iiestioii  here 
neitht'r  <)(  eonspiraev  aoaiiist  the  safety  of  the  state  nor 
of  ihreel  iWYence  a;;ajnst  anthority.  .\rhitratioii  has 
always  heen  allowahle  in  (he  settlement  of  differenees, 
ami  it  is  devoutly  to  be  wished  that  this  practice  were 


MlCil     Aln>    Altnl    r    .Mfllll  Ni;. 


178 


iiiiiic  j^ciit'iiil.  'I'lir  liivl  tli;it  Mill  idiis  Jill'  ;i(l()i»iiji^  it  ill 
oiii  uwii  I  ill  ic  is  ( till'  III'  I  lie  lic'ilt  liicsl  sit,'!  IS  olsociiil  ['I<»l;- 
rcss  in  this  iiiiictcciit  licnil  inv.  'I'lic  (•riisiii(\s  iiiiiy  liii\t' 
liccii  iiiisiis>(i  or  iiilliclcd  loi  lrivi;i,l  motives;  hut  siidi 
ahi!<<'  Imiic  y.ith  it  its  dwii  iciiirdv.  hv  iiAcrtiiii;' suitors 
IVoiii  ;iii  Jiiltitci'  who  hiid  so  liinh-liiiiidcd  ;i  \vii\-  ol  cu- 
hii('iii<4'  his  judi^iiiciits.  It  wiis  iiiih'ctl  \ciy  im|iolitii' 
ot'thr  j)i'i(!sl,  thus  ill  omc  to  iiiiii  th(  j)o|)iil;iiit  \-  of  lii>, 
iriliMiiiil.  However.  AniistioiiL;'  -  I»iut;ilitv  must  iis- 
suifdly  have  iieeii  most  tei'ril'yiiij^  to  ohli'^c  him  to  (le(! 
into  the  woods  lor  si'.eli  a  peeeaililhi ;  and  it  is  kii(»wn 
iVoiii  otlier  s(tiirees  tliat  lor  more  than  a  \'ear  he  did  not 
dare  i)resent  himsidf  at  .\iiiia|polis.  \'eiy  likely  the 
case  is  not,  rully  slated  I  v  A  riiist  roii;_;'  in  his  letter.  I'oi- 
M.  (h'  Hrcshiy,  hel'ore  ret ui'nin<4'.  lodL,''ed  his  eom|)liiiiits 
ir  I'Jioland  Mild  (hd'eiided  himstd I' against  the  accusation 
III  meddiiiiL^  with  th(!  afVaiisor  tli(!  iroverimuuit,  hy  [no- 
dueiiig  cei'tiliciitos  fi'om  IMiili|i|is  and  Cosliy,  iiffestiiig 
lliaton  all  occasions,  as  lar  as  they  knew,  he  had  ]>c- 
liav(Ml  well,*  'IMiiit.  pint,  ol"  Ai'msti'onL,'''s  letter  whieii  is 
eliiiiiiiiited  hy  tli(^  Compii  ;!•  shows  us  that  Coshy  liiul 
I'Sjionscd  tli(!  ciiUsiMif  !\r.  de  I'reslay.  This  was  impoi- 
taiit.  Itwas  ('ii.a.:diUed  to  throw  some  doiiht  on  th(; 
justice  of  Ann'IroiiLi^'s  pr<)c(!ediu!^s.  and  the  ronipiler 
would  have  ac'ed  very  kiiidlv  had  he.  not  deprived  the 
pu])lic  of  this  infonnation.  Very  little  is  known  of 
Cosby,      lit!  may  have  Ix'cn  no  hettiM'  tlian  Aniistioii!.r ; 


f^r 


iAih 


b'^ 


«»( I 


¥.t 


if-!| 


174 


AN     INTKUDK'TKl)    I'ltlKST. 


1ml  it  must  (('itaiiily  liiivc  IjctMi  very  (lisiit^i'('('al)l(!  to  luni, 
li<'iil.('iianl-^f()V(Miioi'  (tt"  tli(;  giiiTisoii,  to  scv.  IiiinscH" 
fast  into  tlic  shade,  siipplantiid  in  liis  autlioiity  l»y  Uiis 
MaiiL,'<'aiil.  Willi  tli(!  al>ov(^  remarks,  1  leave  tlie 
(le  IJreslay  iiie.ideiit  to  tlu!  leader's    jiidniiKiiil. 


Aiiotliev  of  Aiinstr* 


))l'"   s 


(liflictillies    was  eoiiiieeted 


^\ 


itli  Fatlier  Isidore,  \v!i(»  was  an  intcM'diejed  piiest. 
Armstroni;"  wished  to  plai  e  him  over  tlu!  parish  of  Mines. 
lie  oui^ht  to  ha\(^  had  sense;  enoiii^h  lo  niideislaml 
that  a,  Catholif^  |)o|»nla,tion  would  nevtr  consent  ti>  mc- 
ee[it  an  interdicted  ]triest.  By  the;  I'iict  of  his  interdic- 
tion he  had  no  more  rij^hl  than  Armstrong-  hi mse If  to  say 
mass,  hear  cuntessioiis,   or   administer   tlu!   sacraments: 


in  (Jipiomatic   itariance,  /its   i(f<fj  KliirHx  irux  ijnn 


■full 


In  I 


us 


ai 


iffer  Armst  roiiij-  did   not    uiidei'sland  the  oI)slacle->    he 


Avas  I'uiuiiui;'    up  aj^'aiiisl,    he    w;she(|   to   impose 


Fath 
h 


Isidore  an\how:  hut  in  iliiscase  he  was  powerlos  to 
accomplish  his  will  :  there  ever  reinaiiUMJ  to  the  in- 
hahilanls  the  ])iivileo-e  of  not  atteiidinn' elmrch.  and. 
at»'iiiiist  thai  Armslroiin-  eould  elTeet  iiolhin^'.  That  is 
jirecisely  what  they  did,  and,  to  use  an  alioLi'ether 
modem  expression,  I'^ilher  Isidore  \\\is  /loi/rofffi/.  finfi' 
ii-'tr.  ArmstroiiL,''  e<)uld  jtunish  the  parish  hy  vet'usinj^ 
it  another  ]»riest  :   Ik;  did  so  as  lonq-  as  his  nv^o  lasted. 


Th 


le  most  si'i'ioiis  diftieullv,  oral    least  that  which  is 


sometimes  cited  with  accents  ol  indi<;na(ion  a<4'aiiist  tin; 
insoleiic(i  of  the  priests,  particularly  hy  I'arkliliin, 
relatestoMessrs.de  ("hauvreiilx  and  de  St  Policy.  A>; 
there  is  here  (question  of  tlu^  actions  of  tlu^  Conneil,  (he 
case  would  seem  to  <leserve special  altciitioii  :  hut,  it  must 
not  he  foi'Li'otteii  (hat  A rmstroiifjf  alone  was  iio(  far  fi'om 
cfHislitulini;'  the  whole  force  of  the  Council.  I  lis  hiiital- 
ities   had   dis^-iistcij   the   most    important    niemhers    and 


IN     IIMill     OriXiKON. 


1 


)•> 


]<»'pl  lliciii  fr(»in  altciidiii;^'  it  :  lliosc  wlio  st  ill  cunsfiitcfl 
to  ultt'iul  (;iim1  tlic  iminhcr  w  ;is.  ;i1  \\u:  iiriival  of 
IMiilipps  ill  1T'>0,  IK)  Idiiycr  siiniciriil  (oi  ;i  (pioiimi') 
liad  <'vi(l('nlly  t(»L;iv<'  up  t heir  iiKlcpciKlciicf.  'I'li('\-  Imd 
cithci'  t(»  siihiiiil  t<t  liiin  or  to  rt'sii;'!!,  or  iti.  Iciist  lo  ahsciii. 


tliciiisclvcsoii  en 


tical 


occasions. 


A  ftci' lliis  necessary  cxplaiiat  ion  I  sliall  reproduce  in 
llieii- cssentiiil  pai'ts  the  iiiiimlcs  of  the  ('oiincil  relatiiej^ 
to  llie  cast!  ol'  Messrs.  de  ( 'Iiaii  vreiilx  and  de  St.  i'oiic\-; 
it  is  Ili(!  last  (loci  111  lent  that  the  ( 'oiii|)iler  Iransniits  to  us 
coiiceriiiii<^  Ariiistroii!4''s  adniinistrat  ion.  the  docunieiit 
nearest  to  tht!  time  of"  his  suicide. 

'•  V.  licr('ii|M)ii,  M  .M.  lit-  St.  I'oncv  and  lic  < 'liaiivrcuiix,  tlic  two 
ildiiiisti  piii'sls,  \vcr<'  ciillcd  in  ami  iiitormed  llnil  it  inis  /iiil<ii il 
(/(■(T.s.svny/ Ix'forc  M.  dcSt.  I'oi'cv's  ilrpMrt  lire  lor  ( '(ilii'(|iiid,  that  he 
i>r  M.  i\r  ( 'haiivri'ulx  sliduld  JirsI  ijtt  to  I  Nihoi  net  nip.  mIoiij:;  with  M. 
d'I'ailreiiioiit  and  Aiidicrsl.  I<>  use  cndcaxors  lh;il  rcslitulinn  in:iy 
lie  made  III'  liie  vessel's  sails  and  such  olher  ellecls  a--  llif  Indians 
!iad  taken. 

'' Thi'v.  thereunto,  answered  His  lliiiKHand  the  liomd  in  ;i  most, 
iirNoient.  aiidaeiiiiis  ami  disrespe<'triil  inaniier,  saving,  that  .altso- 
Iwlely  tliey  would  not  j^o,  and  tiiat  thev  wnuld  have  ixtthin^  to  do 
in  (he  ad'air  :  ami,  liein^:;  asUed  if  they  would  nol  ol»e\  the  just, 
and  lawful  onlers  of  II.  M.'s  (iovernmeiit.  to  which  M.  de('liaii- 
•.I'eulx  answered  conleni|)luonsly  with  unliecij.ninK  aii'  .iml  iiii- 
Miannerly  j;:eslures.  sayinj.';:  't^ue  je  suis  ici  de  l.a  p;irt  dii  I'ni 
dr  l''rance.'  imd  M.  de  St.  I'oney  atridntin^^iy  atlinuinj;  the  same 
also,  in  words  to  the  same  etrecl. 

■•|lis  llonoi-  therefore  told  them  that  he  had  a  nnnd  to  xMid 
liiciu  to  I'rance. 

"  Tliey  replied  with  a  tailed  i  and  a  most  haiiKldy  insolent  air: 
■  with  all  their  hearts."  then  turn  their  hacks  and  went  out  of  the 
room,  seem!n;j,ly  in  a^  great  passion,  slamming  and  throwing  the 
doors  in  a  most  riidu  and  insolent  iiiamier.  and  without  His 
Honor's  leave  left  the  F^oard. 

•Then  !\I.  d'Kntn'iiiont  heing  called,  he  said  he  was  very  sorry 
lor  it.  for  it  was  his  opinion  that  tlif  mo>l  expedient  luetliod  to 
I'liiii;  these    Indian'- to   ie;e<iin  an(l   r<'^titution    woidilhe   to -m  nd  a 


S'  ;■'-''! 


«„  '  ■,  iW 


m^i 


\i^: 


^ 


p  -'li^ 


170 


I.Ml'KIMOrSNKSS. 


Iiricst  :  a  priost  being  also  imich  neeiled  to  Iniptizi*  and  adiniiust.'r 
tlif  Sacrament. 

••  It  was  resolved  to  send  tliem  out  of  the  Province. 
•  Whereuiion,  the  two  priests  appearing  again,  their  sentein-c 
was  read  ;  thev  resumed  their  former  insolence,  calling  for  chairs 
to  sit  down,  saying  that  they  did  not  ai)peiir  as  criminals,  and  tlutt 
tfic!/  IkkI  )io  biixiiicsH  with  thiii'jx  teiiipond." 

Had  the  Compiler  i)io(liiced  tiie  declaration  of  M.  lU- 
St.  Poncy,  which  Armstrong'  comnuiiiicated  to  the  F.ords 
of  Trade  with  th(!  minutes  of  the  Council,  we  jshovdd 
probably  be  better  able  to  understand  the  situation. 
After  all,  even  according-  to  Armstrong's  own  statement, 
it  was  a  storm  in  a  tea-cup.  The  demand  was  an  impo- 
sition, though  it  might  have  been  ac(;epted  if  prelerit'd 
as  a  polite  recpiest  and  not  as  an  insulting  coniiuand. 
How  that  command  was  intimated  to  them  is  what  we 
should  know  in  order  to  be  in  a  position  to  judge  ;  but, 
even  though  this  detail  be  not  known,  Armstrong  is 
sufficiency  known ;  we  know  he  had  the  knack  of 
offending  everybody,  and  that  his  difficulties  were  almost 
always  the  consequence  of  his  petulance  ar.d  fits  of 
anger.  It  must  have  been  so  in  this  case  ;  otherwise  it 
would  be  inexplicable  that  two  persons,  even  though 
not  clothed  with  the  priestly  dignil}-,  should  become, 
l)oth  at  the  same  moment,  on  hearing  an  unforeseen,  or 
apparently  unforeseen  injunction,  so  enraged  as  to 
answer  and  act  as  the  minutes  of  the  Council  represent 
them.  This  is  a  most  exceptional  [)roceeding  :  a  polite 
retiuest  is  usuall}-  followed  by  a  polite  repl}-,  and  an 
insolence  generally  proceeds  from  a  [)rcvious  insolence 
either  in  the  form  of  words,  the  attitude  and  mannei', 
or  in  the  matter,  by  uttering  an  imi)erious  or(Uu'  whefi 
one  has  oidy  the  right  to  make  a  request.  Armsti'ong 
prudently  throws  a  veil  over  his  o\\  n   manner  on  tiiat 


lit 


lllti 


i  i.\ 


ri.oA  I'IN(;    A     I'.lMd  ANTINK. 


177 


(i('oasi(»ii ;  hut  if  oiu'  ('xnniiiu*  closely,  lie  will  see  there 
\v:is  (|nestic)ii  hcie  of  an  ordiT.  which  was  more  than  he 
]ia<l  a  I'ight  to  use,  ou  a  [»oint  that  did  not  regard  tht! 
<liitics  of  these  priests:  hut  even  this  does  not  alto- 
LH'ther  sutili('(!  to  explain  the  t-ontents  of  the  minutes  of 
ihe  Council  ;   the  order  nuLst  lia\'e  het'U  accompanied  hy 


unheeomiiiL''    eoiu 


hict. 


or  j»erhaps    then;    may  he   some 


ot 


lici'  fact  which  we  do  not    kn 


ow 


in 


tl 


e   ease  of 


M.  dc  I'l'eslay,  1  am  of  o|)inion  that  Ai'instrong,  here 
also.  Old)'  makes  known  a  ])ai't  of  the  })roceedings,  and 
ihat  what  is  omitted  is  the  nmst  imi)ortant  i)art. 


To  su])])ort  my  statement  I  have  at  hand  a  document 

I 


that  would  warraid    very   diffinvnt   conclusions,  wer» 
t  distrustful  of  possihle   rashness   in   deciding  (j 


no 


ues- 


tions  of  this  nature.  The  document  bears  upon  this 
ver}- incident.  It  seems  that  the  religious  persecution 
which  .Vrmsti'ong  exercised  iipon  the  Acadiansof  Anna- 
polis had  become  so  intoleiabh)  that  they  addressed  a 
])etition  to  the  King  of  France  to  interpose  in  their 
favor  with  the  English  government,  so  as  to  put  an  end 
to  the  persecution  by  determining  more  precisely  the 
position  and  the  duties  of  the  French  priests  in  Acadia. 


••  We  besepch,"'  say  they.  '■  Your  Majesty  to  permit  us  to  repre- 
sent the  sail  situation  to  which  we  are  reihued,  declariux  truly 
that  in  the  parish  of  Annapolis  Royal,  May  29th.  1736,  contrary  to 
tli<-  treaty  and  to  (ill  the  promises  iiioih'  to  iia  when  ire  took  the  <mth 
c/feolfi/  to  His  Majesty  (ieorjje  II..  (Joveruor  Annstron^  t'orbadn 
^lessrs.  de  St.  Poney  and  Chauvreulx.  our  two  missionary  priests, 
;is  worthy  ones  as  we  have  ever  had,  forbade  them,  we  repeat.  ti> 
say  mass,  to  enter  the  church,  to  hear  our  confessions,  administer 
The  sacraments  to  us,  and  discharge  any  of  their  ecclesiastical 
fmutions.  arrested  and  obliged  them  to  depart,  though  the  gov- 
f  rnor,  or  other  persons  whom  he  had  gained  over  to  his  opinioi;. 
were  unable  to  show  or  prove  that  our  above-named  missionaries 
have  any  other  faults  than  those  of  which  they  pretend  to  Hrid 


I    f  -  l^ 


1  ,  i  rt  •' 


m 


I      •( 


mT'M 


\^*'->r.'^  ill 


178 


ri:i:si'X  TTioN. 


thpin  guilty,  iiamcly,  not  to  hare  been  iriUiinj  to  go  far  f mm  our 
jtiirisfi  to  float  a  Itricfaitthif,  which  in  no  way  concerns  our  niis- 
biunuiies  and  tlieir  functions. 

"  Oil  t]it'  tollowing  .Sunday  the  governor  assembled  the  deputies 
and  forbade  them  to  do  anjithing  or  say  any  prayer  in  the  vhapol 
i(j)  fill'  riri-r.  Tliese  are  the  sad  and  deplorable  conjunctures  to 
which  w<?  are  daily  exposed  with  respect  to  our  religion,  wliich 
oblige  us  to  implore  respectfully  Your  Majesty,  that  you  would 
deign  to  have  determined  and  permanently  settled  the  conditions 
by  whicii  our  missionaries  may  hereafter  abide,  in  order  that  we 
may  not  be  dcjirivi'd  of  spiritual  succor,  at  the  least  whim  of  those 
who  command."' 

'I'lius,  tlierefore,  according  to  this  document,  wliich 
did  not  proceed  ah  irafu  as  Armstrong's  letters  generally 
did,  it  was  not,  or  it  was  not  only,  in  ordei-  to  make  the 
Indians  restore  the  effects  they  had  carried  away  from 
a  shipwrecked  vessel,  that  Armstrong  ordered  M.  de 
St.  Poncy  to  repair  to  Pobomcoup,  but  also  to  oblige 
him  to  help  in  floating  this  stranded  vessel.  Thus 
Armstrong  w^as  imposing  on  a  French  subject  and  a 
missionary  the  compulsory  labor  he  was  wont  to  exact, 
and  had  the  right  to  exact  from  the  Acadians,  as  being 
Piritisli  subjects.  If  such  were  the  case,  and  the  affirm- 
ation of  the  many  persons  that  signed  the  petition  is 
sui'ely  worth  Armstrong's  counter-affiimation,  we  find 
ourselves  in  presence  of  an  act  of  persecution  and  abuse 
of  authority  that  is  a  worthy  complement  to  what  we 
already  know  of  him.  This  fact  explains  in  a  rational 
manner  the  insolence  of  wdiich  Armstrong  complitincd. 
and  it  would  be  difficult  to  explain  it  otherwise  than  l)y 
an  act  of  this  character. 

Moreover,  even  though  his  severities  towards  the  \\\o 
missionaries  had  bf  en  justifiable,  was  not  his  foibidding 
the  Acadians  to  make  use  of  the  chui'ch  to  ])ray  tlierciji 
anothei"  t'<|ually  tyrannical  act  ?     The  autlnir  of  ilic  o-ie 


TERSKCrTION. 


17'.^ 


might  very  well  be  the  avithnr  of  the  other.  Can  any- 
thing hut  a  h)ng  series  of  arbitrary  aets  and  perseeu- 
tious,  of  which,  in  fact,  the  jjetition  coniijlains,  have 
forced  these  people  to  implore  the  intervention  of  the 
King  of  France  in  their  favor?  * 

Fi'om  all  that  precedes  it  must  be  evident  that  the 
volume  of  the  archives  is  nuu;!;  too  fragmentu y  and 
incomplete  for  the  purposes  of  history.  With  all  my 
efforts  to  complete  it  by  the  analysis  of  wluit  it  contains 
and  by  my  researches  in  other  (]uarters.  I  feel  that  tlui 
result  is  unsatisfactoiy  :  but  I  ex[»erience  at  least  the 
satisfaction  of  a  conscientious  effort  to  throw  some  light, 
on  this  "  Lost  Chapter.""  The  reader  must  have  already 
understood  what  methods  the  ("onipiler  follows,  and  also 
that,  when  I  accuse  him  of  partiality  and  l)ad  faith,  I 
assert  nothing  without  ])Owerful  leasons  therefor. 

As  we  are  just  now  concerned  with  the  Acadian 
clergy,  I  shall  immediately  comi)lete  my  vi(!W  of  them. 
The  facts  I  have  pointed  out  must  be  tlu;  most  im- 
portant of  the  individual  cases,  for  they  are  almost  the 
oidy  ones  that  have  fomid  a.  place  in  tlu)  volume  of  the 
archives.  Nevertheless,  insinuations  of  a  g'Mieral  char- 
actei'  were  not  wanting  against  them;  far  fi-oiu  it. 
Often,  indeed,  weiv  i-omplaints  made  of  their  influence 
and  the  exci'cise  of  this  influence  over  tlu;  Acadians.  It 
was  supposed  that  tjie  [iricsts  did  all  in   their   }»o\\er  lo 

When  I  iiiiiliTtiKik  this  wefk.  I  iiiti'inliMl  to  I'lihlisli  milya  scrii's  of 
articles  ill  lectin. Mtii)!!  of  what  I  ticeincd  the  errors  of  an  articli'  iuscrtiMJ 
ill  ''The  Week"  of  't'ofoilto  from  the  pell  of  tile  lilstoriaii,  Stevens  fierce 
Hainilton,  who  coiiiinitted  Miicidc  at  tlie  liei,'iiiiiink' of  this  year  ,ls',»:ti. 
His  (•oiiciusioii.s  were  to  a  ^f'at  extent  ilrawn  from  tlii>  allirmations  of  the 
self-rimriiered  Arnistronj;  and  e>|,ecially  of  what  lie  said  of  Messrs.  c|e 
Ciiaiivreiilx  and  de  St.  Policy.  I  tlioiiirht  that  tlie  iiitem[ieraiiee  of  his  \«  i\ 
v>'as  ex|ilaiiied  hy  his  suicide,  tliat  lie  who  wrote  on  the  eve  of  his  own 
self-destnictioii'was  not  in  a  suitalile  frame  .if  mind  to  form  ii  sound  esti- 
mate of  history.  This  is  the  reason  why  I  have  (lro|i|,ed  out  his  nam.'  and 
trausfornied  my  ariicles  iat.i  the  work  whi.-li  I  now  oU'ei  to  the  jmlili.j. 


»■■■■■!■   '     f.   ■ 


lis  •  \ 


ii 


180 


I'AKK.MAN    KXAiKiKKATKS. 


i 


w 


preserve  tlnMu  in  llieir  iittiicliiufiit  Id  l-'ruiice.  to  avert 
tlicin  i'loiii  lilt!  oath  iiii<l  iiidiici'  tliciii  to  leave  llie 
I'onntry.  We  are  at  lilu-rty  to  l)elifvc  that  thrse  aceu- 
.satioiis  were  well-foiindcd  or  not,  or  that  tht'V  were;  so 
to  a  certain  extent.  The  authorities  knew  that  the 
jii'iests  jiossessed  intlneiiee  over  them,  they  knew  that 
the  Aeadians  ohstinately  refused  to  take  the  oath  thrust 
n[n»n  tluMu;  this  was  enou<;h  to  give  rise  to  sus[)ieions, 
which  sonietinies  prohahly  had  more  or  less  foundation. 
Here  there  can  Ik;  little  else  than  eonjeetiuv,  and  the 
conclusions  may  vary  aeeordiny  to  the  })oints  of  view, 
aeeordiiiin"  to  one's  greater  or  less  knowledge  of  the 
heluivior  of  the  elergy ;  for  no  douht  this  inthu'uce,  if  it 
really  wert;  exoreised,  nuist  have  heen  usi'd  discreetly 
enough  to  luaki'  it  almost  impossible  for  the  authorities 
to  detect  it. 

(rranting  the  morality  of  the  Aeadians  which  was 
uu»h)ul)tedlv  "■I'eat,  their  isfuoranee  which  was  not  less 
so.  their  peaceful  maunei's,  their  isolation,  their  lively' 
faith,  the  strictness  of  the  principles  of  their  religion, 
the  clery'v's  intiuence  over  them  nuist  have  been  irreat. 
But,  great  though  it  was,  Parkmau  lias  exaggerated 
l)eyoiul  all  measure  both  this  influence  and  its  exercise, 
with  the  evident  object  of  giving  a  brilliant  illustration 
to  his  favorite  theory  about  the  enervating  action  of  the 
clergy  on  Catholic  peoples.  Uncpiestiouably,  whoever 
abdicates  his  liberty  of  thinking  and  acting  in  the 
oi'dinary  affairs  of  life,  loses  all  initiativ^e,  becomes  ener- 
vated. 1  lowever,  I  shall  have  to  animadvert  on  too  many 
greater  shortcomings  of  Parkman's,  to  hold  him  to  any 
severe  account  for  what  is,  after  all,  only  an  exaggera- 
tion of  facts  in  themselves  partly  true.  I  blame  him 
only  for  his  exaggerations,  which  are  inexcusable. 


VAHIOrs    PLANS. 


181 


Enough  on  a  point  that  wouhl  call  lor  vi'iy  special 
tieatnient.  Certain  it  is  that  the  situation  of  the  piiests 
of  Acadia  at  thattinie  was  extremely  delicate  and  IViiunht 
witli  danger.  They  Avere  French  suhjccts  mid  niission- 
aiies  to  their  c()ni|)atriots  in  an  Knglish  country  Ixir- 
dering  on  the  French  posst;ssions,  wheic  tlie  interests  of 
hoth  nations  were  fi'e(|uentl3'  in  direct  contiict.  Their 
position  was  awkward  and  diilicult  in  n\any  ways,  and 
the  remedy  to  this  state  of  things  eciually  (lilheult  to 
lind. 

Armstrong  thouglit  of  I'eplaeing  these  Ficiich  priests 
hy  others  of  F]nglish  or  Irish  nationality.  This  [Jiojcct 
could  not  have  been  realized:  amove  in  that  direction 
would  have  provokeil  the  de[)arlure  of  th«!  Acadians. 
Th(!  only  remedy  to  this  anomalous  situation  was  to 
<'reate  amou'''  the  .Acadians  a  national  clerL;\'.  The 
authorities  c(Uild  reason;d)ly  say  to  them:  \\'i'  are 
loyally  hound  to  grant  you  tlu;  free  exercise  of  vdur 
religion  :  hut.  in  our  interest  and  yours,  to  save  you  and 
to  save  us  from  a-  delicate;  situation,  ht-set  with  diintjei's, 
it  is  Ix'coinino-  tliiit  \our  priests  be  chosen  tVoui  aiiuMiijf 
3'our  children,  in  ordei'  that  their  interests  may  he 
identicid  with  yours.  As  this  I'annot  he  accomplished 
at  shoit  notice,  we  give  you  eight  or  ten  yeais  to  attain 
this  object.  We  shall  permit  two  French  pi'iesls.  of 
whom  ou(!  will  be  stationed  at  Mines  and  the  other  at 
Aunajiolis,  to  bi!  exclusively  occupied  in  educiiting 
young  men  for  the  priesthood.  After  this  period  has 
elapsed,  you  must  provide  for  yourselves,  and  we  will 
no  longer  permit  any  French  priest,;  to  enter  into  the 
province,  at  least  so  long  as  France  will  be  our  neigli- 
bor. 

This  plan  does  not  seem  to  have  occurred  to  any  ono 


V 


i%\ 


f  .-•'*^.: 


f-  ' 


182 


VAKIOt'S    I'hANS. 


at  tlie  tiiiKV,  it  pi'ohahly  (lid  iiol  t'vcii  enter  tlio  m\\u\ 
of  any  ol  tliu  govurnors.  I'nlii  1T'50,  tlie  ([iiestion  of 
the  oath  and  of  the  departure!  of  the  Aeadians  (>(!eu[)ied 
too  nnieh  phiee  to  leave  ntoin  f<»i'  any  sneli  desit^n. 
After  17-50,  Aiinstron;^',  as  I  have  just  said,  thoiirrht  i>f 
I'Jiglish  or  Frish  priests  ;  hut  the  only  [jrojeet  enter- 
tained ill  the  secjuel  was,  either  to  e\'i)el  the  (^atholie 
[)riests  and  rei>Iaee  theni  hy  Freneh  Protestant  ministers, 


m 


trod 


uenic 


at  tl 


le  same  tinn;  amonii'  the 


Acad 


lan  iioi)u- 


popi 


lation  Freneli  Pi'otestants  oi-  sinijily  Fiiiu'lish  ministers 
and  Knji'lish  colonists,  as  anc  shall  see  later  on.  There 
was  sonuitimes  a  tendency  to  adopt  the  lirst  project, 
because  it  wasthout^ht  more  acceptable  to  the  Aeadians; 
but  oftenest  the  second  prevailed.  The  sentiments  of 
the  Aeadians  thereon  must  have  been  little  known  to 
those   who   con(H'ive(l    either   plan,   and    inian'incd    that 


tlicy  would  sul)nut  losuch  a  poorly  dis^'uised  conspiracv. 
To  formulate  such  a  |»lan  supi)Oses  that  respect  foi- 
treaties,  for  conventions,  for  prt>mises  and  i'or  libeity  of 
conscience  nnist  have  been  o-reatly  weakened,  though, 
indee<l.  it  nuist  be  said,  to  the  honor  of  the  lb mie  ( Jovern- 
ment,  that  these  inicpiitous  projects  fornKsd  at  y\nna- 
poiis  and  Boston  nevei'  received,  as  far  as  I  eau  see,  the 


least 


encourati'ement  u\ 


Loud 


on. 


T  am  consideiinjjf  in  this  cha[)ter  only  the  attitude;  of 
the  clergy  from  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  till  1740.  1  am 
tryini^  to  show  it  in  a  light  that  will  most  truly  and 
clearly  set  foilli  their  shai'e  in  the  events  of  this  epoch. 
The  best  way  to  do  this  is  to  examine  the  state  of  minds 
at  this  time  and  the  interests  on  which  the  influence  of 
this  clergy  could  be  exercised.  Tt  is  well  known  that 
])rejudices  and  fanaticism  were  never  more  rife.  We 
naturally  expect  expressions  of  contempt  from   Protes- 


WHAT    IIAINTKI)   TIIK    (iOVKUNDKS. 


ls:i 


t,i!ils  to  Ciitliolics  iiiid  tVuiii  ('atli(tlics  to  IMott'stiiiils  in 
convcrsjitioii  mid  piiviiU'  ditcimu'iits ;  Itiil,  in  [»»'rusiii«^ 
till-  aicliivt's  of  Nova  Scolia.  we  arc  asloiiiidcd  to  liiid 
iliat  t'vcii  tlit'se  piihlic  dociiiiu'iits  are  full  of  iiiveetivf. 
Aiiiistroiin'  and  Ids  predecessors,  in  their  dis[)atelies  to 
the  holds  of  'I'liKh',  invariahly  use  such  expressions  as 
••  l'a[)ists,"  "l*i»j)ish  superstition,"  ••  Mass  house,"  etc., 
etc.  *•  What  Ix'ttei' proof  of  their  had  faitii  ean  Igivu?" 
said  Ariuslrony,  "  they  an;  pii[)ists." 

So  loiiM'  as  Catholics  and  I'rol(.'stauts  stru^^'i^lcd  in 
cadi  statf  to  riMuaiii  or  to  hcconie  the  donunant  eleiuent, 
llic  persecution  was  intense  and  [dots  frecpient.  When 
the  li^ht  for  sn[)reuiacy  was  over,  this  o-ra(hially  ahated  ; 
liMt  there  reniainiMl  the  settled  idea  that  the  minority 
wi'ic  always  j)lotting,  whereas  in  ivality,  if  there  were 
.still  any  plot,  it  was  oftenest  that  of  the  c()n(|ueror  to 
dciinitividy  crusli  the  (•un(iuered.  The  hniiian  mind  is 
ini'liiicd  to  fall  into  extremes  on  (piestions  of  this  sort, 
^leii  either  sleep  peacefidly  while  their  enemy  is  work- 
in!4'  out  their  ruin,  or  they  aie  morhidly  sensitive  to 
imaijiiiarv  iutriLTues  that  have  no  foundation  in  fact. 
Thus  weic  the  governors  of  Acadia  haunted  hy  the  i(h'a 
that  the  priests  were  constantly  conspiring  aj^ainst  the 
sai'ety  of  the  state. 

'I'he  hetter  to  conipreliend  the  situation,  let  us  con- 
sider the  points  on  which  the  inlhu-nci^  of  the  cleri^'y 
could  he  brouglit  to  bear.  First,  there  was  the  (luestion 
of  tlie  oath  and  of  the  departure.  Did  they  use  their 
intluence  for  either  alternative?  There  is  room  for 
ilouht.  hut  I  think  it  prol)ahle  that  some  of  the  ])riests 
did  to  some  extent  seek  to  pei'suade  oi'  eonlirm  the 
Acadiaiis  iu  the  idea  of  departure  or  of  an  oath  with 
j)roper  restrictions. 


0 


iOilkill 


m 


,1^. 


'   n 


jmim 


*!  ■'■ 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


1.0 


I.I 


1.25 


■-  Ih  iiiii 


2.5 


2.2 


IAS    IIIIIM 


1.8 


U    III  1.6 


Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


33  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  NY.  14580 

(716)  873-4503 


,\ 


<^^^ 


cF 


:\ 


\ 


% 


V 


:i^ 


O^ 


^ 


^ 


^z^<^ 


i 


il 


1H4 


NO   I'UIESTLY   CONSPIRACY. 


Practiciilly,  ontsiile  tlie  fantastical  picture  drawn  1»y 
Parkman,  liere  is  what  j^'cncrally  liappcns  and  what 
must  naturally  liavc  hai)[>encd  at  tiiat  time.  I'licsts  me 
not  wanting  whom  no  om-  dreams  of  consulting  ahout 
worldly  mattci-s,  ln'caus**,  dt'Vot«!d  entirely  to  spiritual 
concerns,  they  hold  themselves  entirely  aloof  from 
pundy  temporal  interests.  Others  there  arc  who  are 
very  glad  to  give  their  opinion  when  asked  :  these  arc 
consulted  hy  a  small  number  of  persons,  and  their  o])iM- 
ioii  has  more  or  less  W(;ighL  according  to  the  importance 
ot  the  question  an<l  the  reputation  for  wisdom  they  may 
Jiavc  earned.  Finally,  there  aie  others,  few  in  nundier, 
who  seek  to  impose  their  ideas  and  somctinies  hy  unduly 
interposing  spii'itnal  motives  :  but,  in  such  cases,  there 
is  almost  always  agitation,  murnuiring,  discord,  religious 
coldness,  decrease  of  inlluencc.  One  single  iiiter[)Osi- 
tion  of  this  kind  by  a  priest  is  more  remarked  than  the 
silence  of  twenty  others,  an<l,  at  a  distance,  the  noisy 
oxcej)tion  easily  j)asses  f<»r  the  nilc.  Thus  peihajis 
may  l)c  explained  Parkinan's  extravagant  exaggerations. 
The  rule,  however,  was  not  different  then  from  what  it 
is  to-da\',  since,  tifteen  yvuvs  later.  Abbe  Le  Lout  re  was 
severely  reprimanded  by  the  Bishop  (tf  Qiu'Iht  for 
having  meddled  with  temiK)ral  affairs  that  did  not  con- 
cern him,  contrary  to  the  instructi(»ns  the  i>ishop  had 
given  liini. 

I  am  of  ojjinion,  however,  that  the  majority  of  tiie 
jtriests  expressed  j)rivately  their  opinion  on  this  ([lU's- 
tion  of  the  oath  ami  the  departure,  but  that  opinion  was 
so  ol)vious  and  so  manifestly  correct  that  this  expression 
of  it  was  not  necessary  and  had  probably  but  little  intlu- 
ence  on  the  result  of  the  deliberations.  Kven  were  il 
otherwise,  it  would  be   veiv  hard  to  blame  a  wise  and 


CLKltlCAL    rLACE-KKKI'KHS. 


185 


piiulent  infliUMici*  exerted  on  tlit;  «fxi'ieise  of  a  ri<,'ht  so 
evident  as  was  that  of  the  departure,  and  on  a  petition 
so  i'easonai)le  as  was  that  of  addini,'  the  restrictive 
ehiuse  to  tlic  oath.  It  was  certainly  not  conspiraey  to 
rej)eat  to  th<^  Acadians  what  tliey  couhl  not  otherwise 
1k!  ignorant  of:  that  they  had  tlie  right  to  <iuit  the 
conntr}',  that  obstach's  to  their  <h'parture  were  unjust, 
that,  if  tliey  reniaiiu'd,  they  shouhl  impose  tlie  condition 
of  not  being  re(piired  to  bear  arms  against  tlie  French. 
Wliat  can  veiy  pi'operly  l)c  termed  conspiracy  is  the 
action  of  the  governors  from  Nicdiolson  to  Armstrong, 
wlio  liad  recourse  to  all  iinaginablt!  artifices  to  prevtuit 
the  Acadians  from  taking  advantage  of  the  treaty. 
Moreover,  if  these  priests  exercised  so  much  influence, 
it  is  astonishing  that  the  Acadians,  sliortly  after  the 
treaty  of  Ttrecrht,  ofFercMl  to  remain  if  they  were  ex- 
empted fr<mi  ])earing  arms  against  the  French,  nt  a 
time  when  France,  by  this  decision,  would  be  dejuived 
of  all  the  strength  that  this  [)opulation  would  have 
added.  Either  the  priests  did  oidy  feebly  ijiteipose  in 
these  (juestions,  or  the}'  did  not,  as  people  seem  to  think, 
busy  themselves  with  the  interests  of  France,  or.  at  any 
late  they  gave  precedence  to  the  interests  of  the  Aca- 
dians. 

Nevertheless,  it  need  hardly  be  said  that  in  those  days 
of  rampant  jirejudices,  any  inter[)osilion  of  the  priests, 
however  insi<;niticant  in  itself,  must  have  aroused  great 
anger  against  them.  If  such  would  have  In^en  the  feel- 
iTJgs  of  j)urely  civil  rulers,  how  much  greater  must  hiive 
been  the  anger  of  a  militaiy  authority  at  a  time  when 
its  designs  could  not  In;  thwarted  without  ])eril. 

Still,  I  believe,  and  all  tli«*  evidence  confirms  this  be- 


/U 


lief,  that  the  action  of  the  clergy  was  on  the  whole  (.on- 


186 


AN    AST()UNI>IN(}    KACT. 


flucive  to  the  preserv.ation  of  i»eace  and  the  suhniissioii 
of  tlie  Aeadiatis.  Was  there  (hiring  this  period  of 
almost  thirty  3'ears,  from  1718  to  1740,  a  single  insur- 
rection, even  a  threat  to  tiouble  the  peace,  or  a  siniph' 
brawl?  Wiis  there  as  nnich  as  one  act  of  resistance  to 
the  ordei-s  of  the  authorit}',  or  even  one  single  murder? 
I  see  no  trace  of  anything  of  the  kind  in  the  whole  vol- 
ume of  the  archives.  During  all  this  time  there  wsis, 
properly  sfieaking,  only  one  serious  cause  of  dissension, 
always  the  same,  the  difficulty  Jihout  taking  the  oath. 

Over  and  over  again  were  the  Acadians  ordered  to 
meet  and  send  delegates  to  Annapolis;  sometimes  anger 
got  the  upper  hand,  and  these  delegates,  simple  Ijearei-s 
of  a  general  decision,  were  put  in  irons:  and  3'et,  in 
spite  of  this  {)rovocation  to  disobedience,  did  the}'  ever 
lefnse  to  ol)ey  these  onlei-s?  Is  it  not  astonishing 
tliitt  so  many  hindrances,  so  many  base  subterfuges  weif 
unabjt'  to  produce  a  single  ml  of  j)rolonged  insubor- 
dination, when  the  government,  with  its  little  garrison 
of  one  hundred  to  one  hundred  and  fifty  soldiers,  was 
unable  to  constrain  by  main  force  a  population  cf»mpar- 
atively  numerous,  scattered  in  places  of  dilVicult  access, 
in  summer  difficult,  in  winter  imj)ossiblt^?  This  is,  if 
well  pondered,  the  most  astounding  fact  in  the;  present 
history,  and  it  must  be  well  understood  in  order  to 
a|i|irci-iate  all  the  rest.  It  may.  therefore,  1h>  a  mere 
niaitcr  of  justice  to  give  the  elergy  some  credit  for  it 
especially  if  they  had  as  nnich  influence  as  is  generally 
attributed  to  them.  'I'lie  advantages  I  have  had  for 
forming  a  correct  judgment  on  this  j)oint  and  the  inten- 
sity of  niy  meditations  tlieref)n  have.  I  make  bold  to 
say.  never  been  equalled  by  any  of  those  who  have 
written  on  this  subject :   1  know  whei'eof  I  speak.     This 


KXTi:A«H:iHNAi:V    OHKIUKNCK 


187 


point  lieiiii,' uii(I«MstniMl,  the  reiulrr  will  l>o  convinced,  in 
K{>ite  of  iiititcaniMccs,  that  I  am  not  indul^inj^  in  special 
plciuhM!:r.  hilt  that  I  aiii  ehi-onidiiiH;  facts  in  all  their 
siiiiphcity. 

In  spite  of  the  noisy  and  ill-soiin(Hii<j  expressions  of 
IMiilipps  and  Aiinstioie^f,  whiih  niav  Ikj  imputed  to  their 
vcxatinii  at  not  Immii^  able  to  force  tlie  Acadians  to  take 
llie  oath.  I  <!<»  not  find,  from  1T1.'5  to  1740.  a  single  well- 
moiuuhMl.  or  rather  well-ih'tined  conij.iainl  against  them, 
except  the  following: 

Fiom  1720  to  1724  there  were  general  hostilities  of 
Indians  on  all  the  frontier  of  these  Knglisli  colonii's  and 
particularly  in  Maine.  In  Nova  Scotia  they  were  lim- 
ited rather  to  dejtredations  than   to  a  serious  open  war. 


El 


even  Indians  sei/e<l  a  merchant  vessel  in  Mim's  Hasin 


and  plundered  it.  P}iilip|ts  was  highly  indignant  hc- 
causc  the  Acailians  of  the  jilace  had  not  interfeivd  to 
o|)po<c  the  sci/.urc  of  this  hoat,  or  to  hunt  down  these 
Indians.  The  Ae:idians  were  ordcied  to  piepare  a 
doi'Umeiit   in   wliieli   they  were  to  express  "in  une(|uiv- 


ucil 


1  t 


erm.> 


tl 


le    eliormitX'    n 


f    tl 


leir  otVenct 


aiK 


1    tl 


lis 


document,  signed  hy  all  the  inhahitanls,  must  he  deliv- 
eied  hv  the  delegates  and  the  [»arisli  ]iriest  of  the  place, 
and  the  value  of  the  ctTccts  caiiied  otT  must  he  paid  hy 
them.     All  which  was  faithfully  done. 

This  liapi»ened  at  the  heginning  of  the  year  1721. 
when  IMiilipps  had  just  ordered  the  Acadians  either  to 
leave  the  country  without  c;iiryiiig  anything  away  oi  to 
take  the  oath,  and  when  he  had  just  forhidden  them   to 


ipeii  a  roail  so  a>  to  witlnliiiw  ii 


thdi 


rom  tl 


le  jHovmce. 


It 


IS 


piohahle  that  the  .\cadians  preferred  to  sign  such  a 
document  and  reimhiirse  the  losses  rather  than  to  expose 
themselves    to  the   venireance  of  the   Indians  ;  for  we 


■f^l 


"p-n 


^ 


ii 


188 


THK   rLKn(}V    SAVKM    <  ANA!»A. 


know,  from  oilier  sources,  that  those  \vlio(lis|)liiye(l  tlieii- 
zeul  ii^aiiist  tlu*  Indians  lia<l  l<>  suffer  disastrous  ven- 
peanee  from  the  latter,  the  LCovtMnmeiit  l)eing  poweiless 
to  jii()t«;ct  tliem.  I'liilipps  acted  veiv  injudiciously  in 
exacting  sucli  amends  when  he  had  just  shown  Iiimscit' 
so  unjust  an<I  cruel  towards  the  Acadians.  It  wi> 
I)recisely  in  order  to  av(»id  the  reprisals  to  which  they 
wojdd  Ih'  «'X|>osed  from  the  Indians,  that  they  hitl 
stipulated  for  exemption  from  hearing;  arms  iii,Min>i 
them,  and  it  was  on  account  ()f  this  same  danm'i-  thai, 
for  forty  years,  Knj^'Hsh  colonists  covdd  not  lu;  persuatlcii 
to  settle  in  the  coiuitry.  It  is  not  easy  to  understand 
why  IMiilipps  thus  force<l  the  parish-priest  tA'  Mines  1m 
take  part  in  the  didegation,  if  the  tfovernor  was  ^o 
anxious  to  exclude  tlu'  priests  fiom  all  temporal  affair-. 
Did  he  think  that  the  priest  himself  shouhl  have  taken 
uj)  arms  to  lepulse  the  Indians? 

The  influence  of  the  clertjy.  I  repeat,  must  have  h(»en 
exercised  to  foster  peace  and  suhmission  to  the  author- 
ities. All  the  history  of  Canada  is  theic  to  j»rove  llii> 
assertion.  After  the  treaty  of  Paris,  the  l»ishop  of 
Quehec  even  went  so  far  as  to  exconununicatt'  those 
w 

fiV( 


ho 


would  not  sul)mit  to  the  ICnsflish  ii^overnmcnt.  iiinl 
persons  were,  in  virtue  of   this  excommunication, 
denrived  of  Catholic  l)tirial.      If  (^anada  is  still  a  liritish 


poss(?ssion.  Kni;land  owes  it  to  this  .sime  influence.     Let 
tlie  situation  of  Canada  in  ITTo  he  horne  in  mind.     The 


country  was  nfoverned   in  a 


militi 


ly 


that 


IS.   despot ic 


manner,  and  did  not  contain  live  thousand  Knylishmen. 
Krance  liad  just  thrown  her  sword  into  the  scales  on  the 
side  of  ther«?volted  colonies.  Lafayette  deputed  French- 
men to  (^neh(M',  and  Montreal  to  incite  the  people  to 
shake  off  the  voke  of  the  1  Ion«e ( lovernment.    The cleif,^v 


THK   CLKlMiY    SAVK1>    TANAbA. 


ISO 


o|)j>oso(l  with  all  its  mirrlit  any  (•(•Ihision  with  tin.'  I'liitrfl 
Stati's.  tht'  pt'dplf  took  iiji  aims  to  (K'tViid  theii' soil,  and 
th«' country  ivniaiiu'd  ICnyiish.  Altt-i'  the  victory  ofTra- 
faljrar,  so  disasti'ous  I'oi-  Fiance,  a  solemn  Tf  fh-um  was 
sung  in  the  Cathedral  of  (^uehec.  In  \><'M ,  in  spite  of 
well-founded  ^nievances.  much  more  serious  than  th()>»' 
which  LTave  rise  to  the  ind«'pendence  of  the  I'liited 
States,  it  was  still  the  (deri^v's  efforts  that  paralyzed  tlit! 
rehellion  and  made  it  miscariy.  Whether  or  not  these 
])i(>eeediniTs  of  the  reliLfious  authority  l>e  appioved.  they 
are  none  the  less  a  fact,  they  constitute  none  the  less. 
for  tlio  clergy,  a  ]ioint  <»f  ti-adition,  if  not  of  ahsolute 
doctrine.  They  hold  that  there  can  he  no  lawful  revolt 
aij-ainst  legitimate  authority.  «!Xcept  when  pci-secution 
hecomes  intolerahle  and  when  iclicrious  interests  are 
gravely  threatened  in  their  very  foundations.  Tf  Cajiada 
were  ever  to  se[)arate  from  the  mother  country  hy  an 
act  of  rehellion,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  the 
Catholic  clergy  would  he  the  last  hulwark  of  British 
U)iion,  the  liust  ivftJgeof  toryism. 

It  was  not  (»thei'wise  in  Acadia.  The  priests  might 
<lesire  that  the  country  should  again  hecome  a  French 
colony,  much  more  through  Tear  of  religious  fanaticism 
than  thi'ough  pure  love  of  France:  perhaps  they  may 
have  fosteied  in  the  Acadians  their  love  for  France,  they 
may  have  sometimes  advised  them  as  to  their  rights  and 
the  means  of  intluencing  the  atithorities  of  Aiuiajmlis. 
counselled  them  to  quit  the  country  when  they  had  a 
right  to  do  so,  suggested  a  restriction  to  the  oath,  eom- 
m\inicated  in  geneml  terms  to  the  French  authorities 
their  feais  and  their  hopes.  All  these  things  may  be 
8U|)j)Osed,  if  they  cannot  he  prove<l,  for  they  are  pos- 
sible and  even  prolMvble.     These  things  may  be  approved. 


t^. 


r 

Q 

■1 

^ 

t 

M 

4 

M 

w 

^» 

i 

r 

I  I 

li 


1<«0 


THK  CLKKCJY    SAVKD   <,'ANADA. 


ii 


(1 


!*  'M. 


Ijliiineil,  diiiiiiiished  or  cxiiggenited  at  one's  choice  ;  hut 
what  cannot  lie  douhted  by  uny  one  who  knows  that 
clergy — unless,  of  coui-se,  the  fact  may  liave  orrnrrpd 
exceptionally  or  in  cases  of  doubtful  interpretation — is 
that  the  j)riests,  whatever  may  he  thought  of  them  in 
other  respects,  did  nothing  to  make  the  Acadians  swerve 
from  their  fidelity  to  tlie  oath  and  their  lawful  duties 
towards  the  English  Government. 


A    I'AliAUON. 


VM 


niAPTKH  X. 


Major  Paul  Masoareno  sncc«>»'<ls  Armstrong — His  cliaraotor — His 
skill— His  siu-ct'SH— ( 1 740- 1 744). 


With  lively  siitisfiiL'tioii  <lo  I  now  psiss  to  the  adininis- 
tration  of  Masciarene,  called  to  replaeu  Ainistnmi;  in 
the  oftice  of  lieutenant-governor  of  the  jirovince.  'V\w 
death  of  the  hitter,  hv  creating  a  vacancy  in  IMiilipjts's 
regiment,  promoted  Major  Coshy  to  the  rank  of  lieu- 
tenant-colonel and  Captain  Mascarent!  to  that  of  major; 
hut,  as  Hi-st  counsellor  of  the  governor,  the  latter, 
according  to  custom,  Injcame  lieutenant-goveiuor  of  the 
piovince. 

For  several  years  Mascarene.  prohahly  through  disgust 
for  Armstrong's  hrulality  and  eccentricity,  and  in  order 
to  avoid  the  inevitable  jars  his  presence  at  Annapolis 
might  draw  upon  him,  luul  i)assed  the  greatest  part  <»f 
his  time  at  Boston.  He  was  still  there  in  the  month 
of  December,  1739,  when  Arm.strong  put  an  end  to  his 
life,  and  it  was  only  in  the  following  spring  that  he  was 
able  to  enter  on  his  oftice. 

It  would  be  difticult  to  imagine  a  more  striking  con- 
trast than  that  which  existed  between  Mascarene  and 
his  predecessor.  Whereas  Armstrong  was  impetuous, 
tickle  and  passionate.  Mascarene  was  (;alm.  tirm  and 
gentle.     The  one  could  not   stir  without   getting  into 


m 


\K 


^ 


lt»2 


A    l'Ai:A(i(»N, 


triHiMc;  tlic  otlnT  IM-MT  j;ii\f  ;iiiy  liouMc  at  all,  mid 
had  lliti  uilt  ot"  siii(»(»lliiii<'  d(»Nvii  wlialovcr  din'uullii's 
iiiii,dit  occur,  however  coinpliciiled  they  mii»'lit   he. 

I'aiil  Mascareiie  was  the  son  of  a  French  Protestant 
Avhom  the  revo('ati()n  of  the  edict  of  Nantes  had  oIiligc(l 
to  <ro  into  voluntary  exile.  While  still  youin^,  he  fol- 
h»wed  his  father  lirst  to  (leiiova  and  a  few  years  later 
to  I'.nirhuid.  Ife  joined  the  army  and  i,Ma(hially,  hy 
slieer  merit,  raised  himself  to  the  [)osilion  in  which  wo 
at  present  lind  him.  ('onciliatin_<,%  clever,  well-instructed, 
of  a  lofty  turn  of  mind,  he  oaiued  the  esteem  and  con- 
fidence of  everyliody.  All  his  correspondence  is  instin(.'t 
with  the  same  .si)irit.  ami  gives  the  highest  idea  of  his 
character  and  education.  It  would  he  dilTlicult  to  find 
in  his  conduct  a  single  point  that  could  he  seriously 
hlajiie<l;  it  would  he  hard  to  note  in  his  character  one 
striking  «lefect ;  we  hehold  in  him  nothing  but  good 
qualities  of  a  very  high  order.  He  could  be  severe 
nay,  very  .severe,  but  also  as  humane  and  kindly  as  he 
was  severe.  lie  meant  to  command  and  he  respcu'tfully 
obeyed,  and  he  was  oV)eyed.  He  was  [)atient,  exceed- 
ingly particular;  he  i)ushed  the  love  of  (U;tails  even  to 
importunity,  but  he  was  loyal,  just,  compassionate ;  and, 
though  he  did  not  always  succeed  in  convincing,  yet  he 
seldom  failed  in  securing  most  absolute  obedience. 
His  vigilance  bore  on  the  minutest  details  of  his  admin- 
istration and  extended  to  the  remotest  parts  of  his  prov- 
ince. Nothing  escaped  him;  the  least  delay,  the  least 
infringement  of  his  orders  and  regulations  became  the 
subject  of  a  long  correspondence,  in  which  he  paternally 
reprimanded  and  uttered  warnings  of  danger.  lie 
punished  sometimes  :  but  most  often  sent  away  the 
delinquents  with  kind  words  ;  and,  when  he  did  punish, 


sii'i:i;.MK  Ai'.iurv. 


VM 


[1,  mikI 
li'stiint 
rs  later 

aiy,  l)y 

liith  we 

liuctetl, 

11(1  eoii- 

instinet 

a  of  hi>* 
;  to  tiiul 
seriously 
.cter  one 
L)Ut  gootl 
e   severe 
lly  as  l>e 
^)eotfnUy 
,  exieed- 
eveu  to 
ate ;  au<l, 


IfT, 


}' 


et  he 


Midienoe. 
is  achnin- 
his  piov- 
the  least 
aiue  tlie 
ateriially 
1.     He 
vway  tlie 
I  punish. 


it  was   only   al't(M'   Imviii;;'    licaid,  wci^'hcd,  nialiiitMl   his 


(K'fision,  and   <n\t'n   cvciv  chanci'   ot"  srlt'-di-ffm 


II. 


united  in  a  hi(,di  degree  tli)>  most  eoiiiinenduhle  ijiialities 
ot  the  French  eliaraeter  with  the  steilinij  worth  of  the 
Kniflish ;  from  the  fimiiei  he  took  the  alYahility. 
courtesy,  reyanl  for  the  \veal<.  the  desire  and  the  art   to 


1 


»leas(* 


fi 


oni    tlie 


hitt* 


det 


er,   ealniness,  (Icterinination.  wise 


delilteraleliess  and  |ieiseveiaiiee.  Devoted  to  his  (»nirc. 
to  his  duty  and  to  his  adopted  country,  he  was  even 
more  the  man  of  h'tters  of  ex(|uisite  taste  tliaii  the 
sohlier,  and  that  is  what  gave  him  such  su^ieriority  as 
an  aihninistrator. 

His  position  alToi(h'(l  him  a  fine  o[»portunity  to  take 
revenge  on  the  Aeadians  and  the  priests  for  the  intoh'i- 
ance  of  whieli  his  family  had  l>een  the  ohject.  lie,  liow- 
ever,  did  nothing  of  the  kind.  We  need  no  otlier  proof 
(tf  this  than  tlie  results  he  ohtaiiied  in  the  most  dith- 
ciilt  eircuinstanees  of  this  history  ;  and  his  merit  was 
all  the  greater  because  he  liad  to  struggle  against  the 
prejudices  of  the  people  almut  him  and  of  Shirh>y, 
governor  of  Massachusetts,  to  whom  tlie  imperial  gov- 
ernment had  given  a  voice  in  the  administmti*)!!  of  the 
])roviuce.  His  tact,  superior  to  that  of  others  round 
liiin  and  even  to  Shirley's,  showed  him  the  line  of  con- 
duct he  was  to  adopt  in  the  difficulties  incidental  to  the 
war.  Without  offending  anybody,  his  skill  triumphed 
over  all  oi)position;  and  T  have  no  hesitcition  in  declar- 
ing that  not  one  of  the  governors  who  preceded  or  fol. 
lowed  him  would  have  been  able  to  overcome  so  man} 
obstacles.  He  had  that  supreme  ability  which  is  the 
result  of  high  breeding  in  a  man  gifted  with  a  clear 
bright  intellect  and  a  noble  heart. 

Surrounded  with  counselloi-s  who  knew  nothini;  Itut 
13 


'M  r} 


^ 


fc'kf 


!|l! 


tM 


HTimrr    WITH    THK   J'LKIHSY. 


the  iubitmry  wayH  and  rough  iiianiu'i's  of  tlu>  laiiip.  hin 
iiiitiiml  l>iiiH  strikeri  lis  an  having  Imhmi  occasional ly  tVi- 
tcre«l  by  liis  unvimnincnt ;  lie  showiMl  more  severity 
than  he  woiiM  have  wished,  in  order  to  avoid  tho 
reproach  of  letting  himself  Ik;  guided  by  latent  synipa- 
thy  :  and  yet  in  reality  his  great  powers  of  olwervat ion 
\\Mu\v,  him  understand  that  mildness  and  persuasion  were 
tliif  most  eflicaeiouH  means  of  securing  the  fidelity  of 
the  Acadians. 

lie  was  especially  severe  towards  tlu;  clergy.  Was 
he,  whose  family  had  siiffere<l  pei-secution  and  cxili-  (Hi 
account  of  tlusir  religions  lu'licsf,  now  giving  way  to  tinj 
preju<lices  he  must  naturally  have  entertained'  I'cr- 
ha[>s  his  family  hud  been  humiliated,  crushed  by  this 
same  clergy :  he,  in  his  turn  had  now  the  [lowci-  they 
formerly  had  against  him  :  he  could  ImmkI  them  to  o'  v 
his  will,  and  even  his  caprices,  if  he  so  desired.  It  would 
not  be  astonishinjj  if  this  feelini;  had  sometimes  mtt  the 
U[>per  hand  in  spite  (»f  his  lofty  intelligence  and  just 
and  kindly  spiiit.  Nevertheless,  I  have  good  reason  to 
think  this  wius  not  the  case.  Tt  is  true  he  imposed  on 
the  clergy  numerous  restrictions  ;  but,  be  always  had 
the  condescension  to  discuss  them  point  by  point,  and, 
as  a  general  rule,  be  obtained  assent  and  obedienci'. 
Moreover,  in  the  particular  circumstances  in  which,  these 
l)riests  were  then  place«l,  I  am  of  opinion  that  these 
H'strictions  were  for  the  most  part  perfectly  justifiabK'. 

'I'Ik^  volume  of  tbe  archives  (jontains  five  letters  of 
Mascarene  to  tbe  missionaries  De  laGoudalie  and  Descn- 
claves,  ill  which  he  most  couiteously  discusses  tin- 
motives  of  bis  restrictions.  The  Compiler,  as  usual, 
gives  non(.'  of  the  replies;  but.  bei'c,  at  least,  tlu-ir 
preseutx'   is  not  essential,  ami  could  merely  .satisfy  our 


HTIMCT    WITH     IMF,   ri.KIHIV. 


vx 


curiosity;  In'sidt's,  we  niii  ttftni   I'ttiiii  ii  siinii-it'iitly  pre- 
iisu  t'stiiuatt!  of  what  thcsi;  n*)>li*-s  coiitaiiu!!!. 

"  AnotluT  iMiiiit  of  your  li'tter."  saiil  Mart«"ar»'ii»'  to  M.  rw»»n« 
t'lavit4,  "  Ih  that  iii  wliich  you  iiK-ntioti  tli*>  temporal  to  Ix- >oiiit- 
tiiiH'H  HO  foniuTtt'd  with  till' spiritual  as  nut  to  Im-  al>lc  l<>  hi'  tli- 
vi.l..<1." 

Appiii'tnilly  tlio  \v(,'it,'lit  of  his  reasons  piodiitod  an 
iiiiiiiTstaii(liii^n>ii  this  knotty  point,  i'u:  in  anothrr  K>tt(>r 
he  said  to  him  : 

•'  I  am  k'i"'  to  sff  from  wliat  )  lotc  to  you.  that  vnu  arc  M«iisi- 
tili'  of  tli»'  ill  constMiucnccM  tlnr  n .ill  follow  f'rniu  coi  iicctiiin  tho 
tcin|Kiral  with  tlw  spiritua'.  ' 

In  aiiothrr  ho  iniornis  hiti'.  )i'  the  sittiation  in  l-!nropt> 
imd  I'oiH'w  inishini  a<'ains(  tin-  danircM's  that  a  war  wtndd 
entail  on  IIkmii  and  on  ihr  Aiadians: 

"The  alfairs  in  KmoiM'  ar<>  mitch  »'iuhroil>  il,  ainl.  in  case  tla-y 
should  (N-casion  a  rupture  hi'tw*-i>n  (in-iit  Mritain  ami  FruMct',  tlu^ 
Miissionarit's  must  *>.\p<M-t  to  fall  very  naturally  uinlcr  Nuspirjon, 
and  tln'n'forc  ou^ht  to  he  niort'  circumspect  in  their  conduct  in 
re>;ard  to  tht>mselv«>H  and  towards  the  inhahitants." 


tfv( 


'  i  V 


To  Ahhe  do  hi  (loiuhili.',  vicai-Lrent'i'al  ol'  the  ck-itrvot' 


yy 


th 


provinci',  he  writes 


"  I  found  you  so  well  dis|)osed  since  I  have  personally  known 
you  during;  yoiir  residence  hereto  conform  to  those  rules,  that  I 
make  no  douht  of  your  continuing  in  the  same  <;<iod  intention, 
and  that  hy  your  example  and  admonitions  yon  will  (-ontrihute 
to  keep  the  missionaries  to  act  in  concert  in  maintaining;  tiie  ii\- 
hahitants  in  their  ohedience  and  duty  to  the  govermnent." 

To  the  same,  a  year  hiter  : 

"Tam  well  satistied  with  the  assin*ances  yon  j::ive  jne  on  your 
side  a.s  well  as  those  uf  the  other  missionaries  to  act  in  concert   in 


r4 


\,'  • 


IW 


STIDV    TIIK    IM'LKl;? 


I 


^N 

^ 


nn 


inniiitaiiiiii;;  tlic  iiiliiiltitiiiits  in  |M-iic<- ;ii!<l  tr:iM(|tnIlity  nnil  in  tlu'ir 
duty  tDuanls  tlii'  (Jovciuinciit  as  tin-  oath  tlicy  li.ive  taken  ohlij^cs 
tln'Mi  ti(." 

Ill  less  tliiiii  two  yciirs.  !\I;i.s(*cii'ene,  l>y  liis  so  t'liiiuk- 
iibly  skilful  iiiid  just  iulministnitiou.  iiiul  extirpated  all 
raiisos  of  (lissuMsiou.  Tlu'it!  \\\nv.  noiu^  left:  lie  \nu\ 
only  t(»  o'ivf  an  order  and  lie  was  eagerly  olx'ved  in  the 
most  distant  j)arts  of  the  provinee.  tlioiioli  the  only  fort  he 
had  was  in  ruins,  and  his  uarrison  coiinnised  only  100  ahle- 
hinlicd  soldiers.  Tlu-se  faets  are  elo(jUeiit  to  sh(»w  what 
niio'hl  he  expected  from  this  peaeeahle  and  suhmissive 
people,  jirovided  they  were  ruled  with  ecpiity  hy  humane 
ami  eoiieiliatory  governors.  The  keystone  of  all  histoiy. 
es[ieeially  in  ahsoluti;  g'overiinieiits  and  more  esjieeially 
ill  small  ones,  is  the  character  of  the  ruhirs :  hence  the 
cart.'  I  have  taken  to  give  an  accurate  pii-ture  of  each  of 
the  o-overiiors.  Those  who  net'leet  this  cannot  tliidw 
light  on  diriicult  situations  nor  faithfully  discharge  the 
duty  inciunbeiiton  him  who  undertakes  to  write  history. 
Some  om;  has  said  :  "  Tell  me  what  company  you  keep, 
and  I  will  tell  you  what  youare."  Still  more  appositely 
may  we  say  :  '•  Ciive  me  the  eharaeter  of  him  who  rules, 
and  I  will  tell  you  the  character  of  the  people  he  rules." 
If  this  man  be  an  Armstrong,  we  may  unhesitatingly 
declare  that,  should  the  population  he  governs  be 
naturally  unruly  and  turbulent,  he  will  be  continually 
causing  trouble,  and  perhaps  a  rebellion  ;  and  that,  how- 
ever submissive  the  po[)ulatio!i  may  be,  dissensions  will 
unavoidably  arise  even  when  the  situation  would  call 
for  nothing  but  harmony  and  peace.  If,  on  the  contrary, 
lie  be;  a  Mascarene,  he  will  maintain  order  and  peace  in 
the  most  diflicult  crises.  The  blame,  or  at  least  most 
of  it,  lies  at  the  door  of  the  government. 


CIIAMPKI)   Koi;    i;nnM. 


VM 


story, 
keep, 
)Ositely 
luU's. 
ule>." 
itiiigly 
us    1)0 

mually 
it,  liow- 
jiis  will 
ulcl  call 
ntrary, 
)eace  in 
<t   most 


Mascarene  was  liardly  iiisiailed  ii>  liisotlice  when  lie  set 
to  work  to  rt'ineily  the  painful  situation  in  wliieh  t'oinier 
luleis  liad  placed  the  Aradiaus  l>y  refusing  to  tliein, 
sinoe  the  treaty  of  L'ti-eeht,  any  new  grant  of  lands, 
Fioni  •2..')00  souls  in  171:1.  the  Acadian  population  had 
reaehed  in  1740  ahout  0.00()  souls,  and,  nevertheless, 
stiauge  to  say,  this  po[)nlatioti  was  confine(j  within 
the  same  extent  of  laud  as  in  171o.  Nov.  lo,  174<>, 
Mascarene,  in  a  letter  lothe  Lords  ni  'I'rade,  re[iiesente(l 
to  them  in  the  following  terms  the  injustice  and  incon- 
veniences of  this  state  of  things: 

'•  Till'  incrcasf  of  tlie  Acailians  calls  lur  sonic  fresh  iiistnictioiis 
1h)\v  to  dispose  of  tlicin.  Thri/  harr  iliridrd  niiil  siihih'riilril 
aiiioJifist  tlo'ir  vliildrc'ii  the  Itniils  thiif  irfir  in  posscssiim  uf,  .  . 
Tlicy  applictl  for  new  grants  which  the  (Jovcrnois  Philipps  ami 
Arnistrongtlid  not  think  themselves  anthori/.ed  to  favor  them  with, 
as  His  Majesty's  instructions  on  that  head  piescrihe  the  giant  (^f 
unappropriated  lands  to  l'nttist<nit  snhjicfs  unl/f.  This  long  delay 
has  occasioned  several  of  them  to  settle  theniselvi-s  on  -cmie  of 
the  skirts  of  this  Province,  pretty  far  distant  from  this  place,  not- 
withstanding Proclamations  and  orders  to  the  <'ontrarv  have  heen 
often  ivp(»ated.  .  .  .  //■  fill'!/  nrf  ih'barvi'il J'nnii  in'ir  iinssrssimis. 
tlicjj  III  list  tire  III' !■<'  iiiisi'nibli/.  iiuil.  (•(nispiiiii'iitl//.  Ih'  trniihliaitnir.  or 
else,  they  will  possess  themsehes  of  new  tracts  contrary  to  orders, 
or  they  must  he  ma<le  to  witlidiiiw  to  the  iieighhoring  fiench 
colony. 

"The  French  of  Cape  Breton  will  naturally  watch  all  opportuni- 
ties of  disturhing  the  peact-  of  this  Province,  sjiecially  ai  this 
juncture,  in  case  of  a  \^•ar  with  France:  and.  if  occasion  of  di>- 
gust  was  given  to  these  peoph'  here,  they  would  soon  make  an 
advantiige  of  it.  and,  hy  the  iiumi)ers  of  these  Aca<lians.  they 
would  soon  distress  the  garrison  if  not  taking  the  fort  wliicli  is  in 
u  very  ruinous  condition." 

After  this  statement  it  is  not  astonishing  that  Aini- 
strong  .should  write:  "They  are  a  litigiotis  sort  of 
people,  and  so  ill-natured   to  one   another,  as   daily  to 


■^  'I 


X*t  "»»! 


n  i|.f  H', 


■Ui 


HI 


bl" 


III 


198 


CKAMI*KI>    I'Ol;    ItOOM. 


etKMOiuli  upon  their  neiglilM>ur*s  pro[)erties."  Parkman, 
who  has  searched  every  nook  an<l  eoriier  to  find  where- 
with to  liesniireh  tlie  Acadians,  did  not  fail  to  fasten  on 
this  seiitenee.  What  cared  he  for  Ai'nistrong's  charac- 
ter, wliidi,  by  tlie  way,  lie  was  ciirefnl  not  to  descril)e 
to  the  public?  what  caicd  he  for  the  atitual  circvun- 
stances  which  he  passes  ovei'  in  silence?  He  had  at 
hand  what  he  was  looking  for.  and  with  this  bit  of  a 
sentence  he  was  able  to  draw  his  conclusions  against  a 
lumdred  contiary  statements  :  "  They  were  vexed  with 
incessant  quarrels  among  themselves  aiising  from  the 
unsettled  Iwundaries  of  their  lands."  and  nuu'h  more  to 
the  same  effect.  Could  it  be  otherwise,  when  the 
jiopulalion  was  four  tinu's  as  large  as  inlTlo,  when  their 
lands  Jiad  been  <Iivide(l  and  subdividc(l  so  as  to  leave 
nothinu'  but  morsels,  and  when  these  lands  had  never  been 
surveyed  bv  the  m)vernment?  With  what  we  know  of 
Aiinstionii'.  of  bis  cbai-acter  and  bis  exacft^cration  in  all 
thiiiirs,  of  bis  violent  lanijuaoe.  are  we  not  instified  in 
supposing  thut  tbe  cxprijssions  be  made  use  of  magnified 
iM'vond  mi-asurc  tbe  j-iain  of  tiutli  that  constituted  tbe 
foundalictn  of  this  fact? 

Wby  does  not  Parkman.  wb(»  busies  himself  so  mucli 
with  tbe  character  (»f  tbe  Acadians,  and  always  with  the 
evident  aim  of  reversing  the  invai'iable  verdict  of 
bistorv.  wbv  «loes  be  not  sometimes,  since  he  is  so  [rood 
a  judge,  make  known  to  us  what  was  tbe  character  of 
the  goveinors?  It  nuist  be  easier  t(»  judge  a  man  than 
a  wliob;  nation. 

After  having  kept  tbe  Acadians  in  the  country  in 
spite  of  themselves,  it  was  a  shame  to  refuse  them  grants 
of  land  and  thus  drive  them  into  indefinite  subdivisions. 
This    ictardeil    their    progress,    produced    discontent, 


KXTKNSIVK    MOomaSG. 


199 


[novoked  (lisoliedienee,  troubled  lianuony.  weakened 
tlu'ir  lo\'alty.  exposed  the  rulers  to  j^rave  disa]ii)oiiit- 
iiit'iit ;  such  was  Mascarene's  view.  He  tells  us,  itideeil, 
that,  in  spite  of  injunctions,  several  took  up  lands  on 
the  confines  of  the  province;  hut  what  is  surprisinj; 
is  that  the  greater  niunlxM-  submitted  to  such  tuijust 
<n<lers.  I  have  serious  doubts  whether  the  colonists  of 
New  England,  and  in  fact  any  other  colonists,  would  have 
snbiuiited  during  forty  years  to  such  a  system  without 
it'volting  against  authority,  especiall}'  if  that  authority 
li.id  been  represented  by  only  100  soldiers  or  a  propor- 
tionately small  nunil)er? 

Miiscaicne  tells  us  that  the  instru(.'tions  of  His 
.Majesty  were  to  bestow  giants  of  land  onl}-  on  Protes- 
tant subjects.  This  is  undoubtedly  true  ;  but  it  is  not 
improbable  that  this  order  was  obtained  thi-ough  the 
influence  of  those  who  had  voted  to  themselves  agjant  of 
100.000  acres  of  land  at  TJiand  Vvr  and  heaubassin  in 
Aimstrong's  time,  and  among  whom,  besides  Ai'mstrong, 
I'liilipji  and  his  comicillors,  iignrcd  King  (}ould. 
Allured  l*oi)ple,  Henry  Popple,  Andrew  Robinson, 
Henry  Daniels.  I^squiics.  all  of  Kngland.  We  know  not 
the  eliaraeter  of  these  gentlemen,  except  that  of  King 
^Joiild.  who  was  tinaiicial  agent  for  I*liili[)ps  :  but  I 
li;ive  good  reason  to  believe  that  one  of  them.  Alhiri'il 
popple  was  no  less  a  [x'rsonage  than  the  Alluied  Po|)ple 
who  was  then  the  Secretary  of  State.  With  an  inter- 
ested party  of  such  position  and  influence  it  was  easy  t(» 
setiiie  and  maintain  the  deeree  excluding  the  Acadians 
from  anv  new  errant,  in  oider  to  oblige  them  to  buvland 
fiom  these  fortunate  grantees.  In  fact,  I  find  nowhere 
that  the  wise  recommendations  of  Mascarene  had  their 
effect,  and  T  have  reason  to  believe  that  this  iniquitous 


^1 


oe^li 


•JOO 


KXTKNSl  VK    HOODLING. 


Ill    I 


situation  contiinu'd  till  the  tiiii*'  of  the  <lepoitation. 
These  hinds,  j^iivnted  to  the  iilx)ve  Kiiglishmeu.  sui- 
lounded  tliose  tliat  were  next  to  the  Aeadians'  hinds  in 
tlie  two  most  in'i[)oitiint  (•(•ntres.  'Phis  must  liave  heen 
a  sjHM.uhition  at  their  cxptMise.  like  the  one  tliat  provoked 
and  followed  theii'  deportation.  I  jiave  not  strive.i  to 
dear  up  this  matter,  hut  I  recommend  it  to  Mr.  Park- 
man's  notiee.* 

*  This  Kfant,  or  what  \Vii>'  Mi  of  it,  was  oschf'jit»^d  on  the  21st  of  April, 
ITCiO,  f<i  l(c  j;raiitt'd  afrcbli  tu  (tovrruur  Luwreuce's  coiiucillMrs  after  tbH 
tl<jNirtation. 


m 


P.I.  ii 


i 


i>iii 


MASCAUENK  ANXIOUS. 


201 


CHAPTEK    XI. 


'>!^ 


War  declariMl  Ix'twopn  Fram-H  ami  EiikIhiuI— Acadia  invadoil  l.y 
the  FrencJi  undtT  the  coiiitiiand  of  Diivivier  and  De  (iaiitu'  - 
Efforts  t(i  stir  up  tho  Acadiaiis  to  r«'volt — Tho  exixHlitioii  witli- 
draws — New  »'xpetlition  by  Marin  and  later  l)y  RameHay  — fJattlo 
of  (irand  Pre — Fidelity  of  the  Acailians — TestiinoniL's  of  .M,i.m  ,i- 
rene.  ftc. .  etc-. — Tlie  Compiler— I'arkuian. 

Mascahkxk's  wise  and  pnuleiitcoii(luctlia«l  pindin  .mI 
the  Ijiijipiest  results.  Not  (tiily  had  In;  gaiiieil  ili.' 
esteem  and  eon tideiiee  of  nil ;  hut  ho  luid  in  all  tliiii'^x 
established  regulations  and  iiroccdurcs,  whicli.  in  Ins 
relations  with  the  cleiii^y  and  the  Acadians.  ensuiecl 
harmony  and  put  an  end  to  all  the  niisunderstandinus  so 
frequent  in  Arnistronof's  time.  On  June  :i8,  1T4-,  he 
wrote  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  : 

•'The  frequent  rumors  we  have  liad  of  war  being  on  tlie  point 
of  being  declared  against  France.  Iiave  not  as  yet  niatle  any  alter- 
ation in  the  t^'injH'rof  the  Acadians,  wlio  appear  in  a  good  dis|)osi- 
tion  of  keeping  to  their  oath  of  lideiity.  and  of  submitting  to  the 
orders  and  regulations  of  tliis  govennnent  for  maintaining  peace." 

However,  lie  was  still  very  anxious  :  he  knew  that,  if 
the  French  invaded  Nova  Scotia,  they  would  not  fail  to 
make  great  efforts  to  })ersuade  the  Acadians  to  join 
them.  His  fort  was  in  ruins:  Ik;  had  oidy  live  com- 
panies of  tliirty-one  men  each,  a  third  of  whom  wcic 
invalids.  In  his  letter  of  December,  1718,  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  he  complained  bitterly  of  his 
situation : 


m 


r-tt 


I 


\'i 


m 


fif'i' 


I 


ilM 


\H-'r 


I. 


•*^.H 


S      :?i    K 


202 


hoVALTV  sK<[i:i:i>. 


"Tlio  inhabititiits  are  all  Firnrli  Koiiiiiii  Catliolics  ;  in  cast'  of  a 
rupture  with  France,  it  is  as  iiiucli  as  we  eun  exfMt't  if  we  can 
keep  tlu'iu  from  joining  with  tho  eiuMuy  or  In'ing  stirreil  up  by 
them  to  rebel.  To  prevent  this,  I  luive  used  the  best  niean»  I 
••oukl  by  making  them  sensible  of  the  advantage  and  ease  they 
enjoy  under  the  British  (lovermnent.  wlierebyto  wean  them  from 
their  old  masters,  but  to  do  t\>'*-  effet'tually.  a  considerable  time 
will  1m'  rtMjuired.  this  Province  in  the  meantime  is  in  a  worse  con- 
dition for  defence  than  the  other  American  Phmtations." 

Will"  Wiis  (b'olai-ed  on  Miirch  l')th()t'  tlie  following  year 
(1744).  Tills  untoward  evtMil  was  going  to  submit 
the  tidelily  of  the  Acadians  to  a  hard  trial.  With  a  few 
more  y«'ars  of  peace,  Mascarene,  by  following  tlie  line 
of    conduct   which    his  tact  and   benignity  «lictated  to 


h 


niu.  Would  liavc  I)een  able,  as  he  hoped,  to  give  rise  to 
a  s(»lid  sentiment  of  loyalty  based  on  ties  of  affection 
and  gratitude  strong  enough  to  resist  all  allurements. 
His  nii'iliods  and   his  results  would  have;   1 


)een   a  sate 


j»reeedent,  from  which  his   successors    would  not  liave 
dait'd  to  depart. 

France,  which  had    done    so   little    to    eoloniz*'    and 


l>i 


eserve  Acadia,  had  never  lost  the  1 


lOJt 


te  of  reeoiKiucr- 


ing  it  :  and  it  is  evhient,  from  the  documents  of  French 
oiigin.  that  the  authorities  of  Canada  fhittt-red  them- 
si'lves  with  the  1io[)e  that  tlu;  At-adiaiis  would  sei'/e  on 
the  i>i»portuiiity  about  to  be  offered  tluMu  of  shaking  off 
the  Knglish  yok(^  The  couist^  of  events  will,  however, 
show  that  the  fears  of  Mascarene  and  the    hopes  of  the 


V 


iciicii  had  !!(»  touiK 


lat 


ion. 


If  Mascarene  had  not  had  tiiue  to  establish  the  loyalty 
of  the  Aoadiaiis  on  the  luore  lasting  basis  of  affection, 
this  loyalty  was  none  the  less  really  established  on  the 
gi'ounds  of  inteit'st  and  of  res[)ect  for  the  oath:  *"  Their 
plea    with  the    French   who  pressed  them   to  take  up 


ACAIUANS    IIAKU!Kl»    UY    THK    FHKN'CH. 


203 


arms.'"  said  MascareMe  in  1748,  when  tlit*  war  had  conio 
to  an  end,  "  was  their  oath  ;  their  living  easy  nnder  tho 
(rovernnient,  and  their  havinji;  no  ioni[)hunt  to  inak*> 
against  it."  This  was  the  result  ol  a  tew  years  of  a  just 
and  (conciliatory  adniinistratioii. 

During  four  years  Acadia  was  invaded  at  least  four 
times  by  the  French:  Annapolis  was  besieged  three 
times,  always  in  the  hope  of  taking  it  with  the  concur- 
rence of  the  Acadians,  for  whom  thev  had  broutrht  arms: 
but  they  were  obliged  just  so  many  times  to  withdraw 
without  tliis  concurrence,  and  without  having  made  any 
serious  attempt.  Every  means  was  tiied  to  overconic 
the  resistance  of  the  Acadians,  From  Matteries  the 
French  passed  to  threats,  and  from  threats  to  0|tt'ii 
force,  without  shaking  their  determination,  and  tliis 
ha[)j)ened  at  IJeaubassin  as  well  as  at  (Irand  Pre  and 
Annapolis. 

The  disa2)j)ointment  of  the  French  must  have  l)ccn 
extreme  to  induce^  them  to  have  recourse  to  such  means, 
since  the  result  could  not  fail  to  diminish  tiie  sympathy 
the  Ac-adians  nnist  naturally  have   felt  for  the  French. 

Aflei'  having  exhausted  all  the  means  of  jjcrsuasioii, 
Duvivier  and  de  (rannc,  who  connniindcd  the  tirs'  ex[>c- 
dition,  issued  the  most  severe  orders : 

"  AVc  order  you  to  (U'livcr  up  yoiu"  arms,  aniniunitioiis  .  .  .  atnl 
tliiisc  wlio  coiitrHvetH*  tlicsc  orders  sliall  lie  punished  aud  delivered 
into  tile  liaiids  of  the  Indians,  as  we  cannot  refuse  tiie  demands 
tlioe  savap's  maive  for  all  those  who  will  not  submit  theiuselv.'s." 


;«^-.:'r!3 


m 


f     6  ■ 


•'   I' '■  >  ;  1^ 


Here  is  one  of  the  replies  of  the  Acadians  : 

'•  \Ve.  the  inhabitants  of  Mines,  (iraml  Pre.  Uiver  Canard,  Pi.Lri- 
^uit  and  the  surroimdin^  riveis.  i)e.n'  that  yon  will  be  jileased  to 
eiiiisider  that  while  there  would  be  no  dittii-ultv.  bv  virtue  of  the 


..  (/■• 


™1 


■.-■k 


m 


I 


1' 


Mi; 


ttl 

!  r. . .. 

1 

ft  ■'■ 

i 

't*^^    . 

!l^1 

iilHr-          •:fll 

204 


At'AIUANS    IIAKIMKI*    MY   THK    FUKNCH. 


Htron)<  fore*- voii  coiniiiaiHl.  in  .supplying  yoiirst'lt' witli  tlu>  ipiiin- 
tity  of  )^Hin  ami  iiirat  you  liuvo  onlcrctl,  it  would  ho  «|uit««  iiii|MM- 
HJhle  for  us  to  furnish  you  tlu<  <|uantity  you  (h-umnd,  or  fvcii  a 
HiiialK'r,  without  placing  ours«>lv«>s  in  great  peril. 

'•  We  lio|M',  geiitlenuMi,  that  yiui  will  not  plun>?e  lM)th  our-.elvi> 
and  our  faniili<>s  into  a  state  of  total  loss  ;  and  that  this  considera- 
tion will  eause  you  to  withdraw  your  savages  and  troo|»s  from 
our  districts. 

"  We  live  under  a  mild  and  tranquil  (lovennuent,  and  we  have 
nil  K'Mxl  n-ason  to  he  faithful  to  it.  We  hope  therefore,  that  yi'U 
will  have  the  pmmUipss  not  to  separate  lis  from  it.  and  that  yuii 
will  grant  us  the  favor  not  to  plunge  us  into  utt<'r  misery.  Tliis 
we  ho|K'  from  your  goodness,  a.ssuring  you  that  we  are  with  muih 
resjM'ft. 

Your  very  hundtle  and  ol)edient  servants. 

Acting  for  the  conunimities  ahove  intMitioned, 

.lacipies  Le  HIanc.  Pierre  l^e  Hl.iiic, 
Francois  Li«>  Blanc,  Hen«*  ■  (Jrang(>r  his  mark,  Claude  Le  Filain-. 
JaL(iues  Teriau,  .\ntt)ine  Liindry,  Joseph  ,<  (Jranger  his  mark. 
Pierre  Richard,*  Hene  Le  Blanc. 

Mines.  14  Oct.  1T44." 

"We  have  remaining,"  says  Murdoch,  "as  many  as  twelve  i>r- 
ilers  issued  liy  Duvivierfrom  the  French  camj).  f>f  this  n.'iture,  cotn- 
manding  theservices  of  individuals  by  nanu' — the  furnishing  horses 
and  men  to  lea<l  them,  the  bringing  in  |Kjwder.  horns,  etc..  the 
swearing  allegiance  by  the  deputies  and  elders,  furnishing  ladders. 
j>ickaxes,  shovels,  cattle,  wheat — baking  of  bread — to  forbid  buy- 
ing arms — tlie  supplying  of  shirts,  fiu-nishing  canoes,  etc..  el<'. 
lJisobe<lience  to  these,  is  usually  menaced  with  death,  sonietime.s 
with  corporal  punishment.  .  .  I  do  not  know  whether  we  should 
attribute  this  to  the  jtride  of  noblesse,  then  so  predomiiuint,  to  the 
liarshness  of  military  sentiment  at  that  time,  or  to  peivonal  in- 
capa<'ity  on  the  part  of  Duvivier :  b>it.  from  whatever  source,  I 
l(>f)k  on  it  as  having  been  fatal  to  his  cause."  | 

*  I'rothi'r  of  my  aiK'i^stnr  Ren''-  Richanl.  who  camo  to  Oaiiailii  iiftiT  tho 
i|i'|Mii-t,ition. 

+  •' DuviviiT  issin'cl  pcrt'inptory  unliTs  to  tlic  A<M(liiiiis  fur  sn|i|plifs.  .  . 
X'ltwitlistaiiilint;  his  Hic'iit.  tho  Ac-ulians  wore  very  iiiuvilliiiK  t"  uivo  him 
liny  assistance,  aiitl  liis  l)riKht  hopes  <>f  a  spontiuiooiis  risinj^  (>ftho.\oa- 
fliaii  po(i|)|o  a$;aiiist  Hritish  powoi-  vaiiishod  liofon-  tlio  I'liillin^  reality. 
A  now  KonorHtion  had  «ro\vn  n|>  who  woro  not  disposed  to  wi^lconu'  thosa 
■who  Would  hrin;?  war  to  tlicir  ilnuv!<."-if(tnu<iij,  History  of  Aeudia. 


DlVlVIKi:    n.\I-FLKI>. 


I'o: 


Tlie  liiisty  retit'iit  of  Dnvivicr  ciiii  ht;  (^xpliiiiicd  only 
hy  till*  (lisiipiioiiitniciit  lie  must  Imvi!  felt  in  not  ht'iiii;- 
supported  hy  tlic  Acjuliims.  A  FrtMuh  sijuadion  \v;is 
daily  cxpcctt'fl  in  Annapolis  liiirltur.  and  nolliinij  sccnitd 
t'l  call  lor  tiic  raisincr  of  tlie  siene.  Tliis  sijnadioii, 
licariiin'  To  onus,  arrived  a  tew  days  after  his  departure. 
Not  lindiny  tlie  troo[)s  lie  liad  reckoned  upon  meet iii<4 
there,  unable  with  liis  crews  alone  to  I'ecluce  tlie  Ljarrisoii, 
tlie  eoniinaiMler  put  out  to  sea  ayain  without  having" 
made  any  atteni[)t.  This  new  hasty  departure  wa>  as 
disastious  t(»  the  Fi'ench  as  had  heeu  that  of  I)uvi\  ier, 
for  there?  came  from  Boston,  four  days  after  this  <h'- 
jtartiire,  a  wholes  convoy  huleii  with  provisions  and 
ammunition  for  tlit;  iLjnirison,  which  would  have  un- 
avuidahly  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the  commatuhM'  of 
the  Fi'cnch  sijuadion. 

Hannay,  speaking,' of  the  expedition  of  Duvivier,  says  : 
"  Duvivier,  unsuceessful  at  Anna[>(dis,  returned  to  Mines, 
where  he  proposed  to  remain  for  the  wintei'  with  his 
soldiers,  hut  tlie  Aoadians  sent  iusneli  a  strongly  worded 
remonstrance  that  lu;  was  constrained  to  withdraw.  At 
T>t'auhassiu  he  found  the  {)eople  ecjually  aveise  to  his 
remaining  and  finally  returned  to  Louishourg." 

.\s  soon  as  war  was  declared,  Masearene  aetively 
employed  hims(df  in  [>utting  the  fort  of  Annapolis,  the 
oidy  one  in  the  province,  in  fit  eondition  to  resist  a 
siege.  The.se  woiks  were  consideral)le,  since  the  walls 
had  fallen  into  ruins.  For  the  materials  espe(!ially.  hut 
even  for  the  manual  labor,  he  eould  count  but  little  on 
any  but  the  Aeadians.  Of  course  in  sti'ict  justice,  they 
weic  bound  to  do  this  work  :  nevertheless  the  actual 
fining  of  it  was  a  great  proof  of  good  will.  Masearene 
had   gained  such  an   {uscendancy  over  them   that  they 


^Mf 


;.'r*s| 


r".  '-■••«,; 


P'^l 


1''% 


m 


I. 

[  ! 

E'    i 

I, 
i 


120(5 


ACADIANS    ItKl'Ain    FOi:T. 


iu'V«'i'  ininle  any  ohjectioii.  Writing  toSliirley  lie  siii<l: 
"Tlu"  Aiiiulians  showed  themselves  ready,  not  only  to 
get  tin;  lindHM'  neeessary  For  that  kind  of  work,  hut  to 
Im?  eini)loy('d  in  the  repairs,  when,  on  the  1st  of  .July, 
the  first  ])arty  of  Indians,  consisting  of  about  800,  came 
to  interrupt  us." 

Later,  aftei-  the  departure  of  Duvivier,  Mascareiie 
I'esunicd  the  works  that  had  l>een  abandoned  and 
demanded  anew  the  assistance  of  the  Aeadians  :  '•  I  also 
])ievail(Ml  with  the  deputies  of  the  Aeadians  of  this 
river."  said  he  to  Shirley,  "to  furnish  the  engineer  the 
material  requisite  for  our  repairs,  which  they  seemed  to 
undertake  and  perform  cheerfully." 

The  fruitless  expedition  of  Duvivier  was  followed  in 
the  succeeding  year  by  that  of  Captain  Marin  with  the 
same  results. 

The  moral  decadence  of  France,  commenced  under 
Louis  XIV.,  continued  and  hastened  under  the  regency, 
was,  under  Louis  XV.,  about  to  consummate  its  degra- 
dation and  provoke  the  great  catastrophe  which  would 
later  ruin  or  regenerate  it.  This  moral  degeneiacy  had 
its  effect  on  the  warlike  virtues  of  the  nation,  and  this 
war  was  going  to  give  the  measure  of  the  evil.  Watch- 
ful I'iUgland  was  ready  to  realize  this,  and  to  take  upon 
itself,  a  few  years  later,  the  task  of  completing  the 
liumiliati(m  of  a  too  restless  rival,  by  overthrowing  its 
piestige  and  d(!priving  it  of  what  might  yet  re-establish 
its  strength  and  its  renown. 

England's  apprehensions  were  greatly  relieved  when 
it  became  evident  that  the  Duke  D'Anville's  jiowerful 
fleet,  dispersed  by  storms,  weakened  and  demoralized  by 
death,  sickness  and  dissensions,  was  no  longer  to  be 
dreaded. 


.fS   f- 


OUANI)   HIIK    KAID. 


207 


De  Ramesay,  wlio  liud  waited  under  the  walls  of 
Annapolis  for  the  L'o-oj)emtion  of  this  flnet,  waH  obliged 
t^>  withdraw  upon  Mines  and  soon  after  on  Reauhassin. 

Here  comes  tlie  only  glorious  feat  (»f  arms  for  Kranee 
in  this  part  of  the  (country,  and  it  was  accomplislu'd  l)y 
the  Canadians  whom  d«^  Uaniesay  commanded.  While 
this  officer  was  at  lieaubassin,  Masearene,  after  having 
revictualled  Annapolis,  stationed  in  the  district  of 
Mines  a  detachment  of  470  men  eonnnanded  hy  ('oloiicl 
Noble  of  Massachusetts.  This  armed  body  were  billeted 
for  the  time  being  at  the  village  of  (irand  V]6  in  tlu; 
hcmses  of  the  Acadians.  De  Ramesay  conceived  the 
daring  project  of  traversing  on  snowshoes  the  long 
distance  that  sef>arated  him  from  (Jrand  V\C\  and  of 
surprising  during  the  night  the  troops  stationed  there  ; 
a  raid  winch,  though  it  won  renown  for  the  Canadians, 
produced  no  practical  result. 

We  have  seen,  from  divers  exti-acts,  wliat  was  the 
attitude  of  the  Acadians  during  these  four  years  of 
repeated  invasion  by  the  French  troops:  let  us  now 
listen  to  other  testimonies  gleaned  from  the  correspond- 
ence of  Crovernor  Mascarene  himself. 

At  different  times  he  l>ears  witness  that,  during  tlie 
intervals  between  these  successive  expeditions,  the 
Acadians  came  to  inform  him  of  the  movements  of  the 
Frencli  and  to  work  at  putting  the  foundations  in  a  lit 
state  to  withstand  their  attacks. 


m 


'r 


m 


To  Governor  Philipps,  on  June  9tli  1744,  he  writes:  "I  have 
(lone  all  in  my  power  to  keep  the  Acadians  in  tlieir  fidelity  wlio 
promise  fair  and  a.s  y<>t  assist  )is  in  repairing  our  breaches." 

To  the  Lords  of  Trade  on  tlin  same  date:  "These  latter  (the 
Acadians)  have  given  nw  assurances  of  tiieir  resolution  to  keep 
in  their  fidelity  to  Ilis  Majesty,  wlucii  tliey  seem  to  justify  in 


i/' 


M 


1 1' 


20H 


mas(Ai:i;nk  i'i:aisi:s  thk  acaiuans. 


haviri;;  liitlicHo  ^i^'*'"  ">*  tli«'ir  I'SHistaiict' in  tluMV(irks|j;((iii;;  on  fur 
tin-  it'iuiirs  »»l"  this  Fort,  whirii  iiccordin^;  t<»  my  foi'inor  rcprt'st'ii- 
tatiniis  of  tlic  iititiirc  of  tliesc  iiilial>itarits  is  tlu*  utmost  w(>  can  «-.\- 
pcct  from  tiit-m." 

To  tlif  Scciclaiy  of  War.  .Inly  'Jnd  1744  :  "  Tlio  Acadians  of  tliis 
rivt'i-  iiavt'  kept  hitlu-rto  in  tlicir  tltlrlity.  and  tin  irtiifs  JDi'tirti  with 
///«' ('//f'M///,  wiio  has  killed  most  of  tlicir  ctittle,  and  tlu*  priest  n-- 
siding  amongst  tht-m  has  Iteliavcd  also  as  an  hunt'st  man,  thougli 
none  of  them  dare  come  to  us  at  present.  They  helped  in  the  re- 
pairing of  our  works  to  tlir  rcrif  ilai/  pirt'cdhid  tlir  nttiick'." 

To(iovernor  Shirley.  July  '-^Hth  1744:  "The  Acadinus,  as  soon 
as  tlie  Indians  withdrew  from  us.  brought  us  jtrovisious  and  coii- 
tiime  to  testify  their  resolution  to  keep  to  their  lidi'lity  as  long  as 
we  keep  this  fort.  Two  deputies  arrived  yesterday  from  Mines, 
wlio  liave  brought  mea  |>aper  contaiiung  mi  (is.ii)viiiti'())i  sigtu'it  ti// 
most  i)f  tin'  iiilitil>it((nts  of  tlidt  j)ltici'  to pverciit  cuttle  bi'iu{i  traun- 
ported  to  tite  Freuch,  according  to  the  prohibition  sent  them  from 
hence.  These  Acadiaiis  are  certainly  in  a  very  perillous  situation. 
Those  who  pri'teiid  to  be  their  frien<ls  and  old  mastei"s  having  let 
loose  a  parcel  of  banditti  to  plimder  them,  whilst  on  the  other 
baud  they  see  themselves  tlireatt'iied  with  ruin  and  destruction  if 
they  failed  in  their  allegiani-e  to  the  British  Goverinuent." 

To  King  Gould,  on  the  .same  date  :  "  The  Acadiuns  still  keep 
in  their  fidelity  and  have  not  anyways  joined  with  the  enemy, 
but  we  have  lost  their  a.ssistance  in  the  rejjairing  of  our  works. 
they  being  in  dread  of  the  Indians." 

To Dec.  1744  :  *'  To  the  timely  succour  received  from  the 

Governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  our  Freneli  iiiliubitantH  refiisitHj 
to  take  Hpariitsdyaiiist  lis  ireuire  our  j)reserr(ttioii.  If  theAcadi- 
ans  had  taken  up  .vrms  they  might  have  brought  three  or  four 
thousand  men  against  us." 

To  dear  Ladevese, 1747,  at  the  close  of  the  war  :  "  The  great 

french  Armada  under  Duke  D'Anville  which  would  have  swal- 
lowed us  up,  was  by  God's  Providence,  weakened  and  shattered  by 
sickness  and  storms.  .  .  In  these  several  struggles  I  used  our 
Acadians  with  so  much  mildness,  administered  justice  so  impar- 
tially and  employed  all  the  skill  I  was  master  of  in  managing  them 
to  so  good  purpose,  that,  though  the  enemy  brought  near  tiro 
thousand  men  in  arms  in  the  midst  of  them,  and  used  all  the 
means  of  cajoling  and  threatening  to  make  them  take  up  arms, 
having  brought  spare  ones  for  that  end,  they  could  not  prevail 
upon  above  twenty  to  join  them." 


'#"1 


Tin;  roMi'ii.Ki:  at  his  tihcks. 


20!  ♦ 


To  tilt'  Diikf  of  MfdI'oid,  .Iiiiif  ITitli  174H.  nft«'r  the  war:  "Th.- 
rtpoiiU'il  iitf»'mpts  of  the  I'lUMiiv  on  Nova  Scotia  hav*-  not  had  tlu* 
mu'rt»rtH  tlii-y  »'.\|M'<-t«'«l  ;  aii*l.  notwitliMtiiiu'iiiK  tlu-  nu'ims  tlu-y 
liavt'  iiHcd  to  ciiticfor  t'orcc  into  o|it>n  rclicllion  tlu>  Acadians,  who 
arc  all  of  lit'Mcli  extraction  and  |ia|iiHt.s,  tlicy  have  not  licen  ahlc 
to  provail  except  n|>on  a  few  of  them  :  and.  after  having  entered 
this  pi'ovince  three  ditferent  tiinen.  witli  forces  far  sn|)erior  \>> 
what  roidd  he  op|M».se»l  to  them,  they  were  at  last  ohiiged  to  retire 
t<»  (.^ttehec." 

'I'wo  numtlis  IiitiT.  in  Aiiijusi,  174M,  MiiscurcMcni'dcn'il 
I.ieiiti'iiiiiit-Cohnu'l  (torliiiiii  '"to  piocccd  to  Mines  to 
jiiiy  ilic  Aciidiiins  for  provisions  jind  other  iicet'ssurics, 
also  for  lal)or  and  losses  ini-iirred  by  tlicni  for  houses 
liurnt  and  fences  destroyed  to  the  value  of  over  ten 
thousand  ])oiinds." 

I  would  liave  the  reader  remark,  in})assing,  that  none 
of  tlie  letters  (|uoted  above  are  found  in  the  volume  of 
the  archives  except  two,  which  are  the  le.ust  important. 
I  would  also  have  him  remark  that,  from  'luly  4,  174<i 
to  Ociobei'  27,  174"),  this  volume  contains  forty-three 
documents  of  divers  kinds,  while  it  contains  not  a  single 
one  from  October,  1745  to  A})ril,  1748. 

Why,  one  naturally  asks,  this  accumulation  of  forty- 
three  documents  within  tlie  four  years  befonj  the  war 
and  nothing  within  the  three  years  during  the  war,  that 
is,  during  the  most  important  period?  The  reason  is 
not  far  to  seek ;  it  is  always  the  same:  suppression  is  so 
plainly  a  set  plan  that  one  only  need  open  his  eyes  to 
detect  it.  Before  tlie  war  Mascarene  entertained  doubts 
of  the  fidelity  of  the  Acadians  and  gave  utterance  to 
them ;  in  the  tirst  years  of  his  administration  he  had 
discussions  by  letter  with  the  priests  before  inducing 
them  to  accept  his  regulations  concerning  themselves 
and  concerning  the  Acadians.     Tliese  documents  also 


I' 


W.t 


m- 


m 


iiil 


210 


MUIIDOCH    DEFENDS   ACADIANS. 


contained  remarks  favorable  to  the  Acfidians,  which 
the  Compiler  could  not  easily  separate :  he  has  allowed 
a  few  of  them  to  pass.  But,  to  include  the  documents 
of  the  period  of  the  war,  wius  to  make  known  to  the 
])ul)lic  that  the  Acadiaiis  liad  been  faithful  to  their  oath 
in  the  most  perplexing  of  situations.  Therefore,  these 
documents  must  not  be  included.  So  manifest  is  this 
set  i)urpose  of  his,  that,  in  spite  of  this  gap  of  three 
years  he  found  means,  before  creating  the  gap,  to  in- 
sert in  a  note  a  letter  of  M.  de  Beauharnois  to  the  minis- 
ter at  Paris,  in  which  this  gentleman  expressed  the  hopes 
he  entertained  that  the  French  would  be  supported 
by  the  Acadians.  This  document  is,  clearly,  foreign  to 
the  archives,  but  the  Compiler,  however  shortsighted  he 
may  sometimes  be,  has  found  means  to  ferret  out  tiiis 
one  somewhere.  Nevertl.eless,  tins  document  had  no 
real  importance.  Hoi^es  !  why,  every  one  has  them  ; 
M.  de  lieauluirnois  was  welcome  to  have  his ;  he  was 
quite  free  to  believe  that  the  Acadians  would  take  U[> 
arms  against  tlie  English.  But  the  real  facts  were  far 
more  important,  and  they  were  to  be  found  in  the  docu- 
ments of  which  the  Compiler  has  deprived  us  just  in  the 
very  place  where  he  has  created  a  gaping  void.  History 
is  based  on  facts,  not  on  the  vague  hopes  of  this  or  that 
individual. 

lioth  the  fears  of  the  English  and  the  hopes  of  the 
French  had,  therefore,  no  serious  foundation,  as  the  above 
citations  abundantly  prove.  This  war  had  submitted 
the  fidelity  of  the  Acadians  to  a  hard  trial,  such  as  ougiit 
to  give  the  exact  measure  of  what  might  be  hoped  fioni 
them  under  equitable  treatment.  "  When  we  consider 
these  matters,"  says  Murdoch,  summing  up  tlie  events  of 
this  war,  *'  we  see  more  clearlv  how  it  was  that  the  little 


MUKDOCH    DEPENDS    ACAUIANS. 


•Jll 


army  from  Louisbourg,  wliile  it  was  largely  reinfon'ed 
by  the  Mit;mac  warriors,  who  had  always  l)eeii  taught  to 
believe  that  the  Freiieh  king  had  not  ceded  their  terri- 
torial rights,  received  no  effective  aid  from  the  Acadians. 
Although  there  were  always  a  portion  of  the  inhabitants 
of  Beaubassiii  positively  disaffeeted  to  English  rule,  in 
the  other  settlements  of  ('ol)e«[uid,  Pigiquit,  (irand  Pre, 
River  Canard,  as  well  on  the  Annapolis  river,  flicrr  were 
ver^  few  perKoits  who  were  cceu  Kiinpected  of  wiHitif/It/  nid- 
iufl  the  invai<ioii^  and  Duvivier  received  ius  little  sup[>ort 
from  the  Acadians  after  he  crossed  the  Avon,  as 
Prince  Charles  Stewart  did  in  the  next  3*ear  after  cross- 
ing the  Tweed."  Mascarene  had  notified  the  Acadians 
that  their  neutrality  did  not  lelieve  tliem  from  the  duty 
of  instructing  him  with  the  movements  of  Hie  French 
whenever  they  could  ;  as  a  result,  the  latter  never  moved 
to  another  place  without  having  j)reviously  guarded  tiie 
reads,  to  prevent  them  from  connnunicating  with  the 
English. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true,  as  !Mascarene  says,  that  the 
French  had  "  a  few  sympathizers  amongst  them.'"  He 
fixes  the  nund)er  at  about  twenty.  This  account  seems 
to  me  exact,  considering  that  it  fairly  tallies  with 
French  rc[)orts.  Twelve  of  these  sympathizers  were 
arrested  upon  the  denunciations  of  Acadians.  How- 
ever, it  should  1)0  carefully  noted  that  no  Acadians  were 
arrested  for  having  taken  up  arms,  but  only  for  having 
advised  and  assisted  the  enemy,  or  for  having  i'"glected 
to  give  information  to  the  authorities  when  tney  were 
able  to  do  so.  'J'he  names  of  those  twelve  pei-sons  are: 
Louis  (lanthier  and  his  two  sons,  Aiinand  lUigeaud, 
Joseph  LePtlam;  dit  Le  M.iigre.  Charles  and  Fraii^ois 
Raymond,  Charles  antl  Philii)[)e  Leroy.  Joseph  Brassard^ 


.:m 


1-^' 


"<|i;i 


IN 


'2V1 


|-|:\V    SVMI'ATHIZK    WITH    THH    FKKNCH. 


i 


It.':  - 


^^ 


Piern^  CfHediv  (liiilt-I)ie(l)  and  Louis  Jlebert,  fortiior 
servant  to  Captain  Handtield.  Some  were  condemned; 
others  were  released,  their  ex[)huiations  having  beisn 
jndi^'ed  satisfactory. 

The  wonder  is,  not  tliat  twenty  persons  thus  lent  as- 
sistance to  tlie  enemy,  but  rather  that  there  were  not 
more,  as  this  war  lasted  four  years,  and  the  province 
was  invaded  so  many  times.  There  must  necessarily 
liave  been  officious  persons  giving  information  to  one 
side  or  the  other.  To  sui)[)ose  the  contrary  would  be  to 
be  totally  ignorant  of  human  nature.  The  French  re- 
jiorts  show  us  that  there  often  came  to  them  soldiers 
who  had  escaped  from  the  Ainiapolis  garrison.  These 
deserters  informed  them  of  the  situation  of  the  English. 
Sucli  isolated  facts  belong  to  all  times  and  places,  and 
no  unfavorable  conclusion  can  reasonably  be  drawn 
therefrom. 

It  is  useless  to  insist  on  this  point;  the  fact  remains 
established,  that  the  Acadians,  in  this  juncture,  the 
most  difficult  in  their  liistory,  superabundantly  proved 
the  great  esteem  in  which  they  held  tiieir  oath  of 
fidelity.  "  Their  plea  with  the  French  who  pressed 
them  to  take  up  arms,  was  their  oath,"  said  Mascarene. 
Besides,  these  facts  .are  not  disputed,  except  by  Park- 
man  wlio  dissents  only  by  implication,  by  making  use 
of  expressions  that  give  quite  a  different  impression. 
This  writer,  who,  in  his  work  "  Montcalm  and  Wolfe," 
devotes  only  three  pages  to  the  account  of  the  events 
that  occurred  from  1710  to  174!^  sums  up  in  three  lines 
the  events  of  the  war  of  which  we  have  just  sketched 
the  most  important  phases :  "  This,"  he  says,  -  restored 
comparative  quiet  till  the  war  of  174"),  when  snme  of  tlie 
Acadians    remained    neutral,   while    some   took    arms 


A    PAUKMAN    DOIKiK. 


218 


against  tlie  Englisli,  and  manif  ofhem  aided  the  enemy 
with  information  and  supplies."  This  sentence,  appar- 
ently simple  and  candid,  is  distinctly  insidious  and  dis- 
honest: latet  anguis  in  herha.  It  specifies  nothing;  but, 
through  crafty  insinuation,  it  leaves  the  reader  under 
the  impression  that  al)out  one  third  of  the  Acadians  re- 
mained neutral,  that  another  third  took  up  arms,  and 
that  the  remaining  third  aided  the  enemy  in  different 
ways.  This  trick  is  a  great  favorite  of  his,  I  could 
quote  several  examples  of  it  without  even  going  out- 
side this  subject.  A  dodge  of  this  kind  might  be  con- 
sitlered,  in  common  parlance,  smart ,  some  people 
might  admire  it  in  a  lawyer  or  a  politician  driven  into 
a  corner ;  but  there  is  question  here  of  history,  the  mas- 
ter quality  of  which  is  impartiality.  However,  no 
Acadian,  so  far  as  j.  know,  was  ever  accused  of  having 
taken  up  arms  during  this  war. 

In  presence  of  this  fidelity,  preserved  in  spite  of  all 
sorts  of  seductions  and  threats,  what  becomes  of  Park- 
man's  accusation  that  "  the  influence  of  the  priests  was 
always  directed  to  alienating  the  Acadians  from  their 
allegiance?*'  an  accusation  which  he  repeats  in  every 
key  and  in  the  most  positive  terms.  If  the  people  re- 
mained faithful,  then  the  priests  had  not  the  influence 
which  he  attributes  to  them,  when  he  tells  us  that  the 
Acadians  had  no  will  of  their  own,  that  they  were  the 
<lo('ile  instruments  of  these  priests.  Either  these  priests, 
having  the  great  influence  which  Parkman  attributes  to 
them,  exercised  it  in  iiistilling  fide'ity  to  the  oath,  or 
the  Acadians  had  the  firmness  and  independence  ntM-es- 
sary  to  resist  them.  Surely,  the  Acadians  needed  a 
strong  dose  of  firmness  to  resist  the  solicitations  anil 
threats  of  llii;  Frem-h,  especially  if,  as  Parkman  avers, 


w 


w 


mc:^ 


I 

Si"" 


III 


If, 
lit ' ' 


214 


ACAOIAN    STUBBOHNNESS. 


they  had  likewise  to  resisttho.se  of  their  priests,  piessing 
them  in  the  same  direction. 

Parkman,  in  order  to  prove  brilliantly  his  theory  of 
the  debilitating  action  of  the  clergy,  had  to  snppose, 
firstly,  a  great  influence  of  this  clergy,  secondly,  a  con- 
tinual exercise  of  this  influence,  and.  in  order  to  draw 
conclusions  fiom  his  theory,  true  in  itself,  if  taken  in 
the  abstract,  false  or  exaggerated  in  the  concrete  reality, 
he  had  to  infer  that  the  Acadians  h.ad  lost  all  initiative, 
all  will,  all  energy :  in  a  word,  to  make  of  them,  as  he 
does,  men  who  could  hardly  stand  up  alone.  That  was 
giving  free  rein  to  his  fancy,  and  if  the  conclusions  do 
logically  follow  from  the  premises,  these  latter  lested  only 
on  one  crutch,  i^taus  pede  in  ntio. 

Although  I  sometimes  pass  judgment  on  the  character 
of  individuals,  1  have  no  inclination  to  do  so  in  the  case 
of  a  nation;  it  is  so  easy,  in  such  matters,  to  be  too  abso- 
lute. However,  I  will  venture  one  such  judgment  on 
the  Acadians,  and  it  will  bear  on  a  defect  in  their  char- 
acter, and  one  direct  1}'  opposed  to  what  Faikman  blames 
in  them,  namely:  "that  they  were  weak  of  j)urposc." 
The  most  characteristic  fault  of  the  Acadians  is  to  be 
extremely  headstrong.  Even  to  this  day,  in  the  pro- 
vince of  Quebec,  when  people  wish  to  express  in  a  strik- 
ing phrase  any  one's  obstinacy,  they  say:  '•  He  has  the 
head  of  an  Acadian,"  which  is  tantamount  to  sa3'ing: 
*•  He  has  tlie  stubbornness  of  a  mule."  Firnmess  is  a 
beautiful  ({uality ;  but  stubbornness,  which  is  its  fii-st 
cousin,  is  a  grave  defect,  and  it  is  the  besetting  sin  of 
the  Acadians.  But  Parkman,  who  beats  the  air  at 
random,  without  seeing  anything  else  than  his  theory, 
has.  as  might  have  been  expected,  hit  upon  the  opposite 
defect.     Men  rarely  make  a  bull's  eye  when  they  tire 


MISTAKK    IN    KIIKNCH    POMCV. 


•215 


^^i 


with  their  eves  shut.  Was  this  detect  acquired  by  the 
Aeadians  in  their  struggU-s  on  the  (juestion  of  the  oath, 
or  was  it  in  them  before  that '!  I  know  not.  If  Park- 
mf  instead  of  theorizing  in  a  vacuum,  had  made  a 
mt  ■  careful  study  of  their  history,  he  wouhl  have 
become  convinced  of  this  fact,  which  is  too  evident  to 
es<3ape  observation. 

The  efforts  of  the  French  to  engage  tlie  Acadians 
to  viohite  their  oath  of  fidelity,  merit,  in  all  respects, 
severe  condemnation,  and  these  efforts  were  continual 
from  the  Ijeginning  of  this  war  until  the  taking  of  Beau- 
s^joui-  by  the  English.  True,  with  the  help  of  tlu; 
Acadians,  Annapolis  would  have  been  taken ;  but  the 
definitive  conquest  of  Acadia  would  not  have  been 
thereby  decided.  Even  had  the  taking  of  Annapolis 
meant  the  comiuest  of  Acadia,  the  French  were  none 
the  less  in  lioiior  bound  not  to  urge  the  .Vcadians  to 
swerve  from  duty,  and  not  thus  to  expose  them  to  the 
direst  calamities.  Tiieir  lot,  till  then,  had  been  as  favor- 
able as  they  could  have  lioped  it  to  be  under  a  military 
administiation,  with  the  intense  piejudices  that  then 
prevaile<l.  France,  for  a  Avliole  century,  had  done 
]iotliiiig  to  people  Acadia  and  to  make  of  it  a  self-pro- 
tecting province  ;  she  had  done  nothing  to])reserve  and 
support  it  in  the  moment  of  danger.  If.  at  the  eleventh 
hour,  she  wished  to  repair  the  errors  of  her  past,  she 
must  first  reconquer  tlu;  country  with  her  own  troops, 
and  then  protect  her  comiuest  effectually. 

I  am  convinced  that  the  conduct  of  France  towards 
the  Acadians  during  this  war  caused  lier  to  lose  their 
sympathy,  which  she  had  been  able  t(»  retain  up  till  that 
time.  If  England,  oi'  rather  her  representatives,  had 
luiderstood   the  Acadian  character,  if  thev  had  trusted 


^'11 


iMP 


m 


.*ul^ 


iili 


m 


m 


216 


MISTAKK    IN    FKENOH    I'OLICY. 


them  and  mad«^  tlie  most  of  their  faitlifuhiess,  we  should 
not  have  to  deplore  the  misfortunes  tliat  ensued.  At 
any  rate,  these  incessant  attempts  to  seduce  them,  far 
from  heing  prejudicial  to  them,  shouhl  have  Wimi  an 
additional  proof  of  their  fidelity,  a  certain  pledge  for  \\w 
future.  At  the  same  time,  their  conduct,  interpictcd 
with  kindliness,  should  liave  hecome  for  the  l^nylisli 
authorities  an  earnest  of  lasting  friendship  and  prnctiral 
gratitude  ;  for,  as  Mascarene  said,  '*  without  the  nou- 
trality  of  tlie  Acadians,  the  province  would  liave  het>n 
lost;"  it  would  likewise  have  been  lost,  if  they  liad 
emigrated  to  the  Freiich  possessions  of  Cape  Breton,  for 
then  they  would  have  been  sohliers  of  France   in   the 


war.     But  gratitude  is  a  rara  uvin. 


I.  I 


I'UOKELYTIZING   SCHEME. 


217 


ril AFTER    XII. 

Other  events  of  the  war  (1T44-1T4H) — Ini<|uitnus  projects  of  Shirley 
against  the  Acadians— Tlieir  ahirins — Letter  of  Sliirlej'  repudi- 
ating the  supiKtsed  projects — It  is  not  judged  satisfactory — 
Shirley  procures  the  authorization  of  the  Secretary  of  State  and 
issues  a  proclamation  to  the  Acadians — His  correspondence 
with  the  Duke  of  Newcastle — Pro(!laniations  of  the  French  com- 
mander to  the  Acadians — Firmness  of  the  Acadians. 

Other  circnnistances  a<l(I  a  new  and  immense  ^veight 
to  the  titlelitvof  the  Acadians  in  tliis  war.  If  Mascarene 
had  not  been  obliged  to  endure  the  meddlesomeness  of 
Shirley,  governor  of  Massachusetts,  there  would  prob- 
ably not  liave  been  a  single  exception  to  ihe  strictest 
lidelity.  Mascarene,  by  his  conduct,  admirable  in  every 
respect,  had  gained  the  esteem  and  confidence  of  the 
Acadians  to  an  almost  incietlible  degree.  They  came  to 
him  as  to  a  friend,  as  to  a  father.  Whenever  any  diffi- 
culty arose  respecting  the  extent  of  their  obligations, 
they  came  to  submit  it  to  his  decision,  and  his  reply  was 
invariably  accepted  without  a  murmur.  Tlie  documents 
in  hand  offer  several  examples  of  this,  among  others  Uu^ 
following:  Some  English  officers  obliged  some  \v:\- 
dians  to  serve  as  guides  and  pilots  against  the  Freneli. 
Interpreting  these  orders  as  contrary  to  their  neutrality, 
they  addressed  a  petition  to  Mascarene,  enti'eating  him 
not  to  oblige  them  to  such  service.  He  entered  into 
lojig  arguments  with  their  delegates  to  show  them  that 
their   oath   did   not   exempt   them   from    this   service. 


im 


/:^: 


rei 


!*•' 


fill'' 


1'18 


VUOSKLYTIZIN(J    SCHEMK. 


It 


Without  hesitation  they  withdrew  their  petition,  and 
afterwards  no  longer  objected  to  any  assistance  that  did 
not  imply  the  liearing  of  arms. 

Shirley,  wlio  was  not  animated  with  the  same  spirit, 
came  near  ruining  everything,  and,  once  more,  Ma.s- 
carene  sa\e<l  the  situation.  Toward  the  beginning  of 
the  wai'.  Shirley,  somewhat  through  distrust  for  the 
fidelity  of  the  Acadians,  but  much  more  through 
fanaticism  and  contempt  of  riglit  and  liljerty,  had 
proposed  a  project  in  regard  to  them  which  Murdoch 
thus  epitomizes  :  "  He  proposes  to  intei'sperse  Protestant 
settlements  among  the  Acadians,  taking  part  of  thf 
inarnhlandH  from  them  for  the  new  Hettlern.  .  .  .he  recom- 
mends i/ratitini/  xmall  privilefien  and  immtmitleH  for  theen- 
coHrai/i'hient  of  siwh  an  should  come  over  to  the  Protes- 
titnt  raitiniHnion  and  send  their  children  to  learn 
English." 

This  upright  historian  cannot  help  condemning  the 
project :  "  This  suggestion  of  offering  worldly  advantages 
in  exchange  of  profession."  says  he,  "  can  hardly  be  com- 
mended incur  days."' 

This  plan  included  a  further  injustice,  that  of 
arbitrarily  dei^riving  the  Acadians  of  the  best  part  of 
their  lands,  of  that  which  had  entailed  the  most  labor. 
tlic  marshes.  Would  his  suggestions  have  been 
adopted?  Certainly,  if  Shirley  had  been  master  of  the 
situation  ;  but,  fis  we  shall  see  elsewhere,  the  authorities 
in  England  were  far  from  taking  the  same  view.  The 
Duke  of  Newcastle  may  have  been  a  great  briber,  he 
may  not  have  known,  as  Parkman  says,  where  Acadia 
was  situated  on  the  map ;  but,  at  least,  he  had  respect 
for  certain  things.  Shirley  himself  may  have  been  very 
sagacious  ;  but  he  was  laboring  under  a  strange  delu- 


SHIHLKV    A   TUIMMKR. 


•219 


sion  when  lie  imagined  that,  with  siu^h  projects,  he  could 
retain  tlie  Aeadiaiis  in  tlie  province. 

This  design  hecame  known  to  the  Acadians  in  the 
second  year  of  the  war,  1 74r),  but  was  falsely  represented 
to  tliom  as  a  plan  for  their  expulsion.  They  were 
greatly  alaiined  thereat.  Tlie  French  took  every 
advantage  of  this  rumor  to  increase  this  alarm  and  to 
overcome  the  resistance  they  were  meeting  with.  They 
argued  that  such  arbitrary  acts  released  them  from  theii 
oath  of  fidelity  ;  that  sooner  or  later  they  would  1h; 
wholl}^  deprived  of  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  of 
their  pi'iests  and  their  language;  that  their  properties 
would  be  confiscated,  etc.,  etc.  In  this  perplexity 
Acadian  deputies  from  all  parts  of  the  province  ^^■ent 
to  consult  Mascarene.  Tie  combated  their  apprehen- 
sion, and  promised  to  procure  a  speedy  denial  from 
Shirlev,  and  assurances  guaranteeing  anew  the  free 
exercise  of  th(;ir  religion,  etc. 

Shirley  clung  tenaciously  to  his  project,  for,  at  tliis 
very  time,  August  15,  1740,  he  wrote  to  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle  :  .  .  .  "  IJy  which  means,  an<1  rfnini'ini/  ///-' 
.RiiiJiixh  priests  oi(f  oft  hi'  P/'orliire,  ntid  iiit/'o<h<fini/  /*/<>. 
tentaut  IJiii/llsh  ai'IiO'iLs  ami  Ftrndi  Protcntatit  ininixti'rx 
mill  ihd'  I'licdiii'di/t'tneHt  (fii'cn  to  .siirh  nf  tJw  Atuvl'iKiix  us 
iih<(ll  i-iiiifiii'in  f'l  tin'  Prntcstavt  ri'ii(/io)i,  and  send  thcii 
children  to  English  schools,  in  the  next  generation  they 
would  in  a  great  measure  become  true  Protestant  sub- 
jects." 

When  the  Acadians  had  resisted  all  seductions  and 
saved  the  province  l)v  their  neutrality  and  their  labor  iu 
repairing  the  fort,  at  that  very  time  did  Shirley  renew 
his  infamous  project. 

St'ptember   l<»tii,   four  weeks  after  tlie  above  h.'tter, 


-y 


•B5  i! 


'jM 


220 


LKTTKI!    TO   THK   UL'KE. 


Shirley,  as  lepresentative  ol'  His  Majesty,  addressed  to 
the  Acadians  a  letter  in  which  he  affirmed  :  »•  I'hat  Ww 
apprehensions  of  being  removed  were  groundless,  and 
that  they  might  Ije  iissured  that  he  would  use  his  In-st 
endeavors  to  obtain  the  continuance  of  the  Royal  liivor 
and  protection." 

Three  days  later,  September  10th,  Shirley  made  tin- 
Duke  of  Newcastle  acquainted  with  the  situation.  A^  \\v 
have  seen,  Shirley's  plan  was  not  expulsion,  but  it  w;is 
none  the  better  for  that:  it  was  ecjuivalent  to  an  expul- 
sion and  more  odious  than  a  mere  order  to  depart,  which 
would  have  left  the  Acadians  free  to  go  where  tlicy 
liked.  It  was  tiierefore  easy  for  him  to  rejjudiate  it 
proje(!t,  which,  litcially,  he  had  not  formed,  and  to  re- 
main vague  on  other  matters :  but  the  Acadians  wet  e  not 
to  be  taken  in  by  assurances  that  were  so  little  dctincd 
and  so  unauthorized. 

November  21st,  Shirley  wiote  to  the  Duke  of  New- 
castle to  inform  him  that  his  letter  to  the  Acadians  had 
not  had  the  effect  of  quieting  their  fears : 


*' Tliey  are  still  alarmed  at  the  rumor  of  the  design  to  remove 
them.  New  assurances  should  l)e  given  by  His  Majesty  at  once  : 
if  this  was  done  it  would  have  a  great  tendenc}'  to  remove  their 
present  apprehensions  of  being  sent  off.  .  .  .  These  measures,  to- 
gether with  the  iiitrndnviug  of  French  protectant  ministers  and 
English  schools,  and  so)ne  snmll  eneonragenients  hi/  pririleffes  fn 
Hitch  as  shoiiJil  conform  to  tlie  Protestant  religion  :  the  ttisalloiranci' 
of  the  public  e.rercise  of  the  Roinish  religion,  at  least  after  a  short 
term  of  i/ears,  and  forbidding  Romish  priests  under  sei'ere  2)enal- 
ties  to  come  into  the  coiintrij 

"Just  as  I  had  finished  the  last  jiarapraiih.  a  letter  from  Ad- 
miral Knowles  was  delivered  to  me  in  which  he  informs  me  that 
he  has  given  his  opinion  to  Your  (irace,  that  it  will  be  necessary 
to  driv(5  all  the  Acadians  out  of  Acadia.  .  .  I  am  of  a  contrary 
opinion.  .  .  It  seems  very  difficult  to  drive  all  the  Acadians  out  of 


LKTTKi;    TO    Tin:    lU'lvK. 


2-Jl 


1 


Acatlia.  77(/.s  inmld  stninjlliin  tlir  h'mirli  cnnshlerdhl/i.  ami 
ii'iiidil  iitdkv  the  rcchiiiniiKj  of  till'  IiiiiiaiiH  iiiipiiivfirnhli'.  .  .  .  Hut, 
nfXcY  their  luiviiig  i<'iiiaiii<'<l  so  loiiK  in  tlit-  country  upon  tin-  loot- 
ing of  Hritish  subjects,  iimlrr  Ihr  siincfiini  of  tliv  tiriitij  of  ('fri'clil, 
ami  making  inil"'*'^'"'"*'"*'^  •'"  tl't-ir  lauils  for  one  or  two  goiu'ia- 
tioiis.  ami  Ixiiig  growii  up  itito-iicli  a  ninnlH-rof  fainili«»s.  to  drive 
tiieiu  all  otr  witliout  lurtlier  eiupiiry  snuis  In  hf  liiihh'  lo  nimiif  oh- 
je.i-tiims.  Among  others.  //  iiiiiji  hi  ilonhfnl  wlietlier  uniler  the 
rirriniistances  of  tiiese  ))eoj)le  it  imnlil  vlrnrl//  uii/H'iir  to  hv  n  jiisf 

iisiii/i'  of  tlii'iii Till'  ''.ii'iujitioii  of  not  bi'iiri III/ onus   upon 

anil  (tovouiit  ijii'i'ii  to  flii'in  hi/  Gorcrnov  I'liiliiifix.  on  their  rnnxeiif- 
iiifl  to  tiiki'  fin  oiifli  ofiilli'i/iiini-i',  wlietlier  it  was  done  hy  him  with 
.>r  without  authority.  //  nini/  inrliops  hv  ihiniiil  too  riijoron.s  n 
jninislinii'iif  tliiif  ironlil  nirolri'  tliv  iniionnt  iritli  tin'  {/niltn  in  the 
lo-s  of  their  estates  and  the  expulsion  out  of  the  country  :  it  is  not 
improhahle  hut  that  thtMe  may  lie  many  among  them  who  would 
.xt'ii  prefer  His  Majesty's  (roveiiniieiit  to  a  French  one.  ami  have 
done  nothing  to  deserve  such  fate.  Sonif  iilloinnnT  miiy  ULTirisr 
If  niaih'  for  tin'ir  hint  nit  nation  hifinrn  ('uniuliiins,  Tniliitiis  anil 
IJii/tisli.  the  riiriii/i's  of  all  n-hirli  thr/f  hiirr  fi'll  hi/  turns  in  tin' 
coll rsr  of  the  war  :  iliirini/  irhieh  thi'i/  seem  to  hnre  hecn  voiit inn- 
nil  1/  /}laee.<l  between  two  furs,  the  force  anil  meiiiires  of  the  ('ana- 
ilia  IIS  aiiit  Indians  pill  nileriinj  them  of  irhatecer  theij  wanted  and 
deferring  them  >>i  the  stronijest  manner  from  hariiii/  any  conunii- 
iiieation  with  His  Majesty's  ijarrison  ov  the  one  hand,  and  the  re- 
sentment of  the  gar  rinnn  for  their  iritliholdinij  their  intelligenee 
and  supplies  on  the  other,  though  at  the  same  time  it  was  not  in  a 
ronditinn  to  protect  them  from  the  enemy.  Wherefore,  it  seems  a 
matter  wortljy  of  your  (rrace's  consideration  whether,  under  such 
douhtful  circumstances,  the  driving  all  the  Acadians  off  tlie  coun- 
try, thereby  greatly  strengthening  the  enemy,  is  more  eligible  than 
treating  them  as  subjects." 

Such  is  the  man  whom  Parkman  .sets  on  a  pedestal 
for  the  admiration  of  his  fellow-citizens.  True,  he  was 
*'  determined,"  "  energetic,"  "  resolute,"  and  these  qual- 
ities appear  to  be  those  which  Parkman  appreciates 
above  all  others.  I  am  willing  to  make  allowances  for 
times  and  circumstances ;  but  I  refuse  to  believe  that 
this  conduct  of  Shirley's  was  comformable  to  the  code 


/Ha. 


'I«l, 


m 


n 


I    \.' 


i^w 


!! 


0')-) 


A    rUKClKSOll   TO   LAWKENCK. 


of  luinor  tliat  (Iumi  previiiled,  how  low  soever  tlisit  was  : 
and  yet  all  this  vile  stuff  was  written  to  a  tluke  and 
a  secietaiy  of  state,  and  it  was  the  third  time  \\v  re- 
peated his  projeet,  at  the  very  moment  when  he  had  just 
assured  the  Aitadians  "of  his  Ijest  endeavors  to  olilain 
the  eontinuanee  of  the  Royal  favoj'  and  protection  : '" 
when,  as  ho  himself  said,  *'  they  were  under  the  sanetion 
of  a  treaty,"  and,  when,  as  Masearene  said,  "they  hud 
in  no  ways  joined  the  enemy." 

Need  we  Im;  astonished,  after  this,  that  a  man  (-(lUidly 
"  fuin  and  resolute,"'  but  moially  nuich  infeiior  to  Shir- 
ley, deported  the  Acadians  without  more  reason  than 
Shirley  would  have  had  at  this  time  ?  Shirley,  however, 
keeps  within  bounds  ;  feelings  of  honor  stop  him  some- 
where; the  limit  is  not  very  high,  it  is  even  very  low; 
but  we  ean  guess  at  a  vague  boundary  line  whieh  hi; 
prefers  not  to  oveileap.  This  \ague  line  is  the  treaty, 
that  oath  with  a  restriction,  the  dilheult  position  of  the 
7\c'adians,  their  i-t'sistance  to  the  seductions  and  threats 
of  the  enemy.  On  second  thoughts,  he  asks  himself 
whether  the  Acadians  should  be  blamed  for,  some- 
times, not  giving  information  to  the  government,  when 
tliey  were  prevented  from  doing  so  by  terrible  threats, 
and  when  this  government  was  unable  to  protect  them. 

These  objections  would  hardly  be  obstacles,  "  hi(t  tin' 
departure  of  the  Acadians  would  (/reafli/  atreni/theu  the 
enem.if  avl  would  make  the  reclaiming  of  the  Indians  im- 
practicohie.''^  This  is  the  serious  point.  At  bottom,  the 
politic  aspect  alone  interests  him,  and,  for  this  reason, 
"  it  is  more  elijiihle  to  consider  them  as  subjects." 

Between  Shirley  and  Admiral  Knowles  who  left  such 
a  poor  reputation  at  Boston  and  elsewhere,  there  is  at 
least   this  difference    that    the    fcnmer    is  amenable  to 


NKWCASTI.K   TO   THK    liKSCl'K. 


-'•J3 


(liploniiitic  I't.'iisoiis,  wliilt'  tlic^  liitter  stops  at  iiotliintj. 
Hut,  liiul  Sliiilcy's  diploniiicy  Iuhmi  iinytliin^'  nioic  tliiiii 
xkilful  wire-pulliuj^,  lie  iiiust  have  understood  that  not 
an  Aeadian  would  remain  in  the  conntiy,  if  they  wtMo 
deprived  of  their  relif^ion.  It  is  truly  leniarkable  that, 
not  on(!  of  these  ji;overn()rs,  except  MascarcMie  and  Ilop- 
^on,  roali/ed  this,  thou;>h  tin;  proofs  of  it  stareil  them  in 
the  face.  Evidently  they  judj^ed  others  hy  their  (»\vu 
feelings. 

Let  us  pass  to  the  reply  of  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  i 
May  :}Oth  following- (1747)  : 


)ii 


I.  ;    ■{ 

^,  ,,.  )" 


"Ah  you  aii<l  ^fr.  Waircii  hiivc  rcjjroHeiitcd  that  an  opinion 
prevaileil  amongst  tlw  Ai^atlians,  that  it  was  intended  to  rtniovi- 
thfin  from  tlieir  settlements  and  liahitations  in  tlie  Province  ;  and 
as  tliat  reiK>rt  may  prol)al>ly  iiavi'  Ik-cm  Jirttnlly  spread  amongst 
tliem  in  order  to  induce  liu-m  to  witiidraw  tiiemscives  Ironi  their 
allegiance  to  His  Majesty  and  to  taive  part  with  the  enemy:  His 
Majesty  tliinits  it  necessary  that  |)roper  measures  should  l>e  taken 
to  remove  any  sucli  ill-grounde<l  suggestions:  and.  tor  that  jiur- 
|M)se,  it  is  the  King's  plejisure,  that  you  sliouhl  decliire  in  some 
public  and  autlu-ntic  manner  to  His  Majesty's  subjects,  the  Aca- 
(iians  of  that  Province,  tliat  there  is  not  the  least  foundation  for 
any  apprehension  of  that  natur*^ ;  on  flic  roiitniri/.  it  is  His  Maj- 
esty's resolution  to  protect  and  maintain  all  sucli  of  them  as  shall 
continue  in  their  duty  and  allegiance  to  His  Majesty,  in  the  (piiet 
and  peaceable  possession  of  their  res])ective  liabitatioiis.  and  tlnit 
they  sliall  ('(nitiuue  to  enjoy  tJie  free  cvereise  of  tlieir  rrliffioii." 

TTore  aq-ain  is  a  strikinof  instance  of  the  immense 
superiority  of  the  I  Tome  authorities  on  the  .score  of  justice 
and  honor.  The  provincial  government  systematically 
misstates  all  the  facts  so  as  to  deceive  the  Home  Govern- 
ment; and  yet  the  latter  never  swerves,  to  any  great 
extent,  from  its  righteous  line  of  conduct.  When  Shirley 
has  done  all  he  could  to  get  his  infamous  project   ap- 


r':i? 


m 


■2-JH 


SHIULEV    (lAinsLKS    AXI»    KXI'LAINS. 


, 


MM 


Hi 


Itidved,  the  answer  conies  back  tliat  the  Acadians  should 
he  promised  ^^  the  free  exercitti'  of  theii'  rellj/t'on.'^ 

What  is  Shirlej-  going  to  do?  We  shall  see.  Hut 
first.  I  shall  produce  an  extract  from  another  of  Shirley's 
letters  to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  addressed  to  him  a  few 
days  before  the  receipt  of  the  preceding  one.  On  July 
8th  he  represented  to  him  that  the  French  had  just  left 
Grand  Pre  to  retire  to  Beaubassin  ;  that  they  ought  to 
be  dislodged,  that  English-American  colonists  ought  to 
be  settled  there  in  place  of  the  Acadians  of  this  district, 
"  a7id  fhene  AcadhinH  trauHplantt'tl  In  Netr  Enqland,  an<f 
dixfribiifed  nmonij  f  he  four  t/ove  rumen  fa  there.'' 

This  shows  I  was  quite  right  in  saying  that  Shirley's 
scruples  were  of  a  very  low  order,  almost  infinitesimal. 
He  was  nuich  put  out  b}-  the  orders  of  the  Duke  of 
Newcastle,  so  much  so  that,  for  a  long  time,  he  did 
nothing  at  all.  It  was  important  for  the  safety  of  the 
province  to  allay  as  soon  as  possible  the  api)rehensions  of 
the  Acadians,  lest  they  should  weary  of  waiting  and 
allow  themselves  at  length  to  be  seduced  and  convinced 
by  the  French.  But  Shirley  persisted  so  strongly  in 
his  project  of  Protestantizing  the  Acadians,  that  he  did 
nothing  for  several  months,  and,  when  he  made  up  his 
mind  to  act,  he  simply  suppressed  that  part  of  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle's  letter  which  ordered  him  to  promise  tliem 
the  full  exercise  of  their  religion. 

He  explained  his  conduct  to  the  Duke  on  Oct.  28th, 
when  a  whole  year  had  elapsed  since  he  had  promised 
the  Acadians  to  procure  from  the  King  himself  the 
promises  the}-  solicited.  In  this  letter  of  Oct.  28th, 
1747,  he  informs  His  Grace  that  he  has  just  drawn  up  a 
proclamation  conformable  to  his  letter  of  the  preceding 
30th  of  May  ;  but  that  he   has  taken  upon  himself  to 


}''*.■  ' 


SHIRLEY   GARBLES    AND    EXPLAINS. 


■2-2-i 


omit  the  clause  concerning  the  free  exercise  of  their 
religion : 

"  Because  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  does  not  seem  to  lay  His  Majesty 
under  an  obligation  to  allow  the  Acadians  the  exercise  of  the 

Roman  Catholic  religion.* And,  as  His  Majesty  is  as  y«'t 

under  no  promise  to  do  it,  /  sliould  hope  tluit  methodx  might  h' 
found  for  weaJcening  the  ties  of  coHsangidnity  and  religion.  .  . 
which  may  possibly  be  cut  off  o/-  at  least  obstructed  by  His  Majesty 
making  a  promise  to  continue  the  Acadians  in  the  free  exertiist' 
of  their  religion.  .  .  Therefore,  I  have  taken  the  liberty  to  suspend 
promising  them  tiiefree  exercise  of  the  Romish  religion,  thougli 
it  is  mentioned  in  your  Grace's  letter  to  have  been  part  of  what 
wan  to  he  included  in  His  Majesty's  in";ended  Proclamation,  till  I 
could  transmit  my  sentiments  to  your  Grace,  and  I  should  liavt» 
His  Majesty's  farttier  directions  upon  it ;  and  have  in  the  mean- 
time ma<le  a  declaration  of  such  points  as  seemed  necessary  to  be 
ascertained  to  the  Acadians  for  quieting  their  minds  and  ivould 
not  admit  delay."" 


m 


:5?i' 


28th, 
ru  up  ii' 

;eding 
Uelf  to 


What  an  accumulation  of  frauds  from  Nicholson  to 
Lawrence!  Pelion  on  Ossa.  Shirley  would,  indeed, 
have  included  in  his  proclamation  the  promise  of  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion,  but  that  promise,  emanat- 
ing from  His  Majesty,  might  ^^  possibli/ ^*  have  been 
"  an  obstruction.^^  A  trifle,  a  mere  nothing  which  could 
not  embavf-ass  a  statesman  !  A  simple  question  of  not 
pleo  riu!  imprudently  the  name  of  His  Majesty  without 
a'«olut3  necessity,  in  order  to  be  more  at  liberty  to  seek 
%fme  I'leans  of  weakening  this  senjieless  attachment  they 
Lave  for  their  religion  ! 

Muscarene  communicated  u     '  .  Acadians  Shirley'.s 


♦  By  the  treaty  of  Utrecdt :  "  The  Acadians  are  to  enjoy  the  free  exeroiBe 
qI  their  religion  according  to  the  usage  «f  the  Church  of  Ron\e,  as  far  us 
the  laws  of  Great  Britain  do  allow  the  sjvme."  In  1730  the  Acadians  n»?r(>»«rt 
to  take  the  oath  only  because  this  iiriviloge  was  more  explicitly  <»i-aiited 
to  them  anew  by  Philipps. 
15 


MMi^'^- 


'Sik) 


MASCARENE  THE  COMFORTEB. 


inoclamation  on  Oct.  21st,  1747.     To  their  deputies  he 
wrote : 

"  You  have  in  possession  His  Excellency  William  Shirley's  Pro- 
clamation, whereby  you  may  be  made  easy  in  that  respect,  you  are 
senxible  of  the  promise  I  made  to  you,  the  etfects  of  which  you 
have  already  felt,  that  I  would  protect  you  so  long  a  by  your  con- 
duct and  fidelity  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain  you  would  enahl« 
me  to  do  so,  which  promise  I  do  again  repeat  to  yov." 

1  do  not  believe  the  Aoadiaus  were  fully  satisfied 
with  Shirley's  proclamation.  The  tenor  of  Mascarenes 
letter  seems  to  indicate  that  he  was  anxious  about  it, 
and  that,  knowing*  the  confidence  he  iutjpired  them 
with,  he  relied  quite  as  much  on  his  own  pci.-<()nal  assur- 
ance, to  dispel  their  doubts,  as  on  Shirley's  ijiolUuuu- 
tion.  They  had  been  left  more  than  a  year  under  an 
impression  that  was  but  too  well  grounded.  During  all 
this  time,  in  order  to  maintain  their  fidelity  to  the  oath, 
they  had  resisted  the  arguments,  cajoleries  and  threats 
of  the  French  ;  and  if,  by  exception,  some  assisted  the 
enemy,  these  exceptions  were  so  rare  tliat,  taking  ail  in 
all,  they  count  for  nothing  ;  and  it  may  be  reasonably 
supposed  that  these  exceptions  would  not  have  existed, 
if  the  projects  formed  against  them  had  not  come  td 
their  knowledge. 

In  all  this  1  fail  to  see  the  •'  weakness  of  purj  ■.>■ "" 
witli  which  Parkman  entertains  us  ;  it  is  rather  a  fii  lu 
ness  that  resembles  obstinacy.  The  sequel  will  show- 
how  far  this  funmess  went.  Here  I  shall  lay  aside  the 
documents  1  possess  in  order  to  quote  Parkman  him- 
self, who,  to  my  surprise,  sums  them  up  faithl'ully 
enough  in  his  new  work   "  Half  a  Century's  Conflict : "" 

'  De  Ramesay,  who  was  at  Grand  Pre,  on  learning  the  iij)pr(>iiL'» 


I 


FltiHT  AT  OKANl)   IMtl. 


227 


ln>\v 

liiiu- 

illv 


Ivoac'i 


of  an  English  force,  hiul  tried  to  persuaih'  the  AcatUans  tiiat  they 
were  to  be  driven  from  their  lionies,  and  tliat  their  only  hope  was 
in  joining  with  him  to  meet  force  by  force,  but  they  trusted 
Shirley's  recent  iussurance  of  protection,  and  replied  tliat  they 
would  not  break  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  King  George.  On  this, 
de  Ramesay  retreated  to  his  old  station  at  Btniubassin.  and  Noble 
and  his  men  occupied  Grand  Pre  without  opiwsition."* 

A  few  months  later,  in  February,  1747,  took  place  the 
memorable  light  at  Grand  Pre,  which  we  have  aheady 
mentioned.  Surprised  during  the  night  by  the  French 
under  the  command  of  Coulon  de  Villiers,  who  haci 
taken  advantage  of  the  darkness  and  a  blinding  snow- 
storm, the  English  troops  occupying  this  new  post  were 
obliged  to  capitulate  after  losing,  according  to  French 
reports,  a  hundred  and  forty  offic^ers  and  soldieis  killed, 
among  whom  were  Colonel  Noble,  his  brother.  Lieu- 
tenants Lechmere,  Jones  and  Pickering,  and  iifty-four 
taken  prisoners,  among  whom  was  Edward  Howe,  com- 
missary of  the  English  troops  in  Acadia. f  Not  long 
before,  when  some  Acadians  had  warned  Colonel  Nol)le 
that  the  French  were  planning  an  assault  on  (Irand  Pre, 
they  were  laughed  at:  "  They,  the  people  of  Mines," 
says  Murdoch,  "  had  assured  the  English  that  the  French 
would  come  and  attack  them,  but  the  English  were  in- 
credulous, relying  on  the  severity  of  the  winter."  | 

The  Frencli  then  found  themselves  masters  of  (iiand 
Pre,  after  a  battle  in  which  they  had  defeated  iuid  driven 

*  Piirknuiu  must  bo  li(>ri>  iilludin^  only  to  thi>  lli'st  Icttor  of  Shirlt-y  totht) 
Aciuliaus  and  not  to  his  i>ro('liiniatiou,  siiiL-o  Onmd  Prt'i  was  occupii'd  by 
Col.  Noblo  in  tho  aiitunin  of  1740,  and  the  proolamutiou  is  dated  Oct.  '21st. 
1747. 

t  The  French-Canadiau  nobility  wore  numm'ously  repri'st'iitcd  at  this 
eomlwit:  "  Cotilondc  Villiors,  LaCornc  do  St.  Luc,  do  Boaujou,  do  I,ory,  do 
(raspo,  de  Lotbiniore.  de  LiKni'Hs,  do  RopontiKny.  do  Hif^auvillo,  do  Lau- 
gis,  do  Hoishi^bort.  do  Lusignau,  do  la  Columljioro,  do  fiuilleul  ;"  wero 
j)rosont  also  MM.  Marin,  Morcior,  Ma.jur. 

J  Cf.  Ilauiuiij,  Hist,  of  Acadia,  p.  349. 


j'"^ll 


»,..^. 


}^m 


ill 


i-i 


\ 


228 


PilESSUUK   IMMENSK. 


away  the  English ;  after  a  capituhition  in  virtue  of 
which  the  coiiqueied  had  given  up  the  post  with  all  it 
contained,  and  had  pledged  themselves  to  retire  to 
Annapolis  and  not  to  bear  arms  for  six  months.  It  was, 
properly  speaking,  a  conquest  of  this  part  of  Acadia. 
Tlie  Acadians,  who  dwelt  therein,  thus  changed  mas- 
ters, at  least  they  might  have  reasonably  believed  they 
did,  and  it  was  possible  to  find  more  arguments  in  favor 
of  this  view  than  of  the  contrary  one.  De  llamesay 
directly  understood  the  advantage  he  could  derive  from 
this  situation :  he  avail'^d  himself  of  it  to  issue  a  proc- 
lamation in  which  he  declared  that,  by  this  battle, 
France  had  reconquered  this  part  of  Acadia ;  that  the 
Acadians  had  thereby  become  once  more  French  sul>- 
jects,  and  that  therefore  they  owed  submission  and 
fidelity  to  the  French  Government ;  that  they  should  no 
longer  entertain  any  relations  with  the  English  under 
severe  penalties. 

To  this  proclamation  the  Acadians  replied  by  a  letter 
of  which  we  have  only  the  conclusion  : 

"  Thus,  sir,  we  beg  of  you  to  regard  our  good  will  and  at  tlie 
same  time  our  powerlessness,  poor  people  as  we  are,  burdened, 
most  of  us  with  large  families,  without  succor  if  obUged  to  evacu- 
ate the  country,  a  disaster  that  daily  threatens  us,  that  keeps  us  in 
continual  fear,  for  we  see  ourselves  in  proximity  to  those  who 
have  been  our  rulers  for  such  a  great  number  of  years." 


Meanwhile,  they  wrote  to  Mascarene,  explaining  their 
situation  and  communicating  to  him  a  copy  of  de 
Ramesay's  proclamation. 

Not  content  with  the  result  of  his  proclamation,  de 
Ramesay  applied  to  the  Governor  of  Canada  to  obtain 
from  him  orders  confirming  his  own.     Upon  receiving  a 


BUT    UNAVAILING. 


reply,  he  addressed  a  new  proclamation  to  the  Acadia*!!, 
ordering  thera  in  the  name  of  the  King  of  France  to 
take  up  arms  against  the  English,  and  adding  an  extract 
of  a  letter  of  the  Governor  of  Canada,  which  was  as 
follows : 

"  We  consider  ourselves  as  masters  of  the  districts  of  Beaubas- 
sin  and  Mines,  since  we  have  driven  off  the  Englisli.  Tlierefore, 
there  is  no  difficulty  in  forcing  the  Acadians  of  these  parts  to 
tiike  arms  for  us  :  to  which  end  we  declare  to  them,  tliat  they  are 
discharged  from  the  oath  that  they  formerly  took  to  the  English, 
by  which  they  are  bound  no  longer,  as  had  been  decided  by  the 
authorities  of  Canada  and  Monseigneur  our  bishop." 

The  pressure,  it  must  be  admitted,  was  immense.  It 
was  Ramesay's  second  proclamation,  and  this  time, 
besides  his  jjereonal  opinion  on  the  lawfulness  of  his 
pretensions,  he  produced  thtat  of  the  Governor  of  Canada 
and  even  that  of  the  Bishop  of  Quebec.  Besides,  every- 
thing seemed  to  show  that  the  conquest  and  capitulation 
did  indeed  release  the  Acadians  from  their  oath  of 
fealty. 

Nothing  of  all  this  seems  to  have  had  any  effect  on 
the  Acadians.  On  June  8th  following,  Shirley  wrote 
to  the  Duke  of  Newcastle  : 

"  I  have  nothing  to  add  to  my  letters,  which  I  have  latelj'  trans- 
mitted to  Your  Grace,  except  that  Mr.  de  Ramesay  is  still  at 
Beaubassin  with  liis  party  in  expectation  of  a  reinforcement  from 
Ciinada.  .  .  and  that  he  has  not  thought  fit  to  venture  again  to 
Mines,  but  insists  in  his  messages  to  the  Acadians  there,  that  they 
should  look  ujwn  tliemselves  as  subjects  to  the  King  of  France, 
since  the  New  England  troops  were  obliged  to  retire  out  of  their 
District  by  capitulation,  but  that  this  /(fi.s  had  )io  effect  vpon  the 
Aendianf,  the  reinforcement  which  I  sent  there  afterwards  having 
taken  repossession  of  Mines,  .  .  .  and  the  deputies  having  there- 
upon renewed  their  oath  of  fidelity  to  His  Majesty  at  Annapolis." 


"^, 


is -'r  ( 


230 


BUT    UNAVAIF.INO. 


It  is  not  easy  to  see  in  all  of  this  any  sign  that  the 
Acadians  were  "  weak  of  purpose,"  and  such  slaves  to 
the  influence  of  the  clergy,  since  they  resisted  even  the 
opinion  of  a  bishop,  if  it  be  true  that  this  opinion  was 
not  invented  or  misapplied.  Subsequent  events  will 
abundantly  prove  that  their  firnniess  or  even  their 
ol)stinacy  was  the  same  up  to  the  deportation. 

What  more,  then,  was  wanted  to  satisfy  the  Govern- 
ment and  deserve  its  gratitude  ?  Mascarene  perfectly 
understood  that  the  safety  of  the  province  was  due  to 
the  firm  attitude  of  the  Acadians,  and,  had  he  been  left 
to  himself,  I  doul)t  not  they  would  have  received  from 
him  a  most  equitable  treatment ;  but  Shirley  was  far 
from  allowing  himself  to  be  guided  by  such  high 
motives.* 


*  Not  a  single  one  of  the  docuiueuts  cited  iu  tliis  eliapter  is  I'ouud  iu  the 
vulumo  of  the  archives. 


1*1,!  iHj-; 


LUt'lSBUUG    UESTUUEU. 


231 


CHAPTEIi  XIII. 

Signing  of  the  treaty  of  Aix-la-Chapelle — Cape  Breton  restored  to 
JVance — The  Frencli  remain  in  their  jxwitions  on  tlie  north  side 
of  the  Bay  of  Fundy — Founding  of  Halifax,  June,  1749 — Proc- 
lamation of  the  new  governor,  Edward  Cornwallis — Oath  with- 
out restriction  exacted  or  departure  within  three  months — 
Refusal  of  the  whole  population — EmbaiTassment  of  Cornwallis — 
Temporizing — Founding  of  Beausejour  by  the  French — Their 
efforts  to  attract  the  Acadians. 


Peace  was  coiKtliided  in  October,  1748,  at  Aix-la- 
Chapelle.  The  treaty  left  the  respective  situations  of 
the  two  nations  as  they  were  before  the  war.  The 
l^rovinces  or  towns,  that  were  conquered,  were  restored. 
1/ile  Royale  (Cape  Breton)  was  given  back  to  France. 

Foi"  special  reasons  this  restoration  was  particularly 
vexing  to  the  Anglo-Americans.  To  them,  indeed, 
belf)n<Ted  the  honor  of  having  taken  Louisburj^f.  where 
their  militia  had  given  proofs  of  much  courage  and  skill. 
This  fortress,  which  had  cost  France  so  much  mone}-, 
had  been  a  continual  menace  to  the  Englisli  posses- 
sions :  the  news  of  its  fall  had  been  hailed  with  great 
rejoicings,  and  its  restitution  left  bitter  regrets. 

Nearly  forty  years  had  elapsed  since  the  treaty  of 
Utrecht,  which  had  stipulated  that  France  was  to  cede 
Acadia,  but  without  otherwise  specifying  what  consti- 
tuted Acadia.  Its  frontiers,  as  well  as  those  of  the 
whole  of  Canada,  were  to  be  determined  by  commis- 
sioners to  be  appointed  for  tliis  purpose.     Nothing  had 


■MM'-': 


ft'.-*.;'''      '.I' !■' 


J  <<*•*''■ 


232 


WHAT   WAS   ACADIA  ? 


yet  been  regulated  at  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Aix- 
la-Chapelle,  nor  did  this  treaty  decide  the  question. 

The  neglect  to  settle  the  frontier  difficulty  was  to 
give  rise  to  many  other  difficulties,  find  eventually  to 
inflict  on  France,  not  only  humiliation,  but  a  blow  tlu' 
consequences  of  which  were  the  most  disastrous  it  had 
ever  experienced.  Until  now  France  and  England 
seemed  Ui  istruggle  with  ec^ual  chan(;es  of  success  fm- 
the  empire  of  the  sea;  Spain  had  been  left  in  the  lurch. 
The  Seven  Yeai"s' War  was  about  to  decide  that  Kuu:- 
land  should  definitively  occupy  the  first  pliice  ;  that 
its  language,  civilization,  and  institutions  .should  spread 
over  all  colonizable  countries,  sill  the  strategic  points 
of  the  Old  and  New  worlds  ;  that  its  industry  and  its 
commerce  should  assume  an  immense  development  and 
bring  it  great  wealth  ;  that  its  wares  and  its  money, 
scattered  broadcast  over  the  surface  of  the  olobc.  sliould 
secure  for  it  a  preponderating  influence  in  tlie  council 
of  nations. 

The  English  claimed  that  Acadia  ought  to  comprise 
all  New  Brunswick,  besides  the  peninsula  ;  wliile  the 
French,  on  the  other  liand,  claimed  all  the  country  to 
the  north  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy  and  even  the  east  coast 
of  the  peninsula  ;  nor  were  reasons  wjuiting  to  support 
each  of  these  alleged  rights,  since  these  rights  were 
based  on  undefined  or  contradictorv  charters  granted 
n.ore  than  a  centur}-  before.  In  each  case  and  for 
similar  reasons  the  conflicting  parties  asked  for  more 
than  they  knew  tliey  had  a  right  to  or  than  they  hoped 
to  obtain. 

Meanwhile,  Captain  ^larin,  after  the  treaty  of  Aix-la- 
Chapelle,  occupied  the  north  coast  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy, 
that  is,  all  the  countrv  that   is    now  New    Brunswick, 


t 


WHAT    WAS   ACADIA? 


leaviiit^  It)  ilii!  Kiiurlish,  until  tlie  decision  of  the  com- 
iiiission,  the  present  province  of  Nova  Scotia  except 
the  island  of  Cape  Breton.  Marin's  territory  comprised 
the  Acadian  settlements  of  the  river  St.  John,  of  Chi- 
jiody,  Memranicook  and  Peticodiac.  Beaubassin  was 
situated  partly  on  the  Fiench  side,  partly  in  the  penin- 
sula. 

This  state  of  affairs  awakened  in  the  mind  of  tht;  Kiig- 
lish  authorities  the  idea,  often  expressed  by  Philijips, 
Mascarene  and  Sliirley,  of  founding  English  colonics  in 
Nova  Scotia.  The  two  fii-st-named  suggested  the  estalj- 
lishment  of  a  fort  at  Beaubassin,  and  the  colonizing  of 
the  isthmus  from  the  eastern  extremity  of  the  Bay  of 
Fundy  as  far  as  Bay  Yerte.  Shirley,  as  we  have  seen 
elsewhere,  proposed  moreover  to  take  away  fioin  tlie 
Acadians  a  part  of  their  lands  and  to  introduce  thereon 
colonists  from  New  England,  in  order  the  moi'c  effect- 
ually to  make  the  Acadians  English  and  bring  about  their 
conversion  to  Protestantism.  Whatever  may  have  been 
the  reason,  whether  neglect,  or  the  dangers  of  the  situa- 
tion on  account  of  the  liostility  of  the  Indians,  or 
because  these  projects  implied  too  great  an  ex[)en(liture 
of  money,  or  because  already  those  colonists  of  Massa- 
chusetts inspired  the  imperial  government  with  distrust ; 
at  any  rate  nothing  had  been  effected. 

The  first  of  these  projects  had  become  harder  to  realize 
on  account  of  the  great  expansion  of  the  Acadian  popu- 
lation in  these  parts  ;  on  the  other  hand  Shirley's  pro- 
ject, which  implied  spoliation  and  an  odious  infringe- 
ment of  the  religious  liberty  guaranteed  by  a  treaty, 
was  not  to  be  encouraged  by  the  English  Government, 
always  more  equitable  and  humane  than  the  colonial 
authorities. 


m^ 


u.J-nr 


,mf 


■0' 


iiir 


^w 


234 


rtAFIU    INC'RKASK. 


The  Acadian  population  had  increased  tvith  surprising 
rapidity.  From  175  lieads  of  families  who  arrived  in 
Acadia  at  different  times  in  the  course  of  a  century,  a 
little  nation  had  sprung  up,  which,  at  the  time  of  the 
cession  of  the  country,  counted  2,500  souls,  7.11-4  in  the 
year  1739,  and  about  12,500  in  1749.  Of  this  number 
nearly  3,500  dwelt  north  of  the  present  bordei-s  of 
Nova  Scotia  on  the  territory  then  occupied  by  the 
French. 

The  position  of  these  latter  Acadians  was  going  to  be- 
come exceedingly  critical  and  perplexing.  Until  then, 
this  part  of  the  country  had,  jjroperly  speaking,  been 
held  neither  by  France  nor  by  England.  The  inhabit- 
ants, who  occupied  it,  especially  those  of  River  Si. 
John,  Chipody,  Meniramcook  and  Peticodiac,  had 
governed  themselves,  or  rather  lived  peacefully  without 
goverinnent,  without  control,  without  intervention. 
As  France  had  ceded  Acadia,  and  as  they  were  the  sons 
of  the  Acadians  established  in  the  peninsula,  they  made 
no  difficulty  in  acknowledging  themselves  English  sub- 
jects, and  in  1730  they  took  the  oath  of  fealty. 

The  encroachments  of  France,  before  the  decision  of 
the  commission  appointed  to  fix  the  limits  of  Acadia, 
determined  England  to  found  an  English  colony  and  a 
fortified  post  that  might  serve  as  a  counterpoise  to 
Louisburg.  Chibucto  Bay  was  chosen,  and  the  found- 
ing of  Halifax  decided  in  March,  1740.  Fourteen 
ships,  bearing  2,750  persons  with  all  the  necessary  pro- 
visions and  a  complete  civil  organization,  comprising  an 
administrative  council,  magistrates,  a  schoolmaster,  a 
minister,  as  well  as  merchants,  artisans,  and  clerks,  set 
sail  on  May  14th,  and  entered  Chibucto  harbor  June 
27th    following.      Edward    Cornwallis   was    the   new 


STi;ATKtH<'    VALl'K   OK    HAMI  AX. 


•2:V) 


Sjovenioi 


flalit'tix  Wiis  t'uiindeil.  The  plmMj  was  most 
judii.ioiisly  chosen.  Tlie  French  had  made  the  mistake 
of  oveilookiug  the  advantages  of  this  harlx)i'  and  of  j)rc- 
ferring  Louisburg  to  it.  The  English  were  perhaj>s 
wrong  in  <lehiying  so  h)ng  to  occupy  it.  Acadia  had 
been  forty  years  in  their  possession,  and  yet,  in  t74H, 
there  were  not  a  dozen  English  colonists  in  the  whoh; 
province.  Tlie  consequence  was  that  the  Annapolis 
garrison  would  not  have  l)een  able  to  subsist  without  the 
Acadians,  and  this  dependence  on  them  had  been  partly 
the  cause  of  all  the  efforts  and  frauds  of  the  governors 
to  retain,  against  their  will,  a  population  whic^h  had  for 
a  long  time  wanted  to  withdraw  at  any  cost. 

The  much-delayed  foundation  of  Halifax  repaired  to 
a  certain  extent  this  error,  which  had  no  grievous  c(»ii- 
sequences  for  England,  tiianks  to  the  mild  and  peaceful 
manners  of  the  Acadians ,  but,  later  on,  it  enabled  an 
unfeeling  and  conscienceless  governor  to  crush  this  little 
nation  and  inflict  on  it  woes,  the  remembrance  of  which, 
after  more  than  a  century,  still  tills  with  anguish  the  de- 
scendants of  those  who  were  his  victims. 

If,  upon  the  whole,  regard  Ijcing  had  to  the  times,  tlie 
Acadians  had  been  hitherto  governed  with  gentleness, 
they  met  with  different  treatment  after  the  foundation  of 
Halifax  ;  which  proves  that  this  gentleness  originated  in 
the  weakness  of  the  rulers  and  the  submissive  spirit  of  tlie 
governed,  ii^  the  fear  of  losing  a  population  whose  as- 
sistance was  indispensable.  How  could  they  have  been 
governed  harshly,  when  there  wt  i.  only  from  a  hun- 
dred to  a  hundred  and  fifty  soiuiers  at  Annapolis, 
when  the  mass  of  the  population  was  far  distant  from  the 
only  fortified  place  in  the  whole  country  ?  Such  a  state 
of  things  would  have  been  impossible  with   any  other 


;^•  -iii: 


23tl 


STl!ATK(il(J    VAU'K   <)1"    IIAI.ll  AX. 


but  a  pcacciiblti  imd  siibiuissivf  pfoitlc.  Oidcis  iiiiiy 
sometiiiies  havo  been  oxtHUtcd  rehutaiitly  or  slowl.v ; 
but  instaiict's  of  tliis  kind  are  so  ip><i*riiilicant  that  lliuy 
would  not  deserve  to  l)e  inenti(»ii  cm  they  not  tlie 

only  instances  on  rec^ord,  and  liiid  not  the  deportatinu 
invested  them  with  a  certain  interest,  lilven  when, 
under  Armstrong's  adniinistr;ilioii,  several  [triests  were 
arrested,  and  ill-used,  and  the  chnichi's  dosed,  wo  do 
not  hear  of  any  tlireat  or  ael  of  resistance  from  the  Aca- 
dians.  We  shall  see  tiie  same  self-restraint  later  on, 
despite  })rovocations  and  an  evei'-increasing  o[)[)ressi(m, 
all  of  which  was  sei-nungly  designeil  to  provoke  a  [)re- 
text  for  depoiting  them. 

As  may  be  sn[iposed,  this  new  town  suddenly  aiisiui,^ 
must  have  greatly  exercised  the  Acadian  centres.  An 
event  of  this  importance  could  ii'  "ail  to  entail  upon 
them  very  serious  proximate  or  'e  eonseciiiences  : 

they  must  have  understood  its  bearings  and  coinment«'d 
at  length  upon  the  new  situation.  Cleaily  this  was  a 
serious  enterprise,  a  colony  that  would  In;  strongly  en- 
couraged and  assisted  b}-  England.  What  boded  it  for 
them?  Would  the  actual  state  of  affairs  be  changed  7 
Would  their  hai)piness  be  ti'ouliled  thereby,  tin-  free 
exercise  of  their  religion  restricted,  or  entirely  taken 
away  from  them  ?  Mad  they  not  reason  to  fear  that  a 
part  of  their  lands  wouhl  be  conliscated  ?  It  may  well 
be  supposed  that  these  (juestions  and  others  of  like 
natiu'e  were  so  many  prol)lems  stated  and  discussed  at 
the  fireside  in  evening  chats.  In  this  leview  of  [)(»s- 
sibilities  it  was  very  likely  the  j)essimistic  opinions 
that  generally  prevailed. 

The  fleet,  as  I  have  said,  had  entered  Chibucto  harbor 
June  27,  1749.     A    few   days   later,    the   Acadlans  of 


('()HN\V.\M>IS    ANSWKItS    A    DKI'lTATlOX. 


2:^7 


Hiver  C'luiurd,  (iiiiiul  Pre  and  IMj^iguit,  Hunt  three  dei*- 
uties  to  the  new  j^overnor  lo  present  him  in  their  :>auie 
their  respects  an<l  their  honiuj^e. 

Jean  Mehin(,'on,  ChiiKh;  Lelilain^and  Philippe  Mehin- 
«,'on  were  the  three  deputies  admitted  to  tlie  presence  of 
the  Governor.  Tliey  weie  asked  if  they  had  any  petition 
to  present  from  the  Aeadians  of  their  district ;  they  re- 
plied that  they  liad  t;ome  simply  to  offer  their  resj)ects 
to  His  Excellency  and  to  know  if  their  condition  w.'uld 
remain  the  same  as  hefore,  esj)ecially  with  regard  to  the 
free  exercise  of  their  religion.  His  Kxcellency,  who 
had  just  drawn  up  a  proclamation  enjoining  upon  the 
Aeadians  to  take  the  oath  without  restriction,  communi- 
cated it  to  them  with  the  order  to  publish  it,  to  post  it 
up  in  all  public  places,  to  return  within  fifteen  days 
with  the  other  deputies,  and  to  give  an  account  of  the 
resolutions  of  the  inhabitants  of  their  respective  districts. 

On  July  29th,  the  date  tixed  for  their  return,  despite 
the  long  distances  they  had  to  travel,  the  Acadian  depu- 
ties of  the  whole  province,  including  those  residing 
north  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  had  reached  Halifax,  namely : 

Alexandre  Hubert,  i  *  v 

r       1  T^  i  Annapolis. 

Joseph  Dugas,         )  ^ 

Claude  Le  Blanc,  |  Grand  Pr^. 

Jean  Melan^on,    j  Riviere  aux  Canards. 

Baptiste  Gaillard,  |  p.  .      ., 

Pierre  Landry,        j      &  &      • 

Pierre  Gautereau, — Cob^quid. 

Pierre  Doucet,   i  .j       , 

^  .    Tj  i  Beaubassin. 

tranqois  Bourg,  ) 

Alexandre  Brassard, — Chipody. 

"  They  were  called  in  before  the  Council  and  asked  what  reso- 
lutions the  inhabitants  had  taken  in  consequence  of  His  Majesty's 
declarations. 


m 


■^  ,'-f 


;v  <lfl»| 


S'- 


2;{H  uKsi'Krriri.  riioTKST. 

".Iran  Mt>l!in<;ori(K<livi>n<(l  to  His  Rx«'oll<'iu\v  ii  letter  wlieicin.  In- 
said,  was  coiitaiiUMl  their  answer,  which  letter,  heiiifj;  read,  llic 
Coiiiieil  AILS  «)t'  opinion  that  with  regard  U>  that  ))art  ol'tlieii  li'ittr 
dentandin^  an  exemption  t'roni  hearing;  arms,  it  was  the  o|)jni(>n 
ol  the  ( 'onncil  that  no  exception  shonid  Ih<  giixded  them,  Ixit  lii.ii 
they  shonid  he  told  jteremplorily  that  they  innst  lake  the  oath  ;is 
ulh'retl  them.  That  His  lOxeelleney  will  send  persons  as  soon  , is 
possil>l(>  to  administer  tlui  oath,  and  tiiat  all  sneh  as  are  willing  to 
eontinue  in  the  possession  of  their  lands,  nuist  appearand  take  the 
oath  iM'fore  the  '-itUli  of  Octoher.  which  will  he  the  la.st  day  allowed 
tluMn. 

"This  declaration  Iteinjj;  read  to  them,  they  asked  whethei.  it' 
they  had  a  mind  toevacuate  the  conntry  they  would  have  leave  to 
sell  tiicir  lantls  and  cirects.  His  Kxcellcncy  answered,  that.  Iiy 
the  Treaty  of  I'trecht.  tlu're  was  one  year  allowed  them,  wherein 
they  nii,L,'ht  have  sold  their  eirects.  hnt  that  at  the  present  time, 
thosi'  that  shoidd  choose  to  retire  conld  not  he  allowed  to  sell  or 
carry  »>IV  aiiytiiinK. 

'The  dei)iities  hej;  leave  to  retnrn  to  their  Departments  and 
<ons)dt  with  the  iidiahitanls.  I'pon  which  they  w»M'e  warned, 
that,  whoever  shonid  not  have  taken  the  oath  hel'ore  the 'Jtlth  of 
October,  shonid    lorleil    all    their   possessions  and    ri^^hts  in    this 


•ovince 


I'l 

"They  then  asked  leave  to  f::o  to  the  trench  }j;overnor  and  sei> 
what  condiiion  miKht  he  otVered  them.  His  Kxcellency's  order 
was.  that  whoever  siiould  leave  this  Province  without  taking  the 
oath  should  immediately  lort'eit  all  their  rights. 

•  The  secretary  was  ordered  to  write  all  the  pritvsts  to  repair 
liither." 

A  j>i'(icl;vii\iitioii  coiironnivblo  to  the  I'oply  of  tlit^ 
o-ovi'iiior  w;is  Iclt  in  the  liiuids  of  tlu;  tlopiitie.s  to  lu; 
]iul)lisluHl  ill  tlioiv  ivs])Ot'tivo  districts.  A  few  weeks 
!;Hcr  the  same  (lei)Uties  returned,  bearing  a  letter  to  the 
o'ovt'ir  )r,  signed  hy  a  thonsantl  persons,  iii  whieh  they 
most  eoiirteonsly  expressed  tlieir  views : 

"We  are  very  i-ontrite.  sir.  when  we  consider  the  p»'iviK'ges 
which  were  granted  to  us  hy  (Jeneral  Philipps,  after  wc  liad  taken 
tiie  oath  of  allegiance  to  His  ^hijesty.  .  .  .  ., 


RKSI'KrTI'TL    I'lJOTKHT 


•2W 


■  Tint  i/iiirs  iiffo.  llix  Mdjr.tt//  irn.s  jtlniHi'tl  ^»  f/niiit  iin  HmrH/ni/- 
Hii  lit  (if  (iiir  firojx'rtf/,  c/c,  rlr.  U'#'  harr  ircvivt'd all  flii'Hc  i>n>nn'm'H 
Its  I'oiniiuj  ffoni  llix  MujiHtif ;  irr  liavi'  t:nrniirii(iin(ilfi  rvlml  upon 
tln'iii  itml  liarf  midvtnl  svrrice  to  tlir  (Uu'vriiinnit,  never  liitrinfi 
IkiiI  the  Irish  to  ri(>l<tte.  niir  ndtli.  We  Ix-lifvc,  Your  Kxccllcncy. 
Iliat  if  f  lis  lyiiijfsty  hud  Ihtii  iiir<>rinc(l  of  our  coniluct.  towiinls  his 
(tov«>rnuu'iit,  he  woulil  not  propose  to  uh  jim  ojith  whir^h.  if  JaKi-ii, 
would  at  any  nionirn'  •'X|«>h(^  our  liv«'H  to^n-at  peril  from  thf  sav- 
aK«'  nations,  who  hiiv((  repn)a<;iif«l  us  in  a  Htranx*'  inaniM-r,  as  to 
the  oath  we  have  taken  to  His  Majt-sty.  This  one  hindinK  us  still 
more  strictly,  we  should  assuredly  he(!oine  the  victims  of  their 
harharons  «-ruelty."' 

"The  inhahitants  in  general,  sir.  have  resolved  not  to  take  the 
oalh  whicli  your  Kxcellency  reipiire  of  us  ;  l)ut,  if  your  Kxcelleiiry 
irill  tjriDit  IIS  our  olil  odili,  irliieli.  iriis  ifirni  to  doreriior  Phili/))is, 
iritli  on  <:riiiif>tioii  from  tiilcitiij  up  (inns,  ire  irill  aeee/it  it. 

"  Hut  if  YoiU'  Kxcelleiicy  is  not  (!is|)osed  to  ^rant  us  what  we 
t.ike  the  liherty  of  askinj^,  ire  ore  resolretl  rnri/  one  of  iis  to  Iriire 
the  eoinitrif. 

"We  take  the  liberty,  sir.  to  Im-j;-  N'our  Ivxcellencv  irhetlirr  or 
not  His  Mo  jest !/  lias  on  nulled  the  oiith  ijirni  to  us  tnj  (li'uenil 
I'liitipiis. 

"  Thereupon,  we  hope,  sir,  that  you  will  take  notice  of  our  liiini- 
lile  su|)plications.  and  that  Your  Kxcellenciy  will  allow  yourself 
to  he  moved  hy  our  miseries,  and  we.  on  our  |)art,  we  will  exert 
ourselves  to  the  utmost  in  praying  to  (fod  for  the  preservation  of 
your  person." 

("oiiiwiillis  lijul  [)i'(!vi()iisly  told  tliciii  tliiit  lliey  i^oiil*! 
<liiit  tlu!  ('(umtiy,  but  lliiit  tlic}'  .sliould  tiiki;  iiolliiiiLj 
awiiy  willi  tliein.  llu  liiid  commiUed  tliu  same  blunder 
as  liis  pi'edeeessors.  He  had  tliought  that  these  tneu 
were  too  mueh  attached  to  th«;ir  goods  to  lesigri  tluiin- 
selves  to  the  utter  abaudoiiineut  of  the  fruit  oi  their 
patient  labor.  Like  his  predeee.ssors,  he  was  deceived. 
I*erhaps  lie  did  not  yet  see  his  mistake  clearly ;  but  he 
was  soon  to  be  convinced  of  it. 

His  reply  was,  as  the  preceding  ones  had  been,  luirsli 
and  haughty : 


bA 


m 


m 


240 


COUNWALLIS    WAXES    WKOTH. 


'•  Yoifc  do  nothing  but  repeat  the  same  story  without  the  loa.st 
change ;  you  want  to  be  subjects  on  such  or  such  conditions.  That 
cannot  be.  All  those  who  chose  to  remain  after  the  Treatij  of 
Utrecht  have  become  British  subjects  and  could  not  have  imposeii 
conditions  to  their  becoming  sue)..  You  Imve  always  refused  to 
take  this  oath  without  an  un&rpressed  resen^ation  ;  I  tell  you  that 
Governor  Philipps  who  granted  you  such  reservation  did  not  do  his 
duty.  It  is  only  out  of  pity  to  your  inexperience  that  we  con- 
descend to  reason  with  you,  oth£rwise  the  question  would  not  be 
reasoning  but  commanding  and        ig  obeyed.'" 


Thus  did  he  dismiss  them  with  these  harsh  words, 
without  reiterating  or  even  mentioning  the  orders  con- 
tained in  his  proclamation,  and  without  so  much  as 
communicating  to  them  a  written  answer,  which  they 
awaited  in  order  to  transmit  it  to  the  inhabitants. 

His  letter  to  the  Lords  of  Trade,  five  days  later, 
shows  us  clearly  enough  the  state  of  his  mind  and  the 
current  of  his  thoughts  : 

"The  Acadian  deputies  have  been  with  us  this  week.  They 
came,  as  they  said,  with  their  final  answer.  Your  Lordships  will 
see  from  the  enclosed  copy,  that  they  are,  or  say  they  are,  resolved 
to  retire,  rather  than  take  the  oath  of  Allegiance.  As  I  am  sure 
tliey  will  not  leave  their  habitations  this  season,  when  the  letter 
was  read  to  the  Council  in  their  presence,  /  made  them  answer 
without  changing  anything  of  my  former  declaration,  or  saying 
one  word  about  it.  My  view  is  to  make  them  as  useful  as  possibh 
to  His  Majesty  while  they  do  stay.  If,  afterwards,  they  are  still 
obstinate,  and  refuse  the  oath,  I  shall  receive  in  the  spring  His 
Majesty's  further  instructions  from  Your  Ix>rdships. 

"  As  they  stayed  to  have  copies  of  my  answer  in  ivriting,  I  saw 
some  of  them  in  the  afternoon  by  myself,  and  exhorted  them  to 
be  faithful  to  His  Majesty.  .  .  They  went  home  in  good  humour 
promising  groat  things." 


Cornwallis  seems  already  to  be  doubtful  of  the  result. 
Had  he   known  tlieir  history  and  the  relations  of  his 


INJUDICIOUS    AStKOGAXCE. 


241 


predecessors  with  ilieni,  lie  would  have  iininediately 
understood  that  his  haughty  numners,  his  arrogance  as 
of  a  Roman  proconsul,  must,  while  alarming  them, 
produce  an  effect  just  the  opposite  of  what  he  intended. 
Any  humane  and  tolerably  observant  man  would  have 
realized  this.  He  had  ilattered  himself  that,  by  dc- 
liveriiig,  in  a  magisterial  tone,  these  subtilties  to  poor 
ignorant  people,  he  would  lord  it  over  tliem  and  thus 
stamp  out  all  resistance.  Tliis  showed  great  ignorant-e 
of  their  character.  Besides,  it  was  a  very  bad  begin- 
ning :  he  was  entering  upon  a  line  of  conduct  that 
could  bring  l»im  only  deceptions  and  humiliations  ;  he 
was  about  to  traverse  all  the  phases  througli  which 
Armstrong  and  Philip[)s  had  passed,  before  making  up 
his  mind  to  adopt  mild  and  conciliator^'  measures,  and 
then  it  would  be  too  late. 

Other  deputations  followed ;  memorials  were  pre- 
sented in  W'hich  were  narrated  the  facts  relating  to 
their  sojourn  in  the  country'  and  to  the  oath.  They 
recalled  the  treaty  of  l^trecht,  which  gave  to  all  those 
who  did  not  desire  to  become  English  subjects  the 
right  to  depart  within  the  space  of  a  year  taking  with 
them  their  movable  property  ;  they  mentioned  the  let- 
ter of  Queen  Ainie  which  enlarged  the  privileges  of 
the  treaty.  They  reminded  him  that  their  decision 
had  been  to  quit  the  country,  but  that  they  had  heeu 
always  prevented  by  all  sorts  of  means.  "■  In  presence 
of  so  many  obstacles  we  have,"  said  they,  "  offered  and 
taken  several  oaths,  all  of  which  were  based  on  that 
promise  of  exemption  from  service  in  war ;  if  we  have 
stayed  in  this  country,  it  has  been  with  this  explicit 
reservation,  and  the  finest  phrases  could  not  change  oui- 

conviction  on  that  point."     "  Your  oaths  are  illegal," 
16 


1,-1"  - 


M 


m 


.""si 


'  :Mi 


•242 


HIS   HKJH   MUaiTlNLSS. 


said  Cornwallis,  "and  if  the  preceding  governoi's  sanc- 
tioned them  by  their  promises,  they  delivered  to  you 
titles  that  are  null  and  void;  you  aie  here  subjects  of 
the  King  of  England,  even  without  having  taken  the 
oath  of  tallegiance  ;  you  have  tlierefore  lost  all  your 
rights,  and  it  is  a  favor  he  granted  you  when  he  con- 
sented to  admit  you  again  to  the  benefit  of  his  alle- 


giance 


The  Acadians  replied  that  their  claims  were  founded 
on  authentic  acts,  which  could  not  be  repudiated  or 
distorted  by  mere  Avords.  "  Governor  Philipps  had 
l>egun  by  denying  our  claims;  then,  after  examining 
into  them,  he  recognized  our  rights  and  consented  to 
grant  this  exemption  from  bearing  arms ;  he  assured 
us  he  had  full  authoi'ity  therefor.  If  we  have  been 
deceived,  the  King  cannot  turn  against  us  such  a 
fraud:  if  the  condition  of  our  sojourn  be  withdrawn,  we 
should,  at  least,  be  rephu'cd  in  the  position  that  the 
treaty  guaranteed."  Then  these  unfortunate  persons, 
who  naively  believed  in  justice,  brought  forth  the  copy 
of  the  acts  they  had  signed.  "We  have  always  lived 
thus  on  our  plighted  oath,  without  having  lieard  from 
any  one  that  these  agreements  were  null ;  on  the  con- 
trary, they  were  recognized  and  acted  upon  in  the  last 
war.  As  for  ourselves,  we  have  preserved  inviolate  our 
fidelity  to  the  oath,  despite  seductions  and  threats."' 
"  So  much  the  worse  for  you,"  replied  Cornwallis,  ''  if 
you  knew  not  the  invalidity  of  these  conventions,  y<»u 
now  have  only  to  submit,  or  you  shall  be  despoiled  of  all 
you  possess."  This  is  a  pretty  fair  summary  of  these 
negotiations,  says  Rameau,  whom  I  am  quoting. 

Obliged,  before  this  quasi-Majesty  to  couch  tlicir 
thoughts  in  terms  of  the  most  profound  respect,  obliged 


< ;  K  i:at  kx( ; i t i:.m  kn t. 


24.i 


to  avoid  even  the  appearante  of  a  contradiction,  they 
were  condemned  beforehand  to  be  in  the  wrong.  It 
was  the  eartlien  jar  against  the  iron  pot. 

However,  says  Murdoc^li,  the  liistorian  of  Nova 
Scotia:  "  The  memorials  wliich  these  Aca(hans  sent  to 
tlie  Council  were  all  stamped  with  a  respectful  modera- 
tion and  also  with  a  profound  conviction.  They  all 
rested  on  this  fundamental  point ;  an  oath  of  allegiance 
taken  with  all  due  restrictions,  from  which  they  had 
never  consented  to  swerve  since  the  concjuest.'' 

The  Acadians  invariably  asserted  that  they  willingly 
recognized  themselves  to  be  the  very  faithful  subjects  of 
the  King  of  England;  that  the  obligation  to  bear  arms 
against  their  compatriots  was  repugnant  to  their 
feelings;  that,  if  an  oath  like  the  one  they  had  already 
taken  were  accei)ted,  they  would  be  hapi)y  to  renuiin  in 
the  country  and  maintain,  under  all  circumstances,  the 
inviolability  of  this  oath. 

While  these  negotiations  were  being  carried  on,  the 
excitement,  as  ma}-  well  bo  expected,  was  increasing  in  all 
the  Acadian  centres.  Would  their  reijuests  be  granted? 
Should  they  depart  or  should  they  not?  ?.iany  were 
getting  ready  to  go  away;  the  majority  did  not  wish  to 
do  so  without  an  express  authorization  of  the  governor. 
The  French  still  occupied  the  north  of  the  Bay  of 
Fundy  :  they  were  building  a  fort  which  tliey  called 
Beausejour  at  a  mile  and  a  half  from  the  village  of 
lieaubassin.  (treat  efforts  were  made  by  Abbe  Le 
Loutni  and  the  French  to  in(hu-e  the  Acadian  colonists, 
and  particularly  those  who  dwelt  nea;  this  frontier,  to 
emigrate  ovei'  to  the  French  side.  The  haughty  and 
\nijust  conduct  of  Cornwallis  was  begiiuiing  to  produce 
the  results  he  ouglit  to  have  foreseen.     Irritated  by  the 


*f 


m 


^iti 


244 


( ;  It  EAT    KXC  rTKM  ENT. 


efforts  of  the   French  to  attract  the  Acadians  to  their 
settlements,  he  gave  Captain  (.'obb  the  foUowing  order  : 


"You  iiro  herebj'  to  proceed  to  Cliignecto  (Beaubassiii)  to  seize 
and  seeuri'  as  many  of  the  inliabitants  as  you  fan.  or.  in  case  tliey 
t|uit  tiieir  houses  upon  your  ai)proacli,  you  are  to  seize  and  secure 
an  many  of  tlieir  wives  and  children  as  you  tliink  jn'oper  and  de- 
liver tliem  to  the  fii-st  Enj^lish  Fort  you  wliall  come  to,  to  remain 
as  hostages  of  their  better  behaviour."" 


This  oi'der  however,  was  not  carried  out. 

So,  while  on  the  one  liand  lie  was  forcing  the 
Acadians  to  choose  between  swearing  allegiance  and 
leaving  the  country,  on  the  other  he  was  giving  orders 
to  prevent  them  from  taking  advantage  of  his  alter- 
native. 


BKIEF  RISTKOSI'FXJT. 


245 


CHAPTER  XIV. 


Cornwallis's  proclivniation  is  followed  l)y  the  departure  of  some 
families — The  emigration  threatens  to  heconie  general — In  the 
beginning  of  May,  1750,  the  Acadian  deputies,  assembled  at 
Halifax,  ask  leave  to  <iuit  the  country — Cornwallis,  frightened, 
changes  his  tone — He  avoids  giving  an  answer  ;  will  give  it  when 
they  have  done  their  sowmg — Seed-time  over,  the  deputies 
return  to  Halifax — Fresh  subterfuge. 

CojiNWALLiR  seemed  at  lengtli  to  understand  tliat  he 
•was  not  going  to  obtain  from  the  Aeadians  the  oath  he 
required;  tliat  they  would  submit  to  the  cruel  alter- 
native of  abandoning  their  property  and  leaving  the 
country  rather  than  consent  to  an  act  that  did  violence 
to  their  feelings.  All  the  old  artifices,  all  the  cheats  of 
Nicholson,  Vetch,  Armstrong  and  Philipps  were  to  be 
repeated  to  prevent  their  departure. 

In  Nicholson's  time,  as  we  have  seen,  the  Aeadians 
were  not  allowed  the  benefit  of  the  clauses  of  the 
treaty.  Under  various  pretexts  their  departure  was  made 
impossible.  On  the  one  liand,  French  vessels  wore  forbid- 
den to  enter  the  ports ;  on  the  other,  the  Aeadians  were 
not  permitted  to  take  passage  in  English  ships.  They 
built  themselves  small  vessels ;  but,  when  they  wanted 
to  equip  them  at  Louisburg,  this  was  refused.  Later 
on,  they  were  forbidden  to  apj)ly  at  Boston.  Undis- 
mayed, they  begged  the  French  authorities  to  act  as 
mediators  in  tlieir  favor  at  the  KiiLrlish   court.     When 


the   order    of    the 


English 


(lovenn)ient    instructinsr 


I  1. 


'imk 


\r 


i 
I* 


lilt 


246 


FKKNCH    NElTltALS. 


I'     ' 


Nicholson  to  give  the  Acadiaiis  full  permission  to  leave 
was  handed  to  Colonel  V^etch,  he  pretended  that  he  had 
no  authority  to  act,  that  he  must  await  the  arrival  of 
the  governor.  Nicholson,  on  his  return,  in  order  to 
avoid  obej'ing  ordei-s,  reserved  certain  points  to  the 
decision  of  the  Queen. 

For  three  years  the  Acadians,  who,  i)ei'haps,  trusted 
artlessly  in  the  good  faith  of  their  rulers,  waited  for  the 
answer  to  these  reserved  points  ;  it  ntjver  came.  SuIh 
sequently,  Philipps,  thinking  that  the  time  had  come 
for  exacting  an  oath  of  allegiance,  issued  a  iiroclamatioii 
ordering  the  taking  of  this  oath  within  four  months,  or, 
in  defaidt  thereof,  departure  from  the  province  without 
taking  awa^-  anything  but  clothes.  Ill  infoimed  of  the 
character  of  this  people,  he  believed,  as  his  predecessors 
did,  that  love  of  property  and  the  absence  of  all  means 
of  transportation  would  force  them  to  accept  his  pro- 
posals. Great  was  his  surprise  when  he  saw  them  at 
work  opening  out  a  road  for  their  departure.  Tliis 
contingency  had  not  entered  into  his  calculations.  lie 
was  equal  to  the  emergency  and  forbade  them  to  ct)n- 
tinue  that  road. 

At  last,  finding  that  inatteis  could  not  be  settled 
otherwise,  the  Acadians  resigned  themselves  to  remain 
in  the  country  and  to  take  the  oath,  on  condition  that 
they  should  not  bear  arms  against  the  French.  This 
condition  being  accepted,  the  struggle  came  to  an  end. 
Thenceforth  thej^  Avere  called  by  themselves.  l)y  their 
rulers,  by  everybod}-,  "•  The  French  NentraUy  During 
twenty  years,  relying  on  this  solenm  agreement,  they 
lived  in  the  most  peifect  tranquillity.  Not  onl}'"  the 
agreement  was  not  disavowed,  but  both  sides  observed 
it   scrupulously  during   all   that  time,    and   especially 


FRENCH    NKlTltALS. 


247 


(luring  the  war.  At  bottom,  there.  Wiw  good  fuiih  only 
on  one  side ;  the  government  was  waiting  for  an  opjmr- 
tunity  to  repudiate  what  had  been  merely  a  makeshift 
to  get  out  of  a  difficulty. 

The  opportunity  was  now  at  hand  in  the  foundation 
of  Halifax.  Cornwallis  could  now,  he  thought,  speak 
as  a  master,  ego  nominor  leo  ;  agreements  were  of  litth* 
weight  with  him ;  nor  was  it  necessary  for  him  to  {)lea(I 
want  of  iidelity  on  the  part  of  the  Acadians,  for  of  this 
he  says  not  a  word.  Might  for  him  was  all  sufficient  ; 
with  that,  a  soldier  of  his  importance  could  snap  his 
fingeix  at  arguments.  Like  his  predecessors,  he  believed 
the  Acadians  would  elect  to  take  the  required  oatii 
rather  than  lose  their  jjossessions.  Instead  of  a  year  or 
four  months — the  delay  granted  by  Philipps — he  allowed 
three  months  on!}' ;  and,  like  Philipps,  he  forbade  them 
to  take  anything  away.  When,  at  last,  he  came  to 
realize  that  the  Acadians  would  quit  the  country  rather 
than  submit  to  his  oath,  he,  too,  adopted  ''ways  that  arc 
daik :  *'  "  Ax  they  sfai/ed  to  have  eoplex  of  viif  aiiHicer  in 
•ivrifitii/,  I  mode  them  answer,  without  rhnH(jin;i  ani/thiti;/ 
of  mij  fanner  declaration,  or  saijin;/  one  word  ahoiit  it. 
My  view  in  to  make  thou  a.s  useful  as  possible  while  the// 
do  stay.''' 

This  happened  in  September.  He  hoped  that,  when 
the  season  would  be  more  advanced,  there  would  no 
longer  be  question  of  leaving  in  winter;  by  the  time 
spring  came  round,  he  could  find  some  other  pictext, 
should  they  persist  in  their  intentions. 

The  French,  as  I  have  already  pointed  out,  remained, 
after  the  Treaty  of  Aix-la-ChapcUe,  in  the  northern  })ai't 
of  the  Bay  of  Fund\-.  This  territory  was  disi)uted  by 
the  two  crowns,  and  the  question  referred  to  a  comniis- 


'■:M 


24ft      THK   (lOVKHN'Oir    OK   TANADA    IXTEllFEHES. 


Rion.  As  soon  as  the  foundation  of  Halifax  was  lesolvtvl 
upon,  the  French,  supposing  that  tlie  intention  of  the 
English  was  also  to  occupy  and  colonize  the  district  of 
Reauhassin,  liad  a  mind  to  settle  there  permanently. 
Cornwallis's  prochimation  to  the  Aeadians  deterniine(l 
the  KrencJi  to  improve  the  occasion  and  try  to  win  thoni 
over.  The  Governor  of  Canada,  M.  de  la  Jonquicre, 
sent  the  Chevalier  de  la  Coine  with  reinforcements 
stiongly  to  occupy  the  isthmus  from  Beaubassin  to  May 
Verte. 

During  this  autumn  of  1T40,  the  English  were  loo 
busy  putting  things  into  shape  at  Halifax  to  make  any 
effective  opposition  to  the  mano'uvres  of  the  French. 
The  lattei-,  taking  advantage  of  the  state  of  alarm  into 
which  the  Aeadians  had  been  thrown  by  the  Proc- 
lamation, left  MO  stone  unturned  to  induce  tlicm  to 
choose  the  alternative  of  departure  and  emigrate  all 
together.  The  Fieiuih  had  to  make  haste,  for  the 
English  would  not  fail,  the  next  year,  to  thwart  their 
plans.  ^leanwhilc,  as  a  check  on  them,  Cornwallis 
threw  a  small  garrison  into  Giand  Pre  under  Captain 
Handtield.  Instigated  by  the  French,  no  doubt,  three 
hundred  Indians  in  October  (1740),  blockaded  this 
gariison  with  a  view  to  enable  the  Aeadians  to  quit  tlie 
country  without  being  molested  by  the  soldiers.  The 
attemj)t  was  made  in  vain  ;  not  one  of  the  Aeadians 
wished  to  leave  before  obtainiuLT  a  final  answer  from  the 
Governor  and  without  his  permission.  A  few  days 
later,  seeing  the  usclcssness  of  their  efforts,  the  Indians 
raised  the  bloi-kade,  taking  away  with  them  the  notary 
Le  Blanc,  Cai)tain  Hamilton  and  eighteen  soldiers  who 
liad  been  surrounded  and  made  prisoners  in  one  of  the 
sorties    of   tlie   garrison.     As    no  one  was  killed,  it  is 


A    NKNV    DOIMJK. 


249 


pvident  that  tlu;  oiilv  object  of  this  Jittaok  was  to  facili- 
tate the  (lepaitine  of  tiie  Acadians. 

Oil  the  allidavit  of  Iloiiore  Gauterot,  a  warrant  was 
issued  for  tlie  arrest  of  Chark^s  Uelxirt,  Fra)ivois  Kb 
I'i'ineu,  (^laude  Le  Prince,  Henauchon  Aiicoiii,  Joseph 
V^incent,  accused  of  liaving-  assisted  the  ludians :  hut 
tliey  couhl  not  he  arreste(h  At  C'olwquid,  where  there 
were  no  troops,  no  i)rotection  of  any  sort,  tlie  Imiiiins, 
by  threats  and  viohMice,  forced  a  ))art  of  tlie  j)opiilatii)n 
to  follow  them  before  tin;  arrival  of  tlie  troops. 

In  the  followinjjf  March  (17o0),  Cornwallis  wrote  to 
the  Duke  of  IJedford  : 

'' T proj)nsi' to  defer  i)ressin}<  tlu'in  upon  that  lioail  (tliH  oath  of 
allegiance)  till  we  Hee  what  can  be  dont'  at  Bfauhassin,  and  what 
settlers  come  from  England  :  then  I  irill  ileiiiaitd  a  fieremptor/f 
inisu^er," 

This  letter  had  not  yet  reached  its  destination  when 
( 'ornwallis  received  front  the  Secretary  of  State  tiic  order 
not  to  tixact  the  oath  for  the  present,  and  to  treat  the 
Acadians  Avith  kindness  in  order  to  wean  them  tioni 
their  intention  of  (luittin^r  the  i-ountry. 

At  last,  in  the  montli  of  May.  when  the  Acadians 
came  to  Halifax  to  beg  leave  to  de[)art,  there  was  noth- 
ing left  but  to  choose  betwtMMi  consenting  and  inventing 
some  new  dodge.  Pretexts  were  getting  rare  :  Nichol- 
son, Vetch,  Armstrong  and  Phili[tps  had  almost  ex- 
haitsted  the  supply.     However,  listen  to  Cornwallis: 

"  You  were  indebted  to  nte  for  not  havi'nq  made  ifon  leave  tlie.     'iX 

country  even  during  winter.  But.  after  having  past  the  winter  in 
the  province,  it  is  ridienlons  to  come  and  tell  me.  that  i/on  irill  not 
sow  having  resolved  to  withdron'.  My  friends,  ijon  must  go  and  .so/r 
your  lands  in  order  that  they  may  be  left  in  that  condition  in  which 


.'IvJi 


200 


COUNNVALLIS   COAXKS. 


they  inight  fn  hr  at  fhinm'(isnii,  in'thniif  tUiit  you  will  luvve  no  riglit 
to  export  tliv  h'iiHt  /iiritr  from  the  KovcriiriH'nt.  When  yon  hniv 
done  your  ihity  in  this  respect,  I  n'iU  yice  yon  a  more  preeise  rejily 
to  yonr  ret/next." 


'riit'V  luul  not  hoeii  allosvud  to  leave  in  English, 
Kieneli  or  Aeadiiui  vessels,  by  sen  or  land,  in  the  autumn  ; 
now  llic  springtime  is  <lenied  them,  for  they  must  sow 
their  huMJ.  'I'his  long"  series  of  subterfuges,  whieh 
would  l)e  incredible  if  ihe  proof  were  not  before  oui 
eyes,  consigned  in  documents  written  by  the  governors 
themselves,  is,  however,  not  yet  ended,  as  far  as  Corn- 
wallis's  contrilnuion  is  concerned.  The  Acadians  weic 
deteiinined  to  liave  the  last  word.  Seeing  that,  in  order 
to  obtain  permission  to  (juit  the  country,  they  had  to 
sow  their  land  for  tht;  btMielit  of  strangers,  they  did  so. 
When  this  worlc  was  over,  on  .May  ^oth,  they  once  more 
st(»od  btil'ore  the  (TOviM'iior,  hoping  that  this  lime  no 
new  objection  would  In;  raised.  Once  more  they  were 
(loomed  to  disappointnu'Ml.  'IMiere  yet  lemained  one 
pretext  which  had  not  been  uneai'thed  by  Nicholson, 
nor  Vetch,  nor  IMiilipps,  nor  hitherto  by  Cornwallis  him- 
self. <-)nly,  there  was  danger  lest  the  Acadians,  detect- 
ing his  purpose,  should  refuse  any  longer  to  submit  to 
his  trickery.  Hence  the  oratorical  precautions  with 
which  he  a[)pi'oachcs  tlu;  subject.  The  irrepressible 
martinet,  who,  slK)rlly  befoie  had  been  so  harsh  and 
haughty,  linally  understood  that  he  nuist  change  his 
face:  he    became   gentle,  insinuat  ug,  ;    flittteriug. 

J'arkman,  who  has  noticed  "     '      ,  of  the  farce  played 
anent  the   Acadians,  or  w  .^  purpose!     ignored  it, 

is  deeply  affected  by  Cornw     lis's  words : 


"  We  proniisetl  to  give  a  iJiecise  reply  lu  the  inhabitants,  witli 


I'Assi'oitTs  i!K(?ni:i:i), 


251 


it'rtpi'ct  to  tlu'  |M>rrnissioii  tli»'y  nsk  U»  Inivc  tln>  F'rovince  when  they 
shall  Ihii'i'  HDirn  their  hinds,  imi\,(ts  it  (ippeiirH  that  i/on  htire  olyej/eil 
our  (mhi-H  in  that  ptirticulai',  w«>  will  expluin  to  you  our  smti- 
iii»'iit.><  on  that  very  iui|Mjrtant  atfuir,  with  the  smiie  sitieerity  Hint 
in  hare  iilinii/s  iiidilr  use  of  toirnnls  yon, 

"  My  friends.  tlu>  nioint'ut  that  you  ha\-tMl('clar«>(l  your  dcHiri'  to 
l»'av»'  an<l  submit  yourselves  to  another  government,  our  deter- 
inination  was  to  hin«ler  nobody  from  followinK  wiuit  he  ima^ciiied 
to  be  liis  interest. 

"We  frankly  confess,  however,  that  your  determination  to  leave 
t fires  lis  pain. 

"  We  lire  ii'ell  aim  re  of  your  inilnstry  ami  your  teiiiperanie, 
anil  that  yon  are  not  aililieted  to  any  rice  or  lieliaurhery.  This 
PriH'hiei'  is  yonr  eonntry:  yon  or  ijonr  fathers  hare  enltirateit  it  ; 
iiatnrnlly  yon  oiiijht  yoiirselres  to  enjoy  the  fruits  of  yonr  labour. 

"  When  we  arrived  here,  we  ex|»ected  that  nothing?  would  K've 
yoii  so  much  ))leasure  as  the  determination  of  His  Majesty  to  settle 
this  Province.  Certainly  nothing  more  ailvantaKt*ous  to  you  could 
take  place.  You  possess  theoidy  cidtivated  lands  in  thisTroviiu  c  ; 
they  jiroduce  ^rain  and  nourish  cattle  sutlicieiit  for  tlu'  wlioli- 
colony.  \\\  ^\\oy{.  ire  flat fereil  oiirselres  that  we  iroiihl  make  yim 
the  liajijiiest  iieople  in  the  irorhl,  .  .  In  your  petitions  you  ask  fur 
a  j;eneral  leave,  .l.s  //  is  inii)ossihh'  that  yon  eonid  all  meet  at  a 
i-irtaiii  rendez-rons  in  order  to  .set  out  all  loijether,  icith  all  yonr 
fiiiin'liis.  one  must  midcrstand by  th(^  expression,  '  eonije  ijeiieral.'  a 
jjreiieral  permission  to  set  out  whenever  yon  shall  thitik  projier.  by 
land,  or  by  sea.  or  by  wliatevei- conveyances  you  please.  In  order 
to  etfect  this,  we  should  have  to  notify  all  tlu;  conunanders  of  His 
Majesty's  sbi[is  and  troops  to  allow  eveiy  one  to  i)ass  and  repass 
whicii  would  cause  the  greatest  confusion.   .   . 

••  Till' only  manner  in  irhieh  yon  ean  irithdrair  from  the  Pror- 
iiirr,  is  to  folliiir  till'  riyiilations  (dready  established.  The  order  i-i. 
that  all  peisoiis  wisliiu}^  li>  leave  tlu-  Prt)vinco  shall  provide  them- 
selves irlth  one  imssport.  And  we  declare  that  nothin>^  shall  i>re- 
veiit  us  from  giving'  such  ])assports. //m'  moment  that  peace  and 
trauipiillity  are  re-established  in  the  Province." 

C'oniwiillis  must  luivc  thouglit  hirnselt"  very  .skilful, 
\\\\i\  iudoetl  lu;  showed  great  skill  in  striving  to  reverse  the 
unfortuuiite  impi-i^ssioii  lie  had  at  first  produced,  and  to 
prevent  at  any  cost  the  departure  of  the  Aeadiuns.     Tired 


«!• 


"v  pi 


,1^' ! 


252 


TH?:    I'OWEU   OF    KINDNESS. 


of  short-lived  tricks,  which  had  several  times  betrayed 
his  bad  faith,  he  was  now  to  hold  the  key  of  the  situa- 
tion ;  he  would  make  that  situation  last  as  lon^  as  he 
pleased.  Nol)ody  could  leave  the  country  without  lirst 
coming  to  liini ;  it  was  always  in  his  power  to  refuse 
under  pretext  that  the  country  was  not  quiet,  or  under 
any  other  pretext,  it  mattered  little  which;  the  nuiiii 
thing  was  to  put  an  end  to  these  deputations  that 
worried  him. 

This  subtei'fuge  was,  I  believe,  Cornwallis's  last ;  the 
country  was  tranquil,  and  would  never  be  more  so.  The 
Acadians  seemed  to  understand  that  those  passi)orts 
would  never  be  granted  to  them  ;  for  thencefortli  they 
ceased  to  press  their  claims.  They  had  l)een  told  to 
take  the  oath  or  go  ;  and,  in  point  of  fact,  the}-  had  no 
alternative  but  to  remain  at  the  good  pleasure  of  the 
rJovernor  or  leave  without  permission.  They  remained 
quietly  on  their  lands  until  tiie  time  of  the  depoitation. 
Tliose  who  had  chosen  to  emigrate  to  French  soil  luul 
done  so,  for  the  most  part,  the  previous  autunm  after 
Cornwallis's  proclamation. 

Cornwallis's  behavior  t(  ward  the  Acadians  was  not  i 
only  unjust,  it  could  not  have  been  more  unwise  than  it 
was  at  his  arrival  in  the  country.  Me  was  confnmted 
by  a  moral  and  peaceful  people,  from  whom  he  had 
reason  to  lioj)e  for  the  most  willing  assistance  and  t'w. 
most  complete  submission.  To  ensuie  their  j)ermanont 
attachment  to  the  Crown,  all  he  need  do  was  to  let  them 
understand  that  they  had  nothing  to  fear  from  him,  and 
to  treat  them  with  gentleness  and  humanity. 

After  giving  such  evident  proofs  of  their  fidelity  t<» 
the  oath  during  the  recent  war,  in  exceptional  eircnni- 
stances  \vhich  eidianced  their  merit,  after  receiving  the 


THE    PONVEl:    OF    KINDNKS.S. 


253 


assurances  of  His  Mtijesty  through  the  Secretan'  of 
State,  the  Duke  of  Newcastle,  the  Acadiaiis  might  have 
hoped  that  the  bearing  of  the  governor's  would  not 
change.  Cornwallis  had  only  to  let  his  better  nature 
appear.  JNfildness  and  justice  have  always  been  infal- 
lible methods  of  action  ;  otedience  and  sympathy  spring 
fi'om  kindness  as  water  from  its  source  ;  no  bond  is 
lasting  that  is  not  woven  of  sympatliy  and  justice. 
Scarcely  liad  Cornwallis  touched  the  soil  of  Acadia, 
when  the  Acadian  deputies  hastened  to  do  him  liomage. 
What  must  they  have  thought,  when,  instead  of  the 
cordial  welcome  they  had  a  right  to  expect,  they  were 
received  with  arrogance,  when  so  severe  a  proclamation 
was  flung  in  their  teeth  ?  Did  not  this  sudden  change 
seem  to  sa}- :  "  So  long  as  we  were  weak,  we  had  re- 
course to  all  sorts  of  subterfuges  and  stratagems  to  kee[) 
you  in  the  country ;  now  that  we  are  strong,  we  are 
going  to  speak  as  your  loids  and  masters  ;  we  mean  to 
treat  you  in  a  veiy  different  way?"  Had  they  not 
reason  to  fear  that  their  prisileges  would  be  taken  from 
them  one  by  one?  that  the  free  exercise  of  their  religion 
would  be  impeded,  perhaps  done  away  with  ?  Since  the 
solemn  agreements  made  twenty  years  before  in  the  mat- 
ter of  the  oath  were  no  longer  respected,  why  should 
their  other  privileges  escape  the  same  fate  ? 

For  still  another  reason  was  this  an  excellent  occasion 
for  winning  their  affectionate  fealty.  The  way  the 
French  officers  had  treated  them  during  the  invasions 
of  the  late  war  had  considerably  weakened  their  natural 
sympathy  for  France.  A  little  kindness,  together  with 
the  assurance  that  the  foundation  of  Halifax  would  not 
alter  the  good  undei*standing  of  the  last  ten  years,  would 
have  suty\.ed  to  bind  them  to  England  more  closely,  and 


(■-■■1    .      ■^: 


m 


'mm 

>'\''    r  ':~-iT- 


2fA 


A   LION    IX    THK   PATH. 


to  iiuluee  tliem  later  on,  without  pressure  and  without 
trickery,  to  take  the  much-desired  oath. 

Tt  would  seem,  at  first  sight,  that  with  the  foundation 
of  Halifax  the  retention  of  the  Acadians  had  ceased  to 
be  an  important  object.  Their  farms  were  the  mo.st 
fei-tile  in  the  province,  their  system  of  dikes  represented 
an  enormous  expenditure  of  labor ;  these  farms  could 
give  plenty  to  a  population  of  12,000  souls.  Quite 
true ;  but  there  was  a  lion  in  the  path,  as  ready  to 
devour  now  as  he  was  in  1713.  The  Indians  Avere  still 
the  irreconcilable  enemies  of  the  English.  Thisliostility 
was  skilfull}'  fostered  by  the  French  of  Cape  Breton. 
.So  long  as  the  latter  owned  a  square  mile  of  territory 
thereabouts,  it  would  be  impossible  or,  at  least,  dangerous, 
to  establish  new  colonies  without  effectively  protecting 
them  at  great  expense  against  those  Indians.  Otherwise 
no  one  would  risk  settling  there. 

However,  the  strongest  motive  for  keeping  the  Aca- 
dians was  the  increase  of  strength  the  accession  of  their 
ijreat  numbers  would  give  to  France.  This  considera- 
tion,  weighty  enougli  in  the  days  of  Nicholson  and 
Philipps,  was  doubly  so  now.  The  addition  of  thirteen 
thousand  souls  might  make  the  situation  of  England  in 
llie  peninsula  very  precarious.  This  Avas  cleai-  to 
Coinwallis,  and  just  as  clear  to  his  successor,  Ilopi^on, 
when  he  besjijed  the  Lords  of  Trade  not  to  force  him  to 
urge  this  question  of  the  oath,  alleging  that,  for  the 
moment,  it  was  inq)ossible  to  make  them  take  it.  and 
that  their  departure  would  be  the  ruin  of  the  country. 

The  Freni'h  were  as  much  interested  in  getting  them 
to  quit  Acadia  as  tlie  English  were  in  keeping  them 
there.  The  question  of  the  oath  hi\d  l)ei'U  settled  under 
Philipps   for    the  benetit  of  England,  and  thenceforth 


ItRJHTS   OK    THE    FItENCH. 


2o/> 


France  had  seemed  inditferent.  Jiut  Corinvtvllis's 
pit/clamation,  by  withdrawing  the  long-standing  agree- 
ment, had  re-opened  the  whole  question  and  now  left 
the  Acadians  free  to  depart.  As  the  proclamation 
itself  said,  the  only  issue  was  submission  to  an  unre- 
stricted oath  or  departure. 

Cornwallis  severely  criticises  the  conduct  of  the 
French  striving  to  win  over  the  Acadians,  and  their 
conduct  was  indeed  blameworthy,  rather  in  its  nietliods 
than  in  its  purpose,  for  it  was  France's  right  and  duty, 
as  a  party  to  the  Treaty  of  Utrecht,  to  have  an  eye  to 
the  fulfdnient  thereof.  Since  the  Acadians  had  the 
undoubted  right  to  quit  the  country,  the  French  had  an 
equal  right  to  persuade  them  to  do  so :  further  than 
persuasion  this  right  did  not  go.  Because  they  used 
undue  pressure  and  violence,  they  are  to  be  blamed,  and 
this  blame  they  deserve  to  receive  much  more  fiom  the 
Acadians  than  from  the  authorities  at  Halifax.  How- 
ever, the  guilt  of  the  French  does  not  surpass  nor  even 
equal  that  of  the  governors  :  in  the  one  case  there  was 
violence  in  the  exercise  of  a.  right,  in  the  other,  violence 
(Ufahist  the  exercise  of  a  right.  This  oath,  agreed  to  by 
Philipps,  was  for  the  Acadians  the  necessary  condition  of 
their  remaining  in  the  country,  it  bound  the  English 
Govermnent  quite  as  much  as  the  Acadians.  To  say 
the  least,  they  ought  to  have  been  restored  to  the 
position  they  occupied  before  Philipps's  compromise  ; 
that  is,  they  ought  to  have  once  more  become  free  to 
withdraw  within  the  space  of  a  year  with  all  their 
effects,  and  even  with  the  proceeds  of  the  sale  of  their 
property.  Cornwallis  had,  with  no  little  subtlety,  laid 
down  the  principle  that  no  man  can  be  a  subject 
conditionally.     But  governments,  as  well  as  individuals, 


'  i.i-  f  pi'' 


'it-;.,  J-  '*l 


jr  '•>'\i 


Jr-lil 


■%; 


3     .!-''» 


■'    ,  .ilM  •Willi' 


II 


it 


256 


ItliiHTS    «)I'   THK    KKKNCH. 


Tl, 


are  l)onn<l  to  the  coiulitions  which  they  accept.  iiieie 
is  no  k)opli()le  of  escape  liere.  Either  leave  to  depart 
must  be  granted  to  the  Acadians  who  chiinied  it  as  a  right 
recognized  by  a  solemn  treaty,  or  the  conditions  of  tlieir 
settlement  must  be  sanctioned.  This  latter  alternative 
liaving  Ijeen  accepted,  the  Government  was  as  strictly 
l)ound  as  private  persons  are  by  contracts.  Did  not  the 
autocratic  Tzar  accept  the  settlement  of  the  Mennonites 
in  liis  empire  under  the  same  condition  of  not  bearing 
arms?  True,  this  agreement  was  revoked  a  century 
later,  but  after  notice  given  long  beforehand  and  with 
the  privilege  of  selling  and  carrying  away  all  that 
belonged  to  them.  Could  a  constitutional  government 
like  that  of  England  do  less  ?  As  the  Acadians  wished 
to  leave,  they  would  have  been  justified  in  taking  no 
account  of  Oornwallis's  hindrances,  and  in  departing 
witli  their  effects  and  without  passports,  since  the 
exacting  of  the  latter  was  only  a  trick  to  keep  them. 
But  the  generality  of  them  did  no  such  thing.  They 
once  more  withstood  all  the  seductions  and  threats  of 
the  French,  as  they  had  done  during  the  war:  a  new 
proof  of  their  firmness  and  submission  to  the  Govern- 
ment ;  a  new  proof  also,  may  be,  of  the  non-intervention 
of  their  clergy,  if  not  of  the  slight  influence  of  the 
latter. 


E!'i 


:    »»l 


MISSION AKY   TO  THE   INDIANS. 


257 


CHAPTER    XV. 

Doings  of  the  Frencli — The  Abbe  Le  Loutre — His  character — 

Parkman's  opinion. 

The  entire  summer  of  1750  was  devoted  by  the 
Frencli  to  fortifying  Fort  Beausdjour,  which  they  had 
begun  the  previous  autumn.  It  was  in  the  most  land- 
ward part  of  tlie  Kay  of  Fundy,  on  a  high  hill  north  of 
the  village  of  Beaubassin  and  of  the  little  river  Messa- 
gouetclie,  whicli  the  French  considered  as  the  frontier 
of  Acadia,  until  the  decision  of  the  commission  then 
sitting.  This  district  of  Beaubassin,  or  Chignecto,  as 
it  was  sometimes  called,  had  become  very  populous,  and 
contained  a  vast  extent  of  very  fertile  meadow  land,  of 
which  a  large  portion  was  enclosed  by  strong  dikes. 
Northward  of  this  frontier  were  the  settlements  of 
Chipody,  Petitcodiac,  Mtnnranicook,  Jolicanir,  Aulac,  la 
pree  des  Bourgs,  la  pree  des  Richards,  Cocagne,  etc. 
Southward  were  the  village  of  Beaubassin,  the  Riviere 
des  Heberts,  Menoudy,  etc.  Thus  lialf,  or  nearly  half, 
of  this  district  was  on  English  territory,  and  the  French 
naturally  expected  that  the  English  would  lose  no  time 
in  occupying  it,  were  it  only  to  prevent  the  emigration 
of  the  Acadians. 

In   the  mean  time,  the   Abbe  Le   Loutre,    who  was  a 

self-constituted  agent  of  the    French,  made  great  but 

vain  efforts  to  determine  the  Acadians  that  lived  near 

this  frontier  to  go  over  to  the  French  side.     Here  it 
IT 


2C8 


INDIANS    HATE  THE   ENGLISH. 


m 


will  be  well  to  pause  and  consider  this  Ahh6  Le  Loutre, 
who  played  so  considerable  a  part  in  tlie  events  of  this 
epoch.  He  has  brought  upon  himself  much  hatred,  not 
less  from  the  French  officers  and  even  from  the  Acadians 
than  from  the  English. 

For  about  ten  years  lie  was  a  missionar}'  among  the 
Micmac  Indians  of  the  liver  Sliuljenecadie.  between 
Cobequid  and  Chibouctou  (Tinro  and  Halifax  ).  We 
hardly  ever  hear  of  him  till  the  war  of  1744.  In  1745 
he  accompanied  the  Indians  of  his  mission  and  others  in 
an  expedition  against  Annjipolis,  after  which  he  with- 
drew to  Bay  Verte  (on  French  territory  or  claimed  as 
sucli  by  France)  with  his  Indians.  Shortly  after,  he 
went  to  France,  whence  he  returned  in  1747,  Avhen  the 
war  was  drawing  to  a  close.  Thenceforward,  until  1755 
he  resided  at  Beauscjour. 

Tlie  foundation  of  Halifax  alarmed  the  French  ;  they 
had  always  hoped  tliat  some  day  or  other  a  treaty  or  the 
chances  of  war  would  restore  to  them  Acadia,  which 
the  English  did  not  seem  to  value  very  highly,  as  they 
had  done  notliing  to  consolidate  their  conquest.  The 
foundation  of  Halifax  dashed  these  hopes ;  it  foreshad- 
owed a  colonizing  policy,  which,  in  a  few  j-ears,  was  to 
endear  this  province  to  England  by  its  sacrifices  and  its 
population.  Honor  showed  France  what  her  duty  was ; 
but  honor  in  America  Avas,  between  the  two  historic 
rivals,  an  evanescent  quantity  which  frequently  went 
no  deeper  than  the  surface  of  things.  To  save  appear- 
ances was  the  main  point,  and  these  ai)pearances  were 
screened  by  tlie  Indian  allies  of  eitlier  nation.  In  the 
west,  England  had  her  savage  allies,  whoni  she  occa- 
sionally used  to  defeat  French  plans  ;  there  France  also 
had  hers,  so  that  neither  the  one  nor  the  other  could 


'"if 


INDIANS   HATE   THE   ENGLISH. 


259 


move  witliout  difficulty.  Hut  in  the  east  all  the  Indiana 
were  friendly  to  France  and  sworn  enemies  of  England, 
which,  exasj)eratod  by  their  continued  attacks,  liiui" 
fought  them  with  a  barbarity  that  frequently  surpassed 
that  of  the  savages  themselves.  These  Indians  had 
many  wrongs  to  avenge,  and  so  intense  was  their  hatred 
of  the  English  that  it  was  always  easy  to  urge  them  t«v 
hostile  acts. 

It  was  dread  of  these  Indians  that,  for  half  a  century,, 
j)revented  liingland  from  colonizing  Xova  Scotia.  The 
French  imagined  that,  by  harassing  the  new  colonists 
and  sjn-eading  terror  thi-ough  skilfully  managed  hostili- 
ties, they  would  disgust  tlunn  with  the  country  and  frus- 
trate England's  projects.  It  was  an  iidiuman  and  insane 
policy,  which  could  only  end  in  embittering  England, 
and  in  increasing  her  efforts  to  dislodge  a  lival  wliose 
presence  would  ever  be  an  obstacle  to  her  connnerce 
and  to  her  expansion. 

The  influence  of  the  French  on  the  Indians  of  these- 
regions  was  artfully  disguised ;  but  we  know  enough 
about  it  to  visit  it  with  unqualified  reprobation.  The 
instrument  emploj^ed  by  the  governors  of  Canada  tO' 
carry  out  this  wicked  and  fatal  policy  was  that  Abbe  Le 
Loutre  whom  I  liave  just  mentioned.  His  blind  zeal, 
his  efforts  urging  the  Indians  to  worry  the  colonists 
introduced  by  Cornwallis,  his  unjustifiable  methods  for 
forcing  tlie  Acadians  against  their  will  to  cross  the 
frontier,  deserve  to  be  condemned  by  every  one  and 
especially  by  the  Acadians, 

Before  proceeding,  it  is  well  to  explain  an  important 
point  which  has  never  yet  been  cleared  up.  All  histo- 
rians speak  of  the  Abbes  Le  Loutre,  Germain,  Maillard,  Le 
Guenie,  as  if  they  had  been  missionaries  to  the  Acadian* 


m 


260 


A   MISTAKE   CORRECTED. 


on  English  territory.  On  this  supposition,  their  efforts 
to  subserve  the  interests  of  France  are  iuterpieted  us 
shameful.  Now  to  obviate  the  confusion  introduced  by 
these  writera,  let  it  be  well  understood,  once  for  all, 
that  not  one  of  these  priests  ever  was,  as  far  as  I  know, 
a  missionary  to  the  Acadians  in  the  peninsula.  Mail- 
lard,  until  the  dispersion,  was  never  employed  as  a  mis- 
sionary elsewhere  than  in  the  island  of  Cape  Breton, 
which  belonged  to  France  ;  Germain  ministered  to  the 
Malecite  Indians  in  the  upper  waters  of  the  St.  Joim 
River  ;  Le  Guerne  was  missionary  among  the  Indians  of 
the  north  shore  of  the  Bay  of  Fundy,  and  also  attended 
to  the  few  Acadians  living  on  these  coasts.  Le  Lontre 
was  long  a  missionary  to  the  Micmacs  of  tlio  Shube'iie- 
cadie  River  ;  but  during  all  that  time  ho  never  caused 
any  trouble  ;  when  he  decided  upon  anotliei-  line  of 
conduct,  he  withdrew  with  his  Indians  to  Bay  Verte  on 
the  French  territory.  Consequently,  all  of  these  priests 
were  on  the  territory  claimed  and  occupied  by  France ; 
hence  their  patriotism,  ardent  thougli  it  was,  was  justi- 
fiable, if  not  deserving  of  credit.  If  their  actions  were 
not  honorable,  let  them  be  condemned.  Because  Le 
Loutre's  conduct  is  condemnable,  I  stigmatize  it  as  it 
deserves.  But  it  is  a  sovereign  injustice  toward  these 
men  to  leave  the  public  under  an  impression  that  blames 
what  is  honorable,  and  brands  with  infamy  what  is  merely 
blamable. 

This  important  distinction  ought  not,  in  fairness,  to 
have  escaped  the  attention  of  these  writers,  still  less 
that  of  Parkman,  who  lays  especial  stress  on  the  doings 
of  this  Abb^  Le  Loutre.  Yet  he  seems  to  have  done 
his  best  to  increase  the  confusion.  Thus,  when  he  tells 
us  that  Le  Loutre  was  Vicar-General  of  Acadia ;  that 


re 


WILFUL   DECEPTION. 


261 


the  Indians  to  whom  lie  ministered  lived  a  day's  march 
from  Halifax  on  the  banks  of  the  Shubenecadie  Rivei', 
which  implies  that  that  was  his  residence,  he  is  know- 
ingly guilty  of  a  twofold  deception,  because  Le  Loutre 
was  not  then  Vicar-Generfil,  and  because  both  he  and 
his  Indians  had  long  since  left  the  Shubenecadie  River, 
and  then  lived  at  Bay  Verte  on  (he  territory  claimed 
and  occupied  by  France.  I  might  add  that  the  decej)- 
tion  is  threefold,  because  Le  Loutre  was  named,  four 
years  later,  Vicar-General,  not  for  Acadia  or  the  pe- 
ninsula, but  for  the  northern  part  of  the  Bay  of  Fuiidy, 
then  called  French  Acadia  to  distinguish  it  from  Canada 
and  from  the  peninsula  which  the  French  called  Eng- 
lish Acadia.* 

I  should  be  glad  to  be  able  to  say  that  Parkman 
merely  blundered ;  but  I  cainiot :  I  liave  studied  too 
closely  his  methods,  I  am  too  fully  aware  of  his  con- 
stant efforts  at  disguising  tlie  truth,  not  to  recognize, 
here  fis  elsewhere,  the  elaborate  system  of  deceit  that 
underlies  every  page  he  has  Avritten  on  Acadia.  Dura 
Veritas,  hciI  veritaH. 

I  Ijavc  sought  to  })enetrate  tlie  character  of  this 
Abbe  Le  Tioutre  who  has  heaj)cd  well-deserved  hatred 
on  his  own  devoted  head.  The  undertaking  was  far 
from  easy  ;  however,  I  think  I  have  liad  a  large  meas- 
ure of  success.  Parkman,  who  "  rushes  in  where 
angels  fear  to  tread,"  soon  measures  and  weighs  him. 
In  a  few  words,  with  the  laconism  of  Cjesar  describing 
his  conquest  in  Gaul — "  veni,  vidi,  vici,"  he  says 
oracularly :  ''  \jQ  Loutre  was  a  man  of  boundless  egotism, 

*  Parkman  saw  tho  proof  of  this  last  fact  in  a  report  of  the  Acadian  Mis- 
sions by  the  Abbe  de  L'ile-Dieu  in  1755,  who  was  himself  Vicar-Genenil  of 
the  diocese  of  Quebec,  on  which  the  missions  of  Acadia  depended,  and  who 
was,  therefore,  the  best  authority  on  this  question. 


#"l| 


2(;-j 


CLAI'TKAI'. 


a  violoiit  spirit  of  (loiniiiiilion.  an  intense  hatred  of  the 
Enji'lish,  and  a  fanaticism  lliat  st()[)[)ed  at  nothini(." 
.Sir  Oracle  "  opes  his  month;  let  no  dog  hark."  As  a 
literary  efft^ct  it  is  startlinsf ;  the  common  herd  likes  to 
be  tlins  whirled  at  a  gallop  through  the  obscurities  of 
history:  nothing  is  so  popular  and  catchy  as  this  sem- 
blance of  devouring  activity  which  pierces  to  the  quick, 
<;uts  out  and  fashions,  as  by  magic,  a  sometliing  that 
looks  surprisingly  like  a  brand-new  bright  and  polished 
gem.  Serious  writers.  Innvever,  disdain  this  claptrap. 
Seldom,  if  ever,  can  a  striking  portrait  of  the  inner 
depths  of  a  man's  chara(!ter  be  drawn  by  a  few  strokes 
of  the  pen.  Caricatui'es  can ;  and,  as  a  caricature, 
Parkman's  porti-ait  of  Le  Loutre  may  bear  a  distant 
resemblance  to  the  original.  Macaulay  also  seeks  con- 
ciseness and  ra})id  movement ;  but  he  does  not  seem  to 
have  discovered  I*arkman"s  secret;  on  the  contr.ary, like 
the  great  masters,  he  Hums  his  portraits  with  the 
greatest  care,  the  result  being  that  they  ai-e  generally 
good  likenesses,  thanks  to  the  after-touches  of  pen  and 
bi'ush,  to  the  delicacy  of  shades  and  tints,  to  the  pains- 
taking patience  of  the  artist. 

With  some  corrections  I  might  admit,  as  a  back- 
ground, one  or  two  of  the  four  pen-strokes  of  Parkman; 
but  I  refuse  to  subscribe  to  the  "  boundless  egotism  "  of 
Le  Loutre.  I  see  no  proof  of  this  assertion  and  much 
proof  of  the  exact  ojiposite.  To  arrive  at  a  fair  esti- 
mate of  Le  Loutre,  one  must  enter  into  the  feelings  and 
thoughts  that  generally  actuate  a  Catholic  missionary. 
Clearly,  this  was  difficult,  not  to  say  impossible  for 
Parkman,  even  if  he  had  been  gifted  with  that  rectitude 
which,  to  my  mind,  he  lacks,  and  with  that  penetration 
in  which,  though  to  a  less  degree,  he  is  deficient. 


FAITH    AND    rSKAITH. 


•2t;8 


Moreover,  tliis  elmracttn  must  be  viewed  in  tlie  liii^lit 
of  the  ideas  of  the  time  luiil  of  the  speciiil  eircumstaiiccs 
of  the  phiee.  (heat  was  national  fanalu-ism,  but  <^rt'aU'r 
still  was  relit^ious  fanatii-isni.  Piejudires  had  struck 
deep  roots.  I'ersecution  was  only  he^inninu^  to  relax 
its  revolting  rigor;  but  intoK'ranec  still  subsistetl  in  all 
its  strength.  Not  long  before,  France  had  ex[)elle(l  the 
Huguenots;  Ireland  was  gasping  under  England's  hei'l ; 
everywhere  minorities  were  oppressed.  Wliat  crimes 
were  committed  in  the  name  of  religion  !  What  acts 
of  cruelly  done  in  the  name  of  a  good  and  merciful 
(lod  !  Was  this  a  fruit  of  Christianity  or  of  human 
interests  and  passions?  Was  this  a  permanent  result, 
or  merely  a  transient  phase,  a  bad  dream  that  would 
wear  itself  out  and  indirectly  serve  the  cause  of  Chiis- 
tianity  and  civilization  ?  This  last  question  must  have 
been  in  many  people's  minds  ;  two  answers  were  to  bo 
given  to  it :  unbelief,  fruit  of  a  spurious  and  merciless 
Christianity ;  and  a  return  movement  to  the  pure 
Christian  spirit,  all  impregnated  with  charity,  love,  and 
mercy.  Man  moves  and  (iod  directs.  In  the  life  of 
religions  as  in  that  of  commonwealths  nothing  happens 
without  an  aftermath  which  no  one  had  suspected. 
Small  events  added  together  produce  great  events ; 
fact  is  linked  to  fact  by  invisible  bonds,  as  thread  to 
thread  in  the  weaver's  loom. 

Though  the  true  fibre  of  Christianity  was  warped, 
faith  was  strong  ;  in  other  words,  motives  weie  excel- 
lent, methods  often  deplorable  ;  this  double  aspect  of 
things  should  be  borne  in  mind  when  judging  Ahh6  Le 
Loutre.  It  is  no  easy  matter  for  us,  men  living  in  the 
world,  to  realize  the  faith  that  animates  those  who  con- 
secrate their  lives  to  Christian  education,  especially  to 


.J 


<<i 


■iMi 


2f;4 


LE    LOUTHE   NO    E(J(>TIST. 


the  irksoiiiL'  ciiteehoticul  labors  of  a  CiitholicniissitJiiiiiy 
Stiugglin^f  as  we  are  with  one  aiK  iher  for  the  iiet-es.saries 
or  the  comforts  of  exislenee,  absorbed  and,  as  it  were, 
overwhehned  by  the  thousand  and  one  details  of  ways 
and  means  for  needs  and  pleasures,  we  easily  lose  sight 
uf  tlie  motives  that  actuate  and  the  spirit  that  aiiimateii 
the  missionary.  That  'boundless  egotism'  which  Purk- 
man  attriimtes  to  Le  Loutrc,  a{)plicable,  as  it  very  ofteu 
is,  to  ourselves,  can  hardly  be  applied  to  the  missionary. 
He  wlio,  like  Le  Loutre,  had  forsaken  fortune,  [)leasure, 
kindred,  frit'uds  and  fatherland,  to  spend  his  life  in  the 
lieart  of  the  forest  with  coarse  and  cruel  savagi's,  he 
wlio,  in  order  to  evangidize  these  savages,  liad  volun- 
tarily end)raced  privations  of  all  sorts,  from  which  the 
most  devoted  of  men  would  recoil  in  disgust  and  horror, 
could  not  be,  what  Parkman  fancies  him,  'a  man  of 
boiuidless  egotism.' 

No  doubt  liuman  nature  is  very  complex,  no  doubt  a 
man's  high  calling  does  not  destroy  his  natural  bent  ; 
still,  as  a  general  rule,  incompatible  defects  disappear 
or  are  dwarfed  and  replaced  by  other  defects  compatible 
with  the  new  vocation.  Tn  the  case  of  a  missionary^ 
egotism,  having  nothing  to  feed  on,  must  l)e  diminished 
or  obliterated,  thougli  it  may  sometimes  be  replaced  by 
otlier  defects  wliich  are,  so  to  speak,  the  human  excres- 
cences of  the  divine  gift  of  a  lively  faith.  From  thia 
view-point  must  we  examine  into  the  defects  of  Le 
Loutre. 

In  what  he  did  where  is  the  proof  of  that  '  boundless 
egotism  ?  '  In  that  he  harassed  the  English  settle- 
ments ?  In  that  he  tried  hard  to  force  the  Acadians  to 
emigrate  and  thus  be  deprived  of  their  property  ?  Other 
motives  may  explain  these  acts,  but  certainly  not  ego- 


MOTIVKS    FOR   ALAUM. 


mVy 


tism.  No  other  motives  at  all  eoiimieiisnrate  with  his 
selfless  activity  can  be  assigned  hut  religion  and  pa- 
triotism, es|)eeially  religion,  to  which  \\v.  had  sacrificed  his 
life,  lie  iiad  spent  twelve  peaceful  years  among  his 
Indians  when  Halifax  was  founded.  From  that  mo- 
ment, his  ai;tivity,  his  zeal,  his  fanaticism  lose  to  a  high 
key;  he  is  no  longer  a  mild  and  peaceal)le  missionary  ; 
he  is  a  dictator,  an  energumen  frantically  striving  to 
snateli  the  A(!adians  from  their  countiy,  as  if  he  were 
struggling  with  a  madman  on  the  briid<  of  a  pret'ipice. 
Unable  to  persuade  t^ven  those  who  lived  near  the 
frontier  to  emigrate  willingly,  ho  gets  the  Indians  to 
burn  down  their  house.s  in  order  to  constrain  them. 
What  liad  liappened  to  liim?  Whence  this  change? 
Evidently,  something  liad  filled  his  soul  with  anxiety, 
and  that  anxiety  eoidd  be  only  the  effcu-t  of  some  im- 
pending danger  to  religion.  The  change  wrought  in 
him  can  scarcely  be  explaiut!''  otherwise. 

This  impending  danger  is  eaf.ily  found.  Have  we 
not  seen  that  Shirley  had  entertained  tiie  project  of 
Protestantizing  the  Acadians, of  ex})elling  their  priests? 
that  he  had  reaffirmed  this  project  with  extraoi'dinary 
jjersistency  ?  that,  a  vague  rumor  of  it,  liaving  reached 
the  Acadians,  had  given  them  great  alarm  ?  What 
wondei"  that  Le  Loutre  should  have  been  inexpressibly 
shocked  at  it  and  profoundly  convinced  that  this  project 
would  soon  be  realized ?  Since  it  had  been  conceived 
in  time  of  war,  when  the  neutrality  of  the  Acadians  was 
most  needed,  when  these  very  Acadians  were  withstand- 
ing seductions  and  threats  for  the  sake  of  fidelit}'  to 
their  oath,  when  Acadia  was  piactically  at  their  mercy, 
defended,  as  it  was,  by  a  mere  handful  of  soldiers,  had 
they  not    everything   to   fear  now   that   Halifax  was. 


■A 


m 


I 


fiil! 


266 


MOTIVES    FOR    ALAinr, 


foundtHl?  Had  not  Coriiwullis  marked  his  ari'ival  l)y  « 
proclamation  which  aiinaUod  the  agreemt'iit  of  IToO 
and  tlie  recent  entraiifements  oi  tlie  Kiiiu'  thronoli  his 
Secretary  of  State,  tlie  Dv^ke  of  Newcast'j/  Had  not 
the  deportation  itself  been  aheady  thou<rht  of  I)y  a 
Secretar}' of  State  (Crai^t^s)  ?  liadnou  the  same  idea 
been  entertained  by  Admiral  Knowles  and  by  Shirlev 
himself,  and  in  eacli  case  without  any  excuse?  Even 
though  Le  Loutre  may  not  have  known  all  these  thiiios, 
he  surely  knew  enough  to  feel  his  soul  stirred  to  its 
depths.  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that  his  fears  were  not 
only  justiiiabiu  but,  to  all  ap[)earances  from  what  we 
now  know,  founded  U[)on  stubborn  facts.  T'nder  such 
circumstances  we  need  only  consider  the  ardor  of  his 
faith  and  suppose  that  he  was  hot-tempered,  to  lind  a 
satisfactory  explanation  of  his  conduct,  without  drav, - 
iiig  on  our  imagination  for  a  fancy  picture  that  lias  no 
solid  foundation. 

How  far  removed  soever  we  may  be  from  the  ideas  of 
11  man  we  Avish  to  judge,  we  must,  in  ordc  to  pass  judg- 
ment on  him  with  some  degree  of  precision,  put  aside 
our  own  views  and  enter,  as  far  as  possible,  into  his, 
taking  into  account  his  beliefs,  his  education,  his  sur- 
roundings. ]je  Loutre  had  sacrificed  everything  to  one 
single  idea;  he  had  sacrificed  the  enjoyments  of  this 
world  for  tlui  joys  of  the  next.  To  us,  to  the  man  of 
the  world,  this  Abbe's  ideas  seem  very  narrow  ;  to  him, 
perhaps,  our  struggles  to  acquire  things  frivolous  and 
traiisitory  must  have  appeared  very  mean  ;  we  lind  him 
cruel  to  deprive  the  Acadians  of  their  homes;  for  him 
the  sacrifice  was  nothing  compared  to  the  loss  of  relig- 
ion. The  scientific  theorist  buried  in  meditation,  and 
the  astronomer  soaring  in  thought  through  inteistellai 


A   GENEROUS   SOUL. 


2H7 


space,  botli  straiit^ers  to  this  nether  earth  they  tread,  are 
also  to  tht!  Avorldlint''  veiy  narrow-mi luleil  ;  yet  we,  in 
our  feverish  moving"  to  and  fro,  a[)i)ear  to  thcin,  from 
tiieir  liiu'h  vantaire-uround,  as  so  many  littU'  aiils  has- 
tliiiijf  around  an  ant-hill. 

J^e  Louire's  faults,  to  my  thinkinf,^  ai'e  atlrihutahle 
rather  to  his  ill-bidineed  mind  than  to  a  disordeied  will. 
Like  all  men  ri  (jio  idea,  lie  was  ignorant  of  th-j  world 
and  unsuited  to  the  governance  of  men.  Ilis  letters  to 
his  superiors  are  impregnated  with  an  ardent  faith  and 
the  purest  spirit  of  the  gos[)el.  In  1740  he  wrote  to  his 
superioi':  "  Rememl)er  that  I  am  hei'e  oidy  in  ohe- 
dijuee  to  your  orders;  I  iu'i  here  for  the  glory  of  (lod 
and  the  salvation  of  souls."  In  1747,  wlien  he  had 
returned  to  Fr.mee,  his  superiors,  thinking  that  he  had 
had  his  share  of  hardship,  proposed  that  he  should  re- 
main there.  Deeming  that  he  had  not  done  enough  for 
his  salvation,  lie  refused  all  .such  offers.  We  know  that, 
on  several  o(;casions,  he  .saved  the  lives  of  English 
ofiieers  ;  that  Oaptain  Hamilton,  who  had  ^vitnessed  his 
kimliiness,  esteemed  him  highly;  that,  after  the  deporta- 
ion  and  liis  return  to  France,  he  became  a  ministering 
angel  to  the  Acadian  refugees,  that  he  devoted  his 
time  and  his  money  to  the  alleviation  of  their  ^ot. 

His  friend.  Abbe  Maillard,  who  had  initiated  him 
into  the  Micmac  language  and  the  management  of 
missions,  was  himself,  though  in  a  lesser  degree, 
involved  in  the  same  condemnation.  He  spent  the  last 
years  of  his  life  at  Halifax,  in  the  midst  of  those  who 
had  been  his  enemies.  Now,  he  concpiered  them  all  by 
the  irresistible  ascendency  of  his  talent  and  virtue. 
There  stood  by  his  dying  bed  the  Protestant  minister 
whose   friendship   he   had  won  and   who  read  certain 


» 


mm 


268 


A   GENEROUS   SOUL. 


prayers  to  him  at  his  own  request ;  the  elite  of  Halifax 
society,  civil  and  military,  the  government  and  the 
council  followed  his  remains  to  the  tomb.  Perhaps, 
under  similar  circumstances,  Le  Louti  would  have 
received  the  same  homage.  What  we  know  of  him 
rests  on  so  valueless  an  authority — Pichon — that  no  his- 
torian, except  Parkman,  has  consented  to  use  it.  More 
of  this  anon. 


mm 


FOKTS    BLALSEJOUIl    AND   LAVVRENX'K. 


•2»Ji) 


w 

,:^^l 

1 

CHAPTER  XVI. 


i&i 


Murder  of  Edward  Howe — Wliat  Parkman  saj's  of  it — He  accuses 
Le  Loutre — His  partiality  and  his  ruses — "  Les  Meuioires  sur  le 
Canada" — Pichon — What  lie  was. 

CoRNWALLis's  proclamation  had  revived  in  the 
Freneli  tlie  hope  of  regaininr^  the  synipatliy  of  the 
Acadians,  whicli  the  events  of  the  hist  war  had  severely 
shaken.  De  la  (lalissonniere,  the  new  governor  of 
Canada,  hoped  it  would  now  be  easy  to  decide  them  to 
emigrate.  For  tliis  purpose  he  needed  a  man  active, 
determined,  known  to  the  Acadians  and  ahle  to  exert 
influence  over  them.  He  was  not  slow  to  understand 
liow  serviceable  would  be  Ke  Loutre,  wlio  was  already 
heading  a  movement  in  this  direction.  'J'henceforlh 
until  the  fall  of  Beausejoui',  four  years  later,  I.e  I^outre, 
owing  to  his  high  standing  witli  the  governor,  shared 
with  the  local  authorities  the  conduct  of  affairs  in  this 
part  of  the  country.  He  seems  to  have  inspired  all  tiie 
operations  directed  against  the  p]ngiish  in  the  penin- 
sula. 

Surmising  that  the  English  would  soon  occupy  Reau- 
bassin  and  build  a  fort  there,  the  French  vigon»usly 
pushed  on  the  works  at  Fort  IJeausdjour.  They  had  to 
make  haste  and  lay  waste  the  English  side  of  the 
frontier.  Having liitherto  failed  to  make  the  Ai.'adians 
emigrate  voluntarily,  Le  Loutre,  in  ordei'  to  gain  his 
point  and  to  leave  the  English  in  a  wilderness,  decided, 


m 


f 


Hl^!^ 


«iUl 


270 


KDWAKD    HOWE, 


■ill 


^  ^'^f '," 


K 


as  ;i  la.st  resort,  to  tire  the  dwellings  of  the  Aciuliiuis. 
On  the  approach  of  tlie  Eng-lish,  eoniniantled  hy  Law- 
rence, the  Indians,  douhtless  obeying  Le  Loutre's  orcU'is, 
set  about  their  incendiary  work  and  destro^-ed  most  of 
tlie  Acadian  liouses.  The  pretty  village  of  Iieaul)assiii, 
whicli  contained  over  one  hundred  ])uildiiigs,  was 
reduced  to  ashes,  the  church  with  the  rest.  'I'lu' 
i'^luvbitants,  left  without  shelter,  were  obliged  to  take 
refuge  on  the  Frencli  side  of  the  frontier.  Lawrence, 
finding  notliing  but  ruins,  and  having  too  small  a  force 
*:'}  resist  if  attacked,  re-embarked  with  liis  troo[)s  and 
withdrew.  In  September,  he  returned  with  seventeen 
small  vessels  and  seven  luridred  men.  After  a  slight 
skirmish  with  the  French  outposts,  he  established 
himself  on  the  site  of  ihe  village  of  Beaubassin  and 
built  a  fort  there,  which  he  called  Fort  Lawenoe,  less 
than  two  miles  from  Fort  Beausejour,  and  a  few 
liundred  yards  from  the  little  river  Messagouetche, 
which  the  French  looked  upon  as  the  frontier  letween 
the  two  countries. 

Lawrence  was  succeeded  the  following  year  by  (^ap- 
tain  Scott,  and  it  was  shortly  after  the  arrival  of  the 
Latter,  in  October,  1751,  that  occurred  the  murder  of 
Edward  Howe,  which  made  such  a  noise  at  the  time  and 
threw  a  shroud  of  sadness  and  stupor  over  both  camps. 
Howe  had  been  for  many  years  judge  of  tlie  Court  of 
Admiralty  and  commissary  of  the  English  forces  in 
Acadia.  He  had  been  first  counsellor  to  Governor 
Mascarene,  and,  when  Cornwallis  became  governor, 
he  sat  in  the  council  next   to   Mascarene.*     As   com- 

*  Acpording  to  a  onstoin  estftblishod  at  tho  ocouptition  of  tlio  country. 
Howe  should  hiivf  sufM-ccdcd  Masi'mviR'  as  jjovcriior ;  luit  tin-  fouudatit'U 
of  Halifax  li'(l  to  a  diTciffatimi  fi-um  this.  ruJi'.  Some  wi'oks  hcf.iri'  Howi-'s 
Ueutb,  Coruwallis   had  asked   tn  Ik;  rclii-ved,  imt    he  had  also  .-u^Ljesti-il 


EDWAHD    HONVK. 


iil|; 


missary  of  the  forces,  lie  had  had  long  and  con- 
tinued intercourse  with  the  Acadians,  and,  as  he 
spoke  French  flueiitly,  he  was  Mascarene's  principal 
adviser  and  go-hetween  in  the  efforts  made  to  keep 
them  faithful  to  tlie  Govei'iunent.  His  influence  with 
the  Acadians  rivalled  that  of  Mascarene,  and  he  Avas 
distinctly  the  man  for  all  difficult  missions.  lie  was 
acknowledged  on  all  liaiuls  to  Ije  a  man  of  great  worth, 
of  tried  and  trusted  bravery  and  devotion. 

The  mission  confided  to  him  by  Corn  wall  is  at  Fort 
Lawrence  seems  to  have  been  to  negotiate  the  return  of 
the  Acadian  refugees,  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  the 
Indians  and  to  withdraw  from  their  hands  tlie  prisoners 
made  by  them  two  years  before  at  Grand  Pre. 


t'i 


m 


Lawrence  as  his  successor,  on  the  plea  that  Mascarene  "  had  solil  out  and 
was  worn  out,  and  that  Howe,  not  being  a  military  man,  was  unlit."  Pos- 
sibly, Cornwallis's  objection  to  Howe  might  not  have  been  ai'ee|ite(l,  for 
Lawrence  was  not  appointed  his  successor.  Howe  is  almost  invariably 
designated  under  the  title  of  Captaii'. ;  the  reason  probably  was  that  he  was 
commissary  of  the  forces  and  had  often  bern  charged  with  mihtary  ojMTa- 
tions :  thus,  when  Annapolis  was  first  attackM  by  Duvivie' ,  he  was  ordered 
by  Mascarene  t<>  'Msiodge  the  enemy  and  to  raze  the  hcasos  that  jtrotected 
them.  Ac  the  bittlf  of  Grand  Pr^,  Howe  fell  grievously  wounded  b"side 
Colonel  Noble.  .\s  he  was  fust  bleeding  to  death  fr<im  a  wound  he  had  re- 
ceived in  the  left  arm,  he  askr(i  a  French  officer  to  have  tin-  wound  dressed 
by  their  surgeon;  but  the  hitter  was  busy  with  M.  Coulon  de  VMIier:-',  also 
bad'y  wuunded;  then  H^we  begged  the  French  oflieer  to  transmit  his  re- 
((Ut'st  to  the  English  surgeon.  This  led  to  nvertures  of  surrender,  and 
Howe,  weakenetl  though  he  was,  acted  as  interiiretei-  during  the  negutia- 
tious.  Ho  wasallowed  to  withilraw  to.Vnnapolis  on  par<il(»,  and  afterwards 
ho  was  exchanged  for  M.  I,acroix  and  all  the  Canadian  prisoners  then  at 
Boston. 

Murdoch  says  of  him:  "He  left  several  chii«lren.  The  esteem  he  won 
while  living,  tlie  gt^neral  iisefulness  of  his  conduet  as  an  «>arly  fnunder  of 
our  colony,  and  the  cruel  ci rev. instances  of  his  death  commend  his  memory 
to  us  who  enjoy  a  happy,  jieaceful  and  prosjM'nms  home  :  for  the  security 
find  comfort  of  which  we  are  bound  t  >  be  grateful  tf>  those  who  pioneered 
the  way  in  the  earliest  p<'riods  under  many  an<l  serious  circuinstanees." 

Edward  Howe  is  one  of  my  ancestors.  His  des<*endauts  are  numerous 
in  the  Districts  of  Three  Rivers  and  Montreal.  C'lU^picuous  aiiKnig  them 
are  Theodore  Doucet.  Esi].,  N.  P. :  h's  sisters  Lady  Middleton  and  the 
Comtasse  de  Bhgnv;  Edmund  lijimard,  Es((..  (^  C. ;  Lieutenant-Coloii(>l 
Hughes,  Chief  of  Police  in  Montreal :  Odilon  Doucet  of  the  Post  Offl.-e  De- 
partment in  Ottawa:  .Vntoni"  Prince,  M.P.P,  :  Auunsfe  Kichard,  Viee- 
Consul  of  France  in  Winnipeg;  Canons  Jean  and  Joel  Prinee. 


mm 


272 


PAKKMAN  S   STOUY. 


!<'  ' 


Listen  to  Paiknian  relating  \n  his  own  way  tla' 
cireunistanees  of  liis  death  : 

'•  Among  the  English  officprs  was  Captain  Edward  Howo.  an  iii- 
telligt'iit  and  agr»'t'abl»>  person  wlio  spoke  French  tluently,and  luni 
been  long  statione«l  in  the  Province.  Le  Loutre  detested  liini : 
dreading  his  iiiHuence  over  the  Acadians.  by  many  of  whom  he 
was  known  and  liked.  One  morning,  at  about  eight  o'clock,  the 
inmates  of  Fort  Lawrence  saw  what  seemed  anotWcer  from  Pean- 
sejour,  carrying  a  tlag,  iuid  followed  by  .several  men  in  iinil'oriii, 
wading  through  the  .sea  of  grass  that  stretched  beyond  the  Mis- 
sagouetche.  When  the  tide  was  out,  this  river  was  but  an  ugly 
trench  of  reddish  mud  gashed  across  th*  face  of  the  marsh,  with 
a  thread  of  half  fluid  slime  lazily  crawling  along  the  bottom  ;  but 
at  high  tide  it  was  filled  to  the  brim  with  an  oj)a(iue  torrent  that 
would  liav(\  overflowed,  but  for  the  dikes  thrown  uj)  to  contine  it. 
Behind  tlie  dike  on  the  fartiier  bank  stood  the  tteeitiiiH/ officer,  wav- 
ing his  flag  in  sign  tliat  he  desired  a  j)arley.  Jfe  iras  in  vmliiji  im 
officer,  hilt  oiieof  Le  Lout  re's  Luliiiiis  in  dififpiise,  Etiennele  Batanl, 
or,  as  others  say.  the  gri'utciiief  Jean  Paptiste  Cope.  Howe,  carry- 
ing a  white  flag,  and  accompanied  by  a  few  officers  and  men,  weiu 
towards  tlic  river  to  hear  what  lie  had  to  say.  As  they  drew  ne;ir. 
his  look  and  language  e.\citedtlieirsusi)icion.  But  it  was  too  late; 
for  a  number  of  Indians,  who  liad  hidden  behind  the  dike  during 
tile  night,  tired  upon  riow(>  across  the  stream,  and  mortally 
wounded  liiin.  They  contimied  tiieir  fire  on  his  companions,  i)ut 
could  not  prevent  them  from  carrying  the  dying  man  to  the  fort. 
Tht^  F^reiicli  ottici'rs,  iiulignant  at  this  villainy,  itid  )i<^f  Jiesitate  fn 
elnirije  it  upon  Lc  Lontre:  for,  .s«//.s  one  of  tlieni  :  '  What  is  not  u 
wieJi-ed  priest  capable  of  doing  ? ' "' 

Tlie  very  .'Special  interest  T  have  taken  in  tryino"  to 
get  at  tlie  facts  in  this  nionrnfnl  tragedy  will  easily  be 
credited  on  the  score  of  my  descent;  yet.  the  true  state 
of  the  case  still  seems  to  me  very  doiilitful.  1  should 
never  drcitni,  in  putting  an\-  version  ,)f  tlie  story  before 
the  ])id)lic,  of  beino'  as  dd^iualical  as  I'arkrnan  is.  I 
believe  I  have  seen  all  the  docunieiils  he  has  seen  him- 
self; at  any  rate,  I  have  seen  all  those  he  quotes  ;  how- 


w 


^•d' 


mi:m(i||;ks  sri:   \.i:  canada. 


liT:5 


all 


ever.  In;  i^ivcs  lu'W  (Iclails.  wliii'li  I  liii\c'  ruiisoii  to  think 
liave  Ix'fii  I'VolvtMl  l)y  his  iiiiiiniiiiitioii  iilom;.  Thu 
:>tory  is  based  on  ihri'c  (»r  four  dit"t'(;ft!iit  iu-foiints.  ull 
niort'  or  h-ss  coiilriKHctoiy :  he  has  adopted  tiic  otit; 
vvliich  setMiis  to  nu'  the  h-ast  [H()bal)le,  the  least  hoiior- 
abh;.  Tlic  authority  he  I'elieson  is  sd  (luestioiiable  th:it. 
serious  wi'iters  lio-lit  sliy  of  it,  or,  if  they  lefer  to  it,  tliey 
aie  eaiidid  t'uougli  to  wain  the  reaih/i-  and  K'l  him  know 
their  i(;asons  I'oi'  distrusting'  that  iiuthoiity. 

Some  i(U'a  may  l»e  formed  of  Parkman's  (;alibr(i  as  an 
liistorian  by  the  faet  that  tliis  rejeeted  authority,  and 
another  ahuost  as  ([uestional)U',  su|ti)ly  mueh  of  the  nia- 
terial  foi'  the  two  clia[)ters  wliieh  he  devotes  to  the  his- 
toiy  of  AeaiUa  in  his  '*  Montealm  and  Wolfe."  These 
two  chapters,  oi Hi  entitled  '' Conlliet  for  Acadia,"  and 
the  other,  "The  Uemoval  of  the  Aeadians,"  eontaiii 
ninety  [)ages.  Ilci  skim.s  lightly  over  the  events  of  the 
first  foi'ty  years  in  ten  ])ag'es,  in  oi(h;r  to  get  quickly  to 
Abbe  l^e  Loutre  and  to  (h'vote  to  liim  the  greater  [)art 
of  his  narrative. 

Tlie  doings  of  this  ai'dent  al)be  were  too  keenly  in- 
teresting to  Parkmaii  to  allow  of  his  losing  this  oppor- 
tunity. What  a  sensational  chapter  he  could  i-reate  oni 
of  the  chaos  of  historic  data  I  I7nfortunately,  most  of 
wliat  we  know  of  the  doings  of  Le  Loutre  rests  on  the 
two  (juspicious  sources  I  have  just  mentioned.  The 
less  contemptible  of  the  two  is  an  anonymoux  work 
styled  "•  ^[enu)ires  sur  le  Canada,  1749-1  It iO."  Parknuin 
takes  good  care  not  to  .say  that  the  Ixiok  is  anonymous, 
that  the  author  professes  a  deep  hatred  for  the  clergy, 
that  he  is  so  partial  to  the  ijifamous  Tntendant  Bigot  as  to 
call  him  an  honest  man.     This  autlior's  hatred   for  t!ie 

clergy  is  «o  glaring  that   Murdoch,  who    incidentally 
IS 


,f^'i 


il^' 


.m  ' 


4?l 


?;?^'         ' 


274 


A    DISTKUHTED    TKAITOU. 


quotes  him  in  referenee  to  other  inatters,  lias  the  frank- 
ness to  cast  doubts  on  his  veracity  : 

"  It  mnst  neverthelcsH  be,  n'tnemheiTd  that  ice  have  derived  our 
ill  format  ion  of  1a'  Loiifre  from  sources  not  friendly  to  priesfx — 
ttie  Frenvli  of  tliat  period  being  tinged  irith  the  philosophy  of  ]'ol- 
taire." 

Tliis  is  the  caution  of  an  historian  worth}'  of  the 
name ;  but  Parkman,  as  usual,  is  silent  about  all  such 
matters,  nay,  he  emphasizes  liis  inferences  l)y  layino- 
stress  on  the  fact  that  he  is  (juoting  an  authority  tliar  is 
Frendi.  His  fraud,  however,  does  not  stop  there.  To 
add  weight  to  his  assertions,  he  sometimes  uses  the 
author  vaguely  a;  '■'' if  Catho/lc  rontrinpornr//."  as  if  a 
Voltairian  could  be  a  Catliolic.  and  thus  we  cannot  evt-n 
Sfuess  that  he  is  alludino'  to  the  "  Mcmoires  sui'  h-  Caii- 
ada."  Xo  altt»rnative  is  h'ft  to  the  ingenuous  iinkUm' 
but  to  suppose  that  there  is  (juestion  of  some  additional 
authoi'ity  cori'oborating  what  was  said  by  anotlicr  wvitev 
or  confirming  the  •' iSremoires "  themselves.  0\  onr 
poor  authority  he  cunningly  builds  up  two  appaiently 
good  ones.  This  is  killing  two  birds  with  one  stone: 
multiplying  by  dividing.  Between  such  double-dealing 
and  th(!  caudoi-  of  ^lurdoch  yawns  a  bridgeless  gulf. 

J*arkman's  other  authority  is  verv  much  worse  yet. 
and,  in  passing  from  one  to  the  other,  he  falls  out  of 
the  frying-pan  into  the  tire.  T  refer  to  Pichon.  a  Fiei;rli 
subaltern,  who,  after  having  been  several  years  at 
Louisburg,  was  transferred  to  Beaiiscjfuir  in  17o3,  tli;it 
is.  f/rn  i/ears  after  the  events  ive  are  no/r  ronf<(ilerni;i. 
Cajitain  Scott  was  then  in  command  at  Fort  Lawrenct-. 
Pichon  found  means  to  siM^ure  an  interview  with  him. 
in  the  cours«?  of  wliich  he  offei'ed  his  services,  ])ledging 


1   ■" 


A  nisTitrsTEi)  Tit.vrroK. 


27.) 


himself,  in  return  lor  a  [jeciiiiiary  ruwanl  aiul  proiiiLscs 
(jf  prott'i'tion,  to  eoiunmiiieate  all  the  infonnalion  hti 
could  get  hold  of  on  the  aetions  and  i)lans  of  tlie  French, 
and  copies  of  all  the  documents  that  miglit  pass  through 
his  hands.  Pichon  transacted  this  hateful  business 
with  great  assiduity,  in  his  communications,  first  with 
Scott  and  later  on  with  C'ajttain  Ilussey,  wlio  soon  snc- 
fceded  the  former  in  the  conunand  of  Fort  F.aw  renrc 
I'ichon  continued  his  treachery  at  Halifax.  LouishuiL;' 
and  I'hila(lel})hia  ;  after  which  he  withdrew  to  Fnglaiid, 
whei'e  he  published  a  pamphlet  entitled,  *•  l^etters  and 
Memoirs  relating  to  Cape  Hreton." 

Such  was  the  man  and  siudi  the  i)ait  he  playt'<l.  A 
creature  of  this  stamp  is,  cvidenily,  not  a  weighty 
authority,  even  if  tliert;  weie  nothing  worse  agiiinst 
him  ;  but  we  have  })leuty  of  other  reasons  for  discredit- 
ing his  testimony.  lie  w:is  all  that  his  dirly  work 
imjjlied.  Captain  Ilussey,  when  transmitting  to  the 
(lovernor  the  information  he  had  received  from  I'ichon, 
gave  his  reasons  for  believing  and  for  doubting  him, 
and  frequently  pointed  out  liis  inconsistencies  and  the 
slender  credit  one  could  give  to  his  allirmations ;  so 
nuich  so  that  he  ended  by  ex[»ressing  the  opinion  that  it 
would  be  better  to  cease  all  intercourse  with  him.  Dr. 
Blown  also  discusses  tin;  testimony  and  the  writings  of 
Pichon,  and  veiy  sagaciously  sets  off  the  baseness  they 
]"eveal.  Admiral  Hoscaweii  would  not  l)elieve  i'ichon, 
and  Murdoch,  having  to  ([uote  him  with  regard  to  the 
taking  of  IJeausejour,  begs  the  readei'"s  pardon.  ;iiid 
alleges  as  an  excuse  the  a])sence  of  all  other  sonrces  of 
information.* 

*  Ciqil.    iIu^M'>  to  ("aiJt.  Si'olt,  lltli  of  Xov.   I7")4.     The  iiiconsist- 
eiicy,  tlii:  fiMi'  of  guilt,  nmk<  thi:  iinilt i/  ruiiunil  nlmiirditiis  ruinuuti  to 


I  !'. 


isn 


# 


<d 


' 


H  :  .'^t 


m 


I'.VIIKMAN    IHSSKrTi;i». 


Wiiliotit  llic  "  Moiiidi  res  sill'  U^  Ciuiailii  "*  and  |*i(lioir.« 
iiiiiiifii>ii>  (Iciiiils,  I'iiiUmitii  Wdtild  hii\T  ti>  lost'  all  hi- 
aiit'cildtfs  ahoiit  Ia'  liuulro  and  llic  ninsl  intcri^stiiii^ 
j)ait    III'    liis    two    chapUji's.      He    I 


viK'W    Imw    al 


tl 


lal 


winild    l)f    cau'erlv   dt'voiirt'd.    iiow    liis    <jil'ts    ol"   Wdnl- 


j)aintiii,!4-  wm 


lid   tell    ill    the    book-market.      What 


\Vil> 


t 


(I    he    (lone 


Tl 


le    sitiialioii    was 


tiekl 


isli    in 


tl 


le    ex- 


treme, I'lill  of  teni|)ta(i(His  and   daii^-ers.      Must    lie   let 
so    liiK!   a  plum    fall    without     [diiekin^'    it  whilst  it  i> 


itl 


Witliin   easv  Jcaen 


I 


iiie,   no   one 


iiad 


ever  ilaitMi    to 


toueh  it  bel'ore:  but  tliis  only  made  it  moi'o  of  a  temjit;!- 


ciiixciri  s 


TrailDis  ail'  never  cordially  l>elieveil  :  how  is  ji 


tl, 

to  hiiKJ  lliem  l)v  oidinaiv  lies  '.* ' 


lllisslli 


halef,  lliisse\  to  Seoli :   ••eiicloseil  vdu  iia\e  some  letters  1  rerri\cii 


floiii  I'ielioii.  / ////(.s7  cniil'iss  I  lull 


xniiic  sii.siiiciiiiiK  III  lii.s  miiri  ri 


iliissev  to  the  (  oimiiissioiier  in  (  liiel',  iL'tli  Nov.  IT')4: 


I 


le  ".Mil  (.1 


this    inonlli  1  I'ei'eived    I 


le  eni'losei 


I  letter,  which,  ii'lirtlnr  inilhiut'i 


>/.  I   think  mv  diitv  to  tiaiisniit  lo  von. 


jK  rti.i;/ 


I'ii-h 


I  cniiiiiil  liclp  SI 


mil  s  .sniriri 


hi  Ills  lilli 


Ijl,  and  '■(/■//  nil, 11  liiiil  i/niil   iiifniisiNhni'li 


I  eaiinol  Iml  icinaik.  that  in  this,  sir.  he  makes  t 


le  I'ov- 


ernnr  nf  (  anada  say  that  he  enuaues  ],{•  I.ont re  and  ile  N'eiiior  to  lind 
some  plansihlr  in-eiexi  to  make  the  Indians  lireak  i>m,  and  tells  nn' 
that  de  \'eri;(>r  ii'lll  tulc-  i-urr  tluil  tin;/  ilo  iml  nlli m/il  iiiii/l hhi'i 
1,1  >;■." 

"  He  hath  also,  ever  since  I  have  heeii  here,  complained  Imir  mir- 
rmi'lll  Ik'  Ik  iilisiri'iil  iind  limi'  Jinhiit.s  Lr  Limtri — whom  in  contempl 


he  styles   Moses 


/■  /// 


IS   III     llllll 


which   I   think.  Is  n  lilll 


ii-illi  his  I  rust  nil/  liiiii  villi  liis  Ifttirs  si>/ii)'(is  In  Ink 


I-    niriinsisliiil 
r  riiiilrs  iil  tlii m. 


1  tldnk,  sir,  /  Imrr  iimnl  ri'iisniis  to  liclirrc  that,  the  letter  Piehnn 


calls  Mr.  l)nsi|iiesne"s  is  n/  liis  mi'ii  ciiiii/iiisiir 
iufiii'iiii'il  I'riiiii. 


I,  I'l'i-  I 


illii  litis  iiiiiriiiii;t 


Mr.  !'i(di(>n  is  ulsn  , 


ihil, 


rii  II 


liiiill. 


woidd  yon  thiidv  prnper 


ot'  my  keei)ini;  up  this  oorres])ondence  with  him  dnritiLt  the  winter ".' 

The  l.'ev.  .Mr.  lirown  devotes  a  whole  chapter  to  dissect  iiiir  I'ichon's 
ineonsisleneies  and  character,  with  lht>  title:  '•  Casual  hints  from  the 
let  1 1  MS  of  I'iehon  indicating  the  state  of  his  nund  diirinji  his  traitor- 
ous correspondeiu'e." 

Ailiniral  IJosea wen.  writ ini;  to  liord  f'hathani  after  the  takinji  of 
Lonist)in'i;'  in  IT.")S.  says:  '■  1  received  this  stalemein  with  hnt  a  mod- 
erate amount  of  lielief  in  its  accin"icy,  as  Pi<'hon  my  informer  was  no! 
there  himself,  and,  hi'liii/  ini  njicn  srcp'cr  iit  llic  inuistlinnil,  without, 
iinpiignini;  his  veracity,  I  think  he  was  prone  to  helleve  any  riiiKif'!^ 
]w  heard  that  tended  la  ,lisiiitrii;/r  Fniirli  niitlinritirs  m-  jiriisls.  It 
resembles   too  closely  the  harsh  I'harge.s  of  pillage  at  LJeuusejour  fur 


which  we  have  only  his  assertion. 


FIVK   TKM.'KS. 


•277 


tion  and  a  ivlisli.  tSV  non  e  lu-ro,  e  Ik  n  frovafo.  At 
last,  llu!  iiie vital >lt.'  has  come  to  pass;  Paikinaii  yields 
and  sei/,('s  tin;  forbidden  tVuit.  Still,  we  must  give  Iiini 
credit  for  having  loner  lufsitated  before  plucking  it,  as 
is  evident  fiom  the  great  pains  he  takes  to  disguise 
I*i(!hon's  identity  and  to  sui)press  whatever  might  de- 
pieci 
A I 


ate  1 


nm. 
alvsi 


>t'  I'arki 


Midi 


il 


assment  is  extremel , 
interesting;  it  constitutes  a  sort  of  vivisection  of  the 
ways  and  n:eans,  ruses  and  shifts  that  may  be  adopted 
by  a  tricky  writer.  We  witness  the  fluctuations  of  a 
soul  l)uffeted  to  and  fro  l>y  glee  and  distress,  and  yet 
maturing  the  most  skilful  combinations  of  a  fertile 
brain. 

As  to  the  •*  Meinoiitjs  sui'  h;  (^iiiada,"  lie  seems  to 
hav(!  made  up  his  mind  reailily  enough.  After  all, 
thought  he,  there  was  no  need  to  follow  Murdoch's 
example  ;  it  was  not  absolutely  nect!ssary  to  say  that 
the  work  is  anonymous,  that  it  exudes  hatred  of  the 
clergy.  Hut,  in  the  rase  of  Pichon.  the  j)roblem  was 
far  more  dilhcult ;  something  must  be  said  of  the  j)art 
he  played.  Here  several  alternative  courses  were  open 
toParkman  :  he  might  (1)  (juote  IMchon  under  the  vague 
designation  of  '•  a  French  officer  ; "  (2)  simply  refer  to  his 
letters  or  to  the  page  of  the  volume  of  the  archives  for 
tliose  of  his  letters  that  are  there  ;  *  (•')  mention  his  name 
Avithout  comment:  (4)  acknowledge  Pichon's  odious  oc- 
cuj)ation  and  yet  say  something  in  his  favor  to  act  as  a 
buffer  against  the  sliottk  of  the  disclosure  :  or,  (5)  linuUy, 
take  shelter  behind  some  respectable  name.  Instead  of 
choosing  one  of  these  numerous  alternatives,  Parkman 


l-.jl: 


*  Till*  Compiler  has  yiddiMl  tn  (In-  nuhii'  ti'ni|>tfition  ;  hi-   lias  iiiiscrted 
SOmc!  <^f  tMc^'linii's  IcttiTs  ill  thii  volume  of  the  iiri;bivos.      Arrdilei'  ambo. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


7^ 


1.0 


I.I 


1.25 


m 


12.5 
2.2 


|;a    12.0 


1.8 


U    III  1.6 


V] 


<^ 


/] 


^a 


^;. 


y 


/!;« 


Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WESV  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTEi;,  N.Y.  14580 

(716    873-4503 


A. 


27  H 


FIVK  TRICKS. 


thought  the  best  way  out  of  tlie  tangle  was  to  take 
them  all  up  one  after  another,  in  skilful  gradation,  so 
as  proi)erly  to  prepaid  the  reader.  Thus,  in  case  of 
attack,  he  had  five  dooi-s  to  escape  through,  not  to  speak 
of  the  windows.  In  sheer  astuteness  it  would  be  hard 
to  lind  a  iNimllel  to  this  feat.  All  Parknian  seems  to 
care  about  is  to  cover  and  protect  his  retreat  in  case  of 
an  attack,  which  was  very  unlikely.  Who  would  be 
painstaking  and  suspicious  enough  to  search  and  fer- 
ret out,  to  weigh  and  compare?  Certainly  not  the 
Aeadians,  whose  astuteness  would  not  rise  to  the  level 
of  such  refined  tricks.  If  we  could  have  read  Park- 
man's  thoughts  and  seen  him  chuckling  over  his  discov- 
ery of  these  five  tricks  for  whitewashing  or  concealing 
Ms  Pichon,  we  should  have  witnessed  a  scene  of  high 
comedy. 

Fii-st  trick:  Pichon's  name  does  not  appear;  Park- 
man  quotes  him  in  this  way :  "  A  French  officer  says," 
"  a  French  writer  relates,"  doing  like  the  naughtj-  lioy 
in  tlic  Spanish  proverb  who  throws  a  stone  and  then 
puts  his  hands  in  his  pockets,  "  lira  la  piedra  y  eHconde 
la  manor  Second  trick :  a  little  further  on,  he  refers 
to  the  pages  of  the  volume  of  the  archives,  still  with- 
out naming  Pichon.  Third  trick :  he  names  Pichon 
without  a  word  of  comment.  Fourth  trick  :  he  tells  us 
very  briefly  what  Pichon  was,  but  does  his  l)est  to  raise 
him  in  the  reader's  estimation  :  "  He  was  non'  acting  the 
part  of  a  traitor,  carrying  on  a  secret  correspondeiKU'. 
He  (i'a>i  a  man  of  education,  born  in  France  of  an  Enf/lixh 
mother,  he  was  author  of  genuine  letters  relating  U) 
Cape  Breton,  a  work  of  »ome  valae. " 

Thanks  to  this  method,  the  reader  is  not  aware  that 
Pichon  has  been  really  quoted  al)out  twenty  times.     If 


WHITEWASHING  PICHOW. 


279 


he  know8  nothing  of  Pnrkman's  dodges  (and  how  could 
he  know  them  ?),  he  supposes  that  tlie  "  French  ofllicer  " 
was  very  respectable,  and  that  his  testimony  is  all  the 
more  convincing  Ijecause  he  relates  facts  that  tell  against 
his  fellow-countrymen.  In  the  second  alternative,  the 
authority  is,  apparently,  no  longer  "  a  French  officer," 
still  less  Pichon,  but  the  volume  of  the  archives,  there- 
fore, some  official  document ;  this  satisfies  the  reader, 
and  saves  him  the  trouble  of  consulting  that  volume. 
In  the  third  alternative,  he  reads  Pichon's  name ;  but, 
lus  he  does  not  yet  know  who  he  is,  he  pays  no  special 
attention  to  that  name.  At  length,  in  another  chapter, 
towards  the  end  of  the  story,  and  far  apart  from  the 
first,  he  learns  that  a  certain  Thomas  Pichon,  a  store- 
kei'pt'r,  was  a  traitor  to  his  country  :  but  there  is  nothing 
to  show  that  hv  is  the  Frcttr-fi  offin-r  ijuoted  in  another 
chapter,  especially  as  Parknian,  by  another  chamcter- 
istic  ruse  of  his,  speaks  of  him,  no  more  as  an  officer, 
but  as  "  Connnissary  of  stores."  Moreover,  the  reader, 
being  intiodueed  to  a  man  of  whom  Parkman  writes 
favorabl}',  lays  no  further  stress  on  the  matter.  He  has 
l)een  deftly  thrown  off  the  scent. 

It  must  be  admitted  that  all  this  is  "  very  smart," 
and  such  smartness,  with  an  attractive  style,  is  a 
quality  witli  which  Parkman  cannot  but  be  credited. 
Yet  he  seems,  at  last,  to  have  been  tashamed  of  himself, 
or  rather,  to  have  feared  lest  perhaps  his  artifice  should 
he  discovered;  for  -and  this  is  the  fifth  trick — after 
what  he  has  admitted  about  the  traitor,  lie  sidds,  while 
•  luoting  Pichon  once  moie,  "  Pichon  cited  by  Murdoch. ' 
Evidently  he  felt  he  was  not  quite  safe  ;  lie  must  seek 
shelter  behind  a  respectable  name.  But  Munloch,  who 
really  does  cite  Pichon  once  or  twice,  speaks  of  hi  in  at 


iV'"* 


m 


fPI 


lit 


^i^ 


2H0 


I'ICHON  S   STOIIY. 


some  length  and  tells  us  immediately  and  without  suh- 
t^M'fnge  what  he  was.  lie  cites  him  anent  the  siege  of 
Heaus{^j()ur  on  questions  that  have  no  further  imjiortanc c 
than  to  satisfy  curiosity;  ami,  even  then,  he  seems  to 
have  felt  scruples,  and  so  excuses  himself  by  the  Jilisencc 
of  f)th('r  sources :  "  In  the  following  account  of  the  siege 
of  Heaus<';jour  we  hav«!  not  any  Knglish  account,  ofliciiil 
or  private,  to  ludp  us.  .  .  .  The  nmin  i)arts  of  our  n;u- 
rative  are  derived  from  I*i(;hon.*' 

Thus,  Mui'doch's  use  of  him,  far  from  being  blame- 
worthy, gives  us  a  high  idea  of  the  historian's  character  ; 
while  Purkman's  methods  j>roduce  a  diametrically  o[)p(t- 
site  imi)ression,  and,  in  p.articular,  his  attempt  to  enlisl 
Murdoch  as  an  accomplice,  aggravates,  instead  of  attenu- 
ating, his  guilt. 

r*ainful  as  is  the  task  I  have  uiulertaken  with  respect 
to  Parkman,  \  venture  to  think  that  the  interests  of 
historic  truth  make  it  imi)erative.  Leaving  to  others 
the  duty  of  applying  a  similar  analysis  to  his  other 
works,  I  will  confine  myself  to  the  ninety  j)ages  he  has 
written  on  the  subject  in  hand. 

After  this  long  paienthesis  1  return  to  the  murder  of 
Edward  Howe  and  to  Parkman's  acc<mnt  of  it,  drawn 
from  Pichon,  who  was  then  at  Louisburg ;  for,  as  luis 
already  Im-cu  said,  he  did  not  come  to  Beausejour  till 
two  years  hiter,  in  17o8,  so  that  he  was  not  even  a  resi- 
dent, still  less  an  eye-witness.  We  have  read  how 
Parkman  said  :  "■  7*//*'  Frenvh  officerg  indignant  at  this 
villainy,  did  not  hesitate  to  charge  it  upon  Le  Loutre, 
for.  sdi/x  nut-  lit'  them  :  ''  What  in  not  a  wicked  priest  capable 
of  liouiif/ 

Now,  I  am  going  to  give  Pichon's  account  of   tliis 


m 


A    TKLL-TALK   PHI: ASK. 


2H1 


mui<lt'r.     It  is  to  Ixj  I'ound  at  page  195  of  the  Voluino 
<»f  the  Archives : 


-■•i 


**  Itwiis  very  wrongfully  ami  with  tliegroiitpst  injuBtirc  that  the 
KiikUhIi  accused  the  French  of  having  a  hand  in  the  horrors  coni- 
niitt^Hl  daily  by  Le  Loutre  with  hi.s  Indians.  i\'hut  in  not  n  iricknl 
fpriettt  capable  of  doiiiy  /  Heclotlu'd  iti  an  ujfficer's  reyhiiciitais  an 
Indian  named  Co|h.>,  and  laying  an  anilnis(>a(h>  of  Indians  near  t4) 
the  Fort,  he  sent  ('o|H'  t«i  it,  wiiving  a  irliiti-  handk'.  rcliief  in  his 
hand,  which  was  the  tistial  sign  for  the  adniittan(;e  of  the  Frencli 
into  the  English  Fort,  having  affairs  with  the  <-onnnander  of  the 
Post.  The  Major  of  the  Fort,  a  worthy  man,  and  greatly  beloved 
by  all  the  French  oflflcers,  taking  Co|k>  for  a  French  officer,  came 
out  with  his  usual  politeness  to  receive  him.  But  he  no  stKnier 
appeared  than  th(>  Indians  in  and)ush  fired  at  him  and  killed 
him.  All  the  Frencrh  officers  had  the  greatest  horror  and  indig- 
nation at  Le  Ix)Utre's  barbarous  actions:  and.  I  dare  sav.  if  the 
Court  of  France  had  known  them,  they  woidd  have  been  very 
far  from  approving  them  ;  but  he  had  so  ingratiated  himself  with 
the  Martpiis  de  la  (Jalissimniere  that  if  heeaitie  a  crime  to  write 
aguinxt  him.  It  is  nee»lless  to  explain  further  Le  I^tntre's  execra- 
ble conduct.  Critelty  and  inhinnauit/;  hati  ever  Iteen  .siicerdittaf 
from  (til  ages."' 

On  comparing  Inchon's  narrative  with  Parkmau's,  it 
is  esisy  to  see  that  the  one  is  tiie  offspring  ol"  the  other. 
We  have  Parknian  ckitljed  in  Pichon's  rei/lnietitafx  witli 
some  additional  trimmings  (hawn  from  liis  imagination. 
On  one  point  Parkman  lias  heen  imi»rudent.  By  yiehl- 
ing  to  the  temptation  of  (pjoting  Pichon's  !pftii<f<hna 
verha :  "  ^V^l<lt  /«  not  a  wickeif  prieKf  capable  of  ilolnji  y 
he  has  furnished  us  with  indis[)ntable  proof  that  the 
officer  on  wliom  he  relied  was  none  other  than  Pichon, 
;'^id  that  Piehon  himself  wius  also  his  oidy  authority  for 
jferring  to  "the  French  ollu'ers"  in  geiuaal  and  to 
jeir  supposed  in<lignation  at  Le  Loutie.  Was  it  pos- 
sible to  doubt  tliatLe  I^outre  was  the  real  culprit,  when 


^:i 


iM 


■^Mtll 


iP 


li 


mm 


282 


C'OUSWAM.IS'S    A(X'Ol'NT. 


Pui'kinan  was  Uicked,  apparently  at  least,  by  the  Fieiieh 
officers  themselves?  "  The  Freifrh  officers,'"  says  he, 
*"  did  not  hesitate  to  charge  it  on  Le  Ijoutre,  for,  hii//» 
one  of  them,  etc." 

There  is  much  scientiHc  work  in  all  this,  and  the 
public,  it  is  to  be  regretted,  seemi  indulgent  wlien 
smartly  taken  in.  "Qui  nescit  dissiniulare  nescit 
regnare  "  is  one  of  Machiavelli's  sayings.  The  s[»irit 
that  animated  Pichon  is  manifest  in  the  closiiii;  .sen- 
tence  :  "  Crneltt/  and  inhumanity  has  ever  been  naoer- 
dotal  from  all  ai/es."  The  hypocritical  traitor  thus 
aimed  at  flattering  the  prejudices  of  those  whom  he  was 
writing  for  and  increasing '  is  chances  of  reward.  Let  us 
note,  by  the  way,  that  Edward  Howe  was  neither  major 
nor  conunandcrof  the  fort,  as  Pichon  calls  him. 

Cornwallis,  writing  to  the  Duke  of  liedford  less  than 
a  month  after  the  nnirder,  says: 

"  I  liave  iu)\v  an  afrairof  iiioit»extraord.iiarya  nature  to  infonn 
you  of.  Captain  Howe  was  i-niployt'd  on  the  i'X|K'tlition  to  Beau- 
baHsin  as  knowing  the  Counliy  well,  and  lieiii;;  better  actpiainted 
botlt  with  tlie  Indians  and  inhabitants,  and.  p<H)r  man,  fancied  he 
knew  the  Frenoh  i)etter.  and  pei-sonally  tiiose  villains  «le  la  ('orn<' 
and  Le  Loutre.  His  whole  aim  and  study  was  to  try  a  |»eaet'  with 
the  Indians  and  to  yet  our  prisoners  out  of  their  hands.  For 
which  i>urposi',  he  had  frequent  I'onferi'uces  with  Le  Loutre  anil 
the  French  ofhcers  under  a  flag  of  truce.  La  Conn'*  si'tit.  one 
day.  a  tlajj,  of  truce  ?>//  (t  Frviirh  ojficcr  io  the  water  .side  of  a  small 
river  that  parts  his  pi'oph'  from  our  troops.  Captain  Iloweawf/  tt)e 
ojlficir  held  a  parley  for  .some  time  across  the  river.  IJoire  iiad  no 
soomr  taken  leare  of  tin-  ojl'iccr,  than  a  party  that  lay  jM'rdue  fired 
a  volley  at  him  and  shot  him  through  the  heart." 


Cornwallis's  account  is,  clearly,  very  different  from 
the  Pichon-Parkman  one.     True,  Cornwallis  speaks  dis- 

*  Do  lu  CoruL'  was  fonuiiiuidiug  oflleer  In  those  parts. 


J 

I  'I',    i, 


VAhlilKllKS    ST«H!Y 


ii8.{ 


paragiiipfly  of  tlie  French,  and  especially  (»f  f)e  la  Come 
and  Lf  Loutre  in  cunnection  with  this  nuirder.  It  is 
clear  tliai  he  entertained  snspicions  of  i-oniplicity,  but 
it  is  <M|nally  clear  thai  his  suspicions  are  of  a  vague, 
general  character.  Other  aecJ»unts  there  are  wliich 
I'aiknian  knew  of,  since  he  refiMs  to  them  at  the  f(H>t  of 
tlu;  ]>agc.  I'revost,  int'Ciulant-conunissary  (eoniniissaire- 
onlonnateur)  at  Louishurg,  says  distinctly  that  Howe 
had  l>een  forewarnol  by  i^e  Loutre  himself  of  the  risk 
he  ran  by  trusting  too  much  to  the  Indians,  and  that 
it  was  owitig  to  his  own  imprudcnite,  and  for  not  having 
followed  Le  Loutrc's  advice,  that  he  was  killed. 

"Mr.  Howe,"  says  l*r(!Vost  .  .  .  ^'  hnvinij  Ioh;i  tin- 
voi/t'il  till-  ImfianK,  took  it  into  his  head  to  risk  it  again. 
iiotirlthxftitiilitii/  thi'  tntniiiK/K  of  AhhS  Le  Lout  re  anil  rr»ti 
uj' t/f  Imit'tniM  f/wniKt'/n-ft.  lie  came,  with  a  white  tlag, 
opposite  one  of  them,  and  the  Indian,  having  a  /v>/  Hag, 
fned  bis  gun  at  him  and  stretched  him  dead."  * 

The  A\)])v  .Maillaitl  seems  to  coidiini  I'revost's  testi- 
mony, "^"ir  that  man  <li(l  iu)t  wish  to  perish  in  this 
Avay,  he  ought  to  have  carefully  avoided  any  meeting 
Avitli  the  Micmacs.  He  had  been  warned  to  that  effect 
shortly  bi'foie  this  fate  befell  him." 

Another  version  is  from  M.  de  la  Valliere,  an  ollirci 
ulii»  was  llien  at  Foil  IJeausejoui'  and  who  kei)t  a  journal 
of  hual  events  fioiu  September  \S\  17')0  to  .July  '2f^. 
17')1  :  therefore,  to  all  a{»[)earanees,  a  man  well  able  l<» 
form  a  c(»rrect  opinion. 

He  thus  related  How(;"s  death  : 


♦Two  yt'Uis  liiti-r  this  saiiii- Pivvost,  wiitiiij?  to  tbr  .Miiiir'tfr.  siiid  :  I 
Iiav<'  l«'Jirnt  timt  tlio  iniiii  imint'il  '()/,,',»  Imd  Mii'iiiac  who  Ims  always  t>f«'ii 
iiiiiv'iUiiu  iu  hislH-ha\  jni'  ami  siisiH-otcJ  by  both  iiatinus.  has  inadi-  st-vt-nil 
joiirm^ys  to  tlic  F.iiKli»h  s<'ttl<'Hii'iits  in  Ai^adia.  am)  tliat  lie  ha-*  cihI'mI  liy 
sigWJug  at  Httlifax  a  »<iit  n[  tn-aty." 


:  I. 


>i5?^  ii 


iiH4 


VALhlKKES   8TOUY. 


"  About  llie  loth  of  October,  tlie  Fiulians,  who  WmI 
observed  and  had  been  informed  that  Mr.  Howe,  iom- 
missary  of  the  English  troops,  often  came  to  walk  on 
the  river  Ixmk,  where  he  liad  already  had  conferences 
with  the  otHcei's  and  missionaries,  in  order  to  speak  to 
the  inhabitants  and  pei'siiade  them,  by  making  many 
promises,  to  come  over  to  the  English  side,  went  dur- 
ing the  night  into  ambush  with  some  Acadians  iH'hiiid 
a  levee  that  runs  along  the  river ;  and,  at  alx>ut  eiglit 
o'clock  in  the  morning,  Stephen  Batard  went  with  a 
white  flag  opposite  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  The 
Indian,  after  putting  a  few  (juestions  to  Mi-.  Howe, 
threw  down  his  flag  and  gave  the  signal  to  his  men, 
who  lired  inunediately  on  Mr.  Howe  an<l  wounded  him 
mortally." 

These  are  the  only  authorities  I  know ;  I'aikmaii 
mentions  another  in  a  note,  "  Les  Memoires  sur  le 
Canada,"  which,  he  says,  declares  that  Le  Loutrc  was 
present.  So  it  does,  but  it  does  not  accuse  him  ot'  cum- 
plicity  in  the  murder,  evil-minded  though  its  author  al- 
ways is  against  the  priests.*  Now,  whosoever  wcigits 
and  compares  these  different  accounts  cannot  help  think- 
ing that  Parkman's  view,  expressed  with  so  much  assur- 
ance and  as  though  it  w;is  the  only  one,  is  In-  far  the  most 
improbable.  I  felt  a  lively  personal  interest  in  ascertain- 
ing tlie  truth,  and  yet  1  am  now  far  from  inclined  to  ad- 
vance a  positive  opinion  in  favor  of  any  view  :  in  fart, 
no  one  could  do  so  with  the  diverse  aiul  conflicting 
testimonies  which  we  possess. 


*  ThiSiUKmynious  wiitiT,  oftou  quoted  by  I'arkmau,  is  so  iiuiOfiii-.«t»'  in 
ill!  that  I'oiictTus  At-adian  affairs  that  it  is  better  to  iguore  hira.  His  ver- 
sinii  <if  Howo'rt  iminicr  is  a  uew  one  aud  evidently  absurd  iu  more  than 
one  point.  Wp  should  bear  in  mind  that  the  author  must  have  reside.!  in 
Quebec  or  Moutreai,  as  his  book  treats  chiefly  of  CauadiaD  affairs. 


I'Kohaiim-:  kxim.a nation. 


28") 


Although  1  luivc  not  yt't  solved  the  proMuin,  I  will, 
liownver,  hesitiitiiigly  hazard  aiu'X[»hinalioii.  Ilowe,  as 
may  have  h«en  gatlHMvd  t'loiii  Coniwallis's  letter,  had 
K'cii  sent  to  this  post  with  a  view  to  eoiuludiiig  a 
treaty  witii  the  Indians  and  to  withdrawing  from  their 
hands  the  prisonei-s  they  held.  Having  l)een  tinMo 
some  weeks,  it'  not  some  months,  In;  had  already  hail 
.several  conferences  with  the  Indians  on  the  hanks  of  the 
little  river  that  was  the  horder-line  l)etweeii  them. 
Though  he  ha<l  hithertc)  l)eeii  unsuccessful,  he  still 
persisted  in  his  efforts.  He  also  had  frciiuent  inter- 
views in  the  same  place  with  Le  Loutre  and  tin;  French 
officers.  My  view  is,  that,  on  this  occasion,  Howe  went 
t(»  tlie  usual  place  to  meet  an  oHicer,  who  wius  [)erhaps 
accompanied  hy  Le  Loutre;  that  Cope,  chief  of  one 
Indian  trihe,  Le  Batard,  chief  of  another,  and  some 
other  savages,  were  in  ambush  along  the  Icvce,  watch- 
ing for  an  interview  between  Howe  and  the  Ficucli 
oHicers  in  order  to  carry  out  their  purjtosc;  that,  di- 
rectly after  the  French  ollicer  and  \a'  r^outre  had  left,  at 
the  end  of  the  interview,  and  bcf(»re  Howe  had  with- 
drawn, the  Indians  waved  a  flag  as  a  signal  that  they 
wished  to  have  a  parley.  This  interpretation  has,  at 
least,  the  merit  of  reconciling  otherwise  irreconcilable 
differences  in  the  various  accounts.  I'ichon  says  Howe 
went  dowu  to  the  river  bank  to  n\eet  au  Luliaii  dressed 
as  an  officer.  This  is  scarcely  possible,  as  Corn wal lis, 
who  was  not  likely  to  be  mistaken  about  a  fact  which 
he  could  verify,  says  that  "  ffowe  and  the  offici-r  hhi  a 
parley  iov  some  time  across  the  river."  "  Howe  had  no 
sooner  taken  leave  of  the  officer  than  a  party  that  lay 
perdue,  etc."  The  Indians  had  to  make  haste  in  order 
not  to   let  Howe   escape  ;    consequently,  the  French 


i 

ii 


'■■■n 


i  ,'■ 


m 

0f\ 


280 


<oN.in:iN<;  with  witnkssks. 


onii'iM'  and  \a-  LouUe,  il"  iiidctMl  tiu*  liitttu'  was  piofiii. 
caiiiiot  liavt!  Inm'II  tar  oH'.  I'rt'vo-st  preteiids  that  tin- 
Indian  wlio  kill«Ml  Howt;  \va.s('o|M';  La  VullicMf  act-u^o 
SU'pluMi  Lu  HuUu'd;  perhaps  lx)tli  of  iheni  had  a  huid 
in  it. 

Cornwallis  makes  it  (leaithal  Howe  had  a  conrereiK**- 
witli  a  j^'enuine  ollicer,  that  he  hehl _/'(»/•  mdhh-  fimr  a  |iaiit>\ 
with  him,  that  \vh»'n  tht-ir  parley  was  over  they  took 
leave  of  eaih  other.  It  eould  not  have  Ix^en  so  il  that 
man  liad  l)een  an  IncUan  in  an  «>lli(er's  icginienlaU.  a> 
the  frand  wt)uhl  snrely  have  l>een  dctei-ted  at  onee  :  and 
this  is  made  clearer  hy  Cornwallis's  further  stalenuMii 
that  it  was  after  taking  leave  of  the  Freneh  ollieei'  that 
"  a  party  tliat  lay  perdue  fired  a  volley."  The  absurd  story 
of  an  Indian  clothed  in  an  ollieer's  rej,'imentals  is  not  al- 
luded to  hy  any  other  than  Pichon,  and  is,  inferentially. 
eontradieted  hy  ("ornwallis.  Moreover,  aeeordinij  to 
Cornwallis,  that  ofTieer  was  sent  hy  De  la  Corne  himselt, 
so  that,  if  then;  was  an  ambush  by  others  than  Iiulians, 
we  should  have  to  eonneet  with  it  theeommander  of  the 
French  post  and  the  ollieei'  who  lield  the  parley.  Thu^, 
Parkman,  wIkj,  for  these  i)artieulars,  had  the  testimony 
of  the  English  governor  al)out  facts  part  of  which  he  had 
been  able  to  verify  and  control,  has  preferred  to  accept 
ill  all  details  the  fanciful  and  absurd  story  of  Pichon, 
for  no  other  motive,  it  seems,  than  the  better  to  eoniictt 
Le  Loutre  with  this  nmrder. 

To  sum  up  in  a  few  words  :  Parkman's  proof  of  Lc 
Loutre's  complicity  in  the  murder  of  Howe  has  no  other 
foundation  than  the  testimony  of  Pichon,  of  Pichon  who 
then,  and  for  the  two  subsequent  years,  lived  at  Louis- 
burg.  Directly,  inferentially  or  in  essential  details,  he* 
was  contradicted  by  Maillard,  Prdvost,  La  Valliere  and 


CON.IUKINi;    WITH    WITNKSSKS. 


•JH7 


Cornwallis,  tluit  is.  by  a  (lisliiiguiKlied  priest,  two  of- 
Hcers  of  high  niiik  aiKl  oim  govuriioi'.  The  odds  wuro 
thus  very  heavy  ugaitist  the  version  Piirkiuaii  sought  to 
ftu.st  on  the  piihlie,  and  few  even  of  tlie  most  artful  and 
unscriipuhius  writers  wouUl  have  faced  siuh  odds. 
I'arkiUiui.  however,  <hd.  lie  wais  lK)iind  t«»  get  I'ii  lu>u 
admitted  and  to  givt;  liini  a  solid  iNU-king.     Auda«>ity  is 


an  iusittiai>k'  rraving  which  every  suecess  develops  more 
and  more.  Parkman  luul  succeeded  so  well  in  recom- 
mending the  "  Memoires  sur  le  Canada"  thanks  to  his 
little  trick  of  division  hy  which  this  witness  s»ispecte<l  of 
paitiality  and  irreligion  is  made  to  reappear  incoi/.  under 
the  veil  of  "a  ('atholic  contempoiaiy."  that  he  thoutfjit 
he  eouhl  adopt  similar  tactics  in  Pichon's  case;:  only  lie 
mu.«»t  make  them  more  elal)orate  to  tit  the  higher  impor- 
tance of  this  jiew  accusation.  His  lirst  stcji  was  to  give 
Pichon  an  air  of  respectability  by  speaking  of  him.  with- 
out naming  him,  as  *' a  French  otlicer."  His  next  was 
to  make  use  of  this  oflicer  as  a  voucher  that  all  the 
French  ofHcers  held  the  same  opinion.  I>ut  now  Park- 
man  wius  confronted  with  a  more  serious  dilliculty. 
What  wiis  to  Ih!  tlone  abo\il  Maillard,  Prevost,  i.a  Val- 
liere  an<l  Cornwallis?  Must  lit;  reproduce  the  substance 
of  tlielr  version,  or  should  he  ignore  them  completely? 
Neither  of  these  extreme  courses  suited  him  ;  he  sou<:lit 
and  found  a  third  alternative.  lie  ingeniously  con- 
trived to  put  their  names  at  the  foot  of  the  page  with 
an  uiiimi»ortant  remark  al>out  each  of  them,  .so  worded, 
however,  as  to  create  the  impression  that  they  had  not 
taken  a  different  view  of  the  matter,  but  that  the  little 
they  had  said  tended  to  corroborate  his  "  French 
officer.'' 

So  with  nothing,  or  something  worse  than  nothing  in 


■m 


^if 


■<ifj 


'.-1 


III 


^i^^ 


>3l 


»«l 


M  ill 

I.,.     „,  ■  e* 


% 


•JHH 


MAI.M'K    AS    A    IMNK    Al!T. 


liis  favor,  tiiul  with  an  ovfrwiifliniii^  [)ro()l  .i^uiii^i  lii> 
fliiiix*'^'  I'arkimiii  liiis  coiisUucted  iMusliiii^  uviih'iu  • 
ii^iiiiist  \a'  liiMitiu.  Il(;  has  so  twisted  aiui  <listi^iii)*l 
every  authority  as  to  niakt;  it  appear  that  Ia;  liOiitre  was 
aciustMl  and  eoiideniiied  on  all  sides:  by  ''a  French 
orticer,"  "all  the  French  oflicers,"  *  by  Provost,  Mail- 
lard,  La  Vallierc,  Cornwallis,  and  "  Lcs  M<Jinoires  siir  Ic 
C'ana<la.'' 

Tlius,  I'arknian  has  given  an  honorable  character  t<» 
the  woi-Mt  accusations  against  Le  I^outre,  particularly  to 
that  which  iniplicate<l  him  in  a  murder.  Aft(;r  that,  he 
liad  no  doubt  peo[)le  would  belic^vc  whatever  he  chose 
to  advance  against  him. 

With  such  methods  you  <;an  prove  anything,  (five 
Parkman  a  blackmailing  letter  from  tin-  veriest  black- 
guai'd,  and,  if  not  clostdy  looki-d  after,  he  might  bring 
about  the  (conviction  and  electrocution  of  the  President 
of  the  United  States.  Have  \\v  not  a  right  to  apply 
Piclion's  virtuous  indignation  to  Paikman  and  e.xelaim  : 
'•  What  is  not  a  wicked  stoiy-teller  capable  of  doing?" 

Let  us  not  foiget  that  the  lirst  ust;  made  of  Pichon 
is  about  L(!  Loutre  ;  that,  sid)sc{puMitly,  lu!  (piotes  him 
no  less  than  fifteen  or  twenty  times  in  live  difl'erent  dis- 
guises. He  could  safely  divulge  tiie  name  and  charac- 
ter of  Pichon  wIkmi  once  ho  had  extracted  from  him  all 
his  venom  against  I^o  Louti'c,  and  when  the  divulging 
thereof  did  not  remove  the  euphemism  under  cover  of 
which  he  had  administered  his  poison,  f 

It  may  be  very  diilicult  to  get  a  correct  idea  of  the 
details  of  Howe's  death ;  but  I  refuse  to  believe  that  an 

*  It  i8  Pii'bon  who  suy.s  that  the  Freuch  officers  act'\iso(l  Li-  Loutre. 

f  Pichon  is  iiitrodiici'd  iiH  "a  French  Officer"  iu  Piirkiimns  J)ookiit  pigrt 
IIH.  in  the  fourth  chapter;  and  it  is  not  till  jkiko  243,  in  the  eijfhth  chap- 
ter, that  liis  name  ami  his  vile  liusiuess  are  revealeil. 


.... 


LE    LUUTIIKS   C'OMPI.HITY    IMPOHHIliLE. 


•JHII 


officer  or  a  pii«'Ht,  ^reiit  iw  iniiy  liave  l)een  thuir  prejii- 
dices  or  tlieir  faiiatitisiii,  can  have  had  tlie  smallest  share 
ill  a  criine  of  tliis  sort,  when  they  had  nothing  to  gain 
or  nioic  to  lose  than  to  gain  by  even  an  indire(;t  partici- 
pation in  it.  Harharian.s  alone  could  have  conceived 
and  executed  su(;h  a  (M-inu^ 

I  do  not  lielitive  that  suspicions  were  tlien  entertained 
at  Halifax  of  Le  Loutre\s  complicity  in  the  nuirder  ; 
though,  if  they  w»Me,  these  suspic  "Hs  would  lead,  as  a 
natural  conscciuencc,  to  the  furthei  supj)osition  that  he 
was  capable  of  any  villainy.  P'li  if,  in  fact,  ■  i.ording  to 
the  affirmations  of  Provost  ah  i  Maillan'<  Le  Loutre  liad 
really  warncci  llowt*  of  the  dangt  r  'le  ran,  we  are  con- 
fronted no  longei  with  a  crinu,  noi  with  the  suspicion 
thereof,  hut  ^^  ith  a  i)raiseworthy  action  that  exhibits  Le 
Loutre  in  a  less  unlikely  character  and  one  fiir  nioie  in 
keeping  with  his  past  devotedness  as  a  missionary. 

In  order  to  elucidate  this  niystv'rious  affair.  I  have,  as 
I  usually  do  in  sutdi  matters,  tried  lo  fathom  the  mo- 
tives of  the  actors  therein.  I  lind  that,  though  Le 
Loutre  may  have  been  jealous  of  Howe's  influence  with 
the  Ai-adians,  this  jealousy  is  far  from  sufficient  to 
implicate  him  in  this  murder.  My  liist  reason  is  that, 
without  convincing  evidence,  no  one  can  be  warranted 
in  making  a  monster  of  a  man  who  had  sacrificed  all  the 
comforts  of  life  to  the  salvation  of  his  soul  and  to  the 
higher  interests  of  religion.  Secoudl}-,  this  crime  would 
be  altogether  at  variaiu^e  with  what  we  already  know  of 
him.  Thirdly,  it  were  impossible  to  suppose  him  short- 
sighted or  blind  enough  not  to  have  foreseen  the  disas- 
trous, and  inevitable  consecpicnces  of  .such  a  deed  for 
him  and  for  his  dearest  interests.     Fourthly,  to  connect 

Le  Loutre  with  this  crime  seems  necessarily  to  imply 
1!> 


m 


m^ 


h 


2tlO 


LEI/)UTH1*:S   COMPLICITV    IMPOSSIDLK. 


the  complicity  of  fcrtain  French  officers,  in  j)iirti('ul.ir  of 
the  Commandant  De  hi  Corne,  and  thus  charcfc  them 
with  the  same  perverseness  and  blindness.  Now  wo 
have  tlie  clearest  proofs  that  these  oHicers  had  oxct'lleni 
reason  to  he  jealous,  and  were  indeed  jealous,  of  L(i 
Loutre's  influence  and  of  his  share  in  the  <(Mi(hul  of 
military  and  civil  operations.  Mdieover,  we  know  that 
Howe  was  held  in  hij^h  esteiMU  by  these  sanu'  Krciicli 
officers.  Therefore,  I  infer,  they  cainiot  have  conspired 
with  Le  Loutre  against  Howe. 

What,  then,  can  have  been  the  motive  of  the  Iixlian 
assassins?  I  do  not  know.  Written  proofs  are  wantr 
ing,  as  they  are  wanting  in  so  many  other  chaptei-s  of 
this  history,  where  clearly-defined  facts  are  the  excep- 
tion. Though  the  Indians  may  have  had  many  a 
long-standing  grudge  to  wipe  out,  they  probably  had  no 
more  valid  excuse  than  the  harm  Howe  wiis  doing  them 
by  his  zeal  for  the  service  of  England. 

However,  we  are  justified  in  supposing  that  Le 
Loutre,  by  his  overstrained  ardor  and  his  violent  dia- 
tribes, may  have,  indirectly  and  unconsciously,  influ- 
enced to  some  extent  the  conduct  of  the  murderous 
Lidians.  For  many  yeare  he  had  been  fanning  the 
flames  of  fanaticism ;  and  to  the  savage  mind  tiie 
logical  and  practical  consequence  might  have  been  the 
removal  of  the  man  who  personified  all  that  made  against 
their  nation,  against  France  and  Catholicism.  This  is 
the  conclusion  I  am  inclined  to  arrive  at,  in  virtue,  not 
of  documentary  evidence,  but  of  arguments  based  on 
the  study  of  human  motives  and  the  teachings  of  his- 
tory. 

Seeing  that  Parkman  undoubtedly  aimed  at  imparting 
a  flavor  to  his  narrative  by  implicating  a  priest  in  this 


LEOEl{r)?:MAIN    NOT   ANALYSIS. 


21>1 


murder,  lie  miglit  have  Jittained  his  object  in  a  less 
sensational  fashion  hut  more  plausibly,  had  he  used  the 
method  I  have  adopted.     This  method,  albeit  necessary, 


le    St 


Id 


om 


foil 


ows. 


For  him,  as  all  hi>   works  hhow. 


history  is  merely  a  clever  f(ame  of  lefjerdemain,  a  hunt 
aftei'  anecdotes,  a  salmagundi  of  items  picked  U])  every- 
where without  nnieh  regard  to  their  origin  or  their 
valu(\  lie  has  no  misgivings,  he  cuts  the  toughest 
(iordian  knots  with  a  few  swift  strokes  of  the  pen,  with 
a  few  admirably  balanced  sentences  which  give  the 
reader  no  inklingof  the  tremendous  dilllicudties  involved. 
Small  wonder  that  he  should  thus  (le[)ort  himself; 
analysis  would  shackle  his  (hiinty  feet,  woidd  over- 
weight his  style;  analysis  is  a  painful  [jrocess.  whic'h 
suits  the  sincere  writer  alone;  analysis  is  the  \v('a[»on  of 
him  only  who,  seeking  in  history  nothing  but  the  truth, 
is  not  afraid  to  place  the  reader  ina})osition  to  judge  by 
himself  of  the  facts  at  issue,  and  of  the  value  of  con- 
flicting testimony.  Hence  it  is  that  Parkman,  even  if 
lie  had  the  necessary  peneti-ation,  seldom  sifts  and 
analyzes  evidence  in  such  a  way  that  the  public  may 
judge  of  his  power  of  analysis. 

The  facts  that  form  the  basis  of  the  foregoing  chapter 
are  important,  not  only  in  that  they  afford  full  play  to 
Parkman's  peculiar  methods,  but  also  in  their  bearing 
on  the  subsequent  history  of  the  Acadians.  Howe's 
death  had  much  to  do  with  the  sequel  of  that  sad 
history.  By  increasing  the  irritation  of  the  English 
against  the  French  it  made  the  deportation  possible.^   . 

1  Sinpo  writing  the  abovo.  I  seo  that  Parkman,  in  his  last  work,  says, 
without  explanation,  that  Le  Loutro's  coniiilicity  is  not  provoil.  '■  (jnnn- 
tiiin  tnntalus  ab  illo  ! "  Wheueo  comes  this  chauKeV  What  has  hapi^etii'd';' 
Nothing,  except  that  CaHjjraiuhas  biken  exception  to  his  inferpnc("-.  Idliug 
him  that  La  ValliSre,  Provost,  Maillard,  whom  he  cites,  draw  irifeniices 
wry  different  from  his  and  from  what  he  leads  the  reader  to  infer ;  but 


'■If.  J 


^fw 


r 


eS! 


'  ill'- 


292 


GOING  BEHIND  THE   RETURNS. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

Intrigues  of  the  French  to  urge  the  Indians  to  hostilities — Letter 
of  La  Jonqui^re  to  the  Minister — Indian  warfare  against  tlie 
English — Hostilities  between  Englisli  and  French— Le  Loutre's 
methods  against  the  Acadians — He  is  blamed  by  the  Bisliop  of 
Quebec — Divers  acts  of  cruelty  against  the  Indians  of  Maine. 


I  A^r  proceeding  with  a  sincere  desire  to  discover  the 
share  of  bhime  which  belongs  to  each  of  tlie  conflict- 
ing parties  ;  endeavoring  to  be  just  to  the  English  ns 
well  as  to  the  French,  to  the  Home  (Jovcrninciit  as  well 
as  to  the  local  authorities,  to  the  Acadians  as  well  as  to 
the  priests.  The  materials  for  this  history'  are  so  scanty, 
there  are  so  mfiny  gaps  to  fill,  that  here,  more  than  else- 
where, it  becomes  imperative  to  enter  successively  into 
the  minds  of  the  interested  parties  in  oi'der  to  detect 
the  motives  that  impelled  them  to  adopt  one  course 
rather  than  another.  One  must  become,  so  to  speak,  by 
turns,  a  missionary,  an  Acadian  peasant,  an  Englishman 
and  a  Frenchman,  a  Catholic  and  a  Protestant ;  one 
must  divest  oneself  of  preconceived  notions,  narrow  or 
broaden  one's  views,  penetrate  into  the  prejudices  of  all. 
This  is  not  always  easy,  nor  equally  easy  for  every  one. 
My  life  has  been  spent  amidst  these  opposite  elements, 

Casprain  has  produeod  no  now  proof.  Truo,  Casgrain  ha8  not  discovorod 
the  j^iviit  secrt't  ;  but  ho  may  bo  on  tho  right  scout,  and  ho  must  thoreforo 
bo  iiuniodiatoly  turned  away' from  it  by  somo  concession;  olso either  ho  or 
soinoVjody  else  miglit  nmko  further  researches  and  possibly  ferret  out 
Parkman's  artful  dodges  and  his  dear  Piehou.  Matters  had  reached  a 
point  where  Parkman  might  say.  as  children  do  whoa  they  play  Hunt  tho 
Slipper  :  "  It's  getting  very  hot  1 " 


INDIAN    ALLIES. 


29a 


Mi 


i»^^- 


and,  owing  to  exceptional  circumstances  and  perhaps 
also  to  my  turn  of  mind,  I  experience  no  difficulty  in 
seeing  with  the  eyes  of  others.  If  some  writers  have 
examined  more  documents  than  I  have,  perliaps  no  one 
has  more  honestly  and  deeply  ])ondered  the  true  inward- 
ness of  the  facts. 

Under  different  circumstances  it  is  possible,  1)}-  a  mere 
compilation  of  documents  connected  by  such  explana- 
tions as  are  necessary  for  understanding  the  narrative,  to 
compose  a  history  that  would  be  a  pretty  faithful  picture 
of  events  :  in  this  case,  such  a  compilation  would  be 
altogether  insufficient.  Not  oidy  are  materials  few,  not 
only  have  the  most  important  been  suppressed,  but 
those  which  remain  are  generally  but  the  story  as 
written  by  one  side,  in  stiff  official  letters  calculated  to 
show  merely  the  deceptive  surface  facts,  merely  what  it 
pleased  the  wrii  r  to  say.  Motives,  intentions,  secret 
thoughts,  all  the  inner  springs  of  action,  which  are 
revealed  in  private  letters,  secret  journals,  documents 
from  the  otlier  side,  are  completely  wanting  here. 

The  circumstances  did  not  favor  an  international  code 
of  honor  equal  to  that  which  obtained  among  the  civil- 
ized nations  of  Euro[)e.  Tlie  interference  of  Indian 
allies  in  war  made  i)eace  factitious,  war  doubly  cruel 
and  hatred  incredibly  intense.  Each  nation  had  its 
savage  allies,  sometimes  fighting  on  tlieir  own  account, 
oftener  egged  on  l)y  one  or  the  other  of  the  two  nations. 
Even  when  they  spontaneously  took  to  the  war[)ath, 
they  were  suspected  of  doing  so  at  the  suggestion  of 
interested  whites.  An  act  of  hostility  committed  on 
the  great  lakes  was  avenged  later  on  in  New  England 
or  in  Nova  Scotia,  and  vice  versa. 

Numerically,  France  was  much  inferior  to  her  rival. 


.,  s 


I  'i 


m 


^m\ 


294 


INDIAN    ALLIKS. 


Tlie  assistance  of  \hv  Indians  was,  tlierefore,  a  necessary 
condition  of  her  existence  ;  and  so  we  (ind  that  Fiance 
always  mon;  assiduonsly  and  more  snciMissfidly  cnlti- 
vated  llu'ir  friendslii[>.  Iler  most  powerfnl  lever  Avas 
the  missionar}'.  Whilst  this  si)urner  of  ereatnre-com- 
forts  phiiiji^ed  into  the  forest  to  follow  the  Indians  in 
their  expeditions  for  the  diase,  for  barter  or  for  war, 
.sharini^  their  privations,  assoeiating  with  their  daily 
life  and  their  interests,  the  Protestant  minister,  lK)und 
to  eivili/ation  by  family  ties,  coidd  not  ex[)ose  his  loved 
ones  to  the  trials  of  sneh  a  life  and  to  the  contact  of 
those  barbarians  ;  yet  this  was  the  best  means  of  evangel- 
izing them  and  nltimately  of  winning  them  to  civiliza- 
tion. We  can  readily  nnderstand  how,  for  the  mission- 
ary, tlie  interests  of  religion  were  closely  linked  with 
those  of  his  nation,  since  his  efforts  l)ecame  or  might 
become  useless  as  soon  as  the  territory  passed  into 
English  hands.  It  was,  assuredly,  very  natural  that 
the  missionary  should  preserve  his  love  for  France; 
but  Parkman,  in  viewing  liim  as  too  exclusively  domi- 
naied  l)v  this  sentiment,  does  not  realize  the  intimate 
connection  which  the  missionary  saw  between  his 
religion  and  his  country. 

Those  vast  and  fertile  regions  that  had  no  other 
masters  than  a  few  savage  tribes  were  coveted  by  both 
nations,  and  had  to  be  occupied  as  early  as  possible,  so 
that  the  rival  nation  might  not  step  in  beforehand. 
However,  there  were  no  exact  and  definite  titles  to 
legal  jiossession  accepted  and  recognized  jis  such  ;  much 
stress  must  also  be  laid  on  the  friendship  of  the  Indians, 
often  an  uncertain  and  easih'-broken  bond,  often  threat- 
ened by  underhand  seduction.  Thus  it  happened  that 
there  was  no  distinct  line  of  demarcation  beyond  which 


'>Ij*d 


DKKiJS  OK  sham::. 


honor  coiild  not  siit'ely  go.  In  l^uropc  the  most  iii>in- 
nificiint  lU'tions  wt'ic  (h)nt!  hcl'oii!  tlic  eyes  ol"  all,  Ikhmm- 
was  held  in  eheclc  by  |)ul»lie  opinion,  ever  sueh  a 
might}'  power.  Here,  the  blackest  erinies  frecjnently 
were  without  echo,  or  were  lost  in  the  stditude  of  the 
forest.  We  need  not,  then,  be  siirpiised  that  rival 
interests  should  have  proni[)ted  many  acts  of  duplicity, 
and  that  both  nations  are  responsible  I'oi-  deeds  the 
memory  of  which  may  well  make  them  blush.  Indul- 
gence is,  thei'efore,  o[)portune  ;  still,  there  are  misdeeds 
80  blameworthy  that  history  cannot  ignore  them  ;  and, 
if  such  blame  is  deserved  by  France,  it  applies  pai- 
tieularly,  I  believe,  to  lu;r  conduct  in  this  part  of 
the  country,  and  at  the  very  period  upon  which  we  are 
entering. 

The  eight  years'  peace,  from  1748  to  1750,  in  America, 
was  nothing  but  a  series  of  continued  liostiliti<;s,  getting 
worse  each  year.  Macau  lay  says :  "  The  peace  was, 
as  legards  Europe,  but  a  truce  ;  it  was  not  even  a  truce 
in  other  (piarters  of  the  globe." 

Cornwallis's  proclamation,  ordering  tl»e  Acadians  to 
take  an  uiuestricted  oath,  was,  for  Acadia,  the  cause  or 
the  pretext,  at  first,  of  secret  hostilities,  and  ultimately 
of  o[)en  war. 

The  enmity  of  tlie  Indians  for  the  Englisli  liad  always 
been  carefully  fostered  ;  it  was  the  counterpoise  which 
equalized  the  advantages  of  the  two  nations  in  this  i)art 
of  the  continent.  We  shall  presently  see,  as  I'arkman 
rightly  says,  that  nothing  was  neglected  by  the  French 
to  urge  them  to  hostilities,  whether  with  a  view  to  dis- 
courage the  colonists  introduced  by  Cornwallis  or  to 
force  the  Acadians  to  cross  the  frontier.  A  few  days 
after  this  proclamation,  De  la  Jonquiere  wrote  to  the 


^i'ifr 


I 


i#f  'i  ^ 


i» 


M 


i'lt 


290 


rSIN(}   THK    INDIANS. 


Minister  of  Colonies  tluit  Cornwallis,  on  liis  arrival,  had 
issued  a  proclamation  rec^uiring  from  the  Aeadians  an 
unrestricted  oatli ;  that  this  proclamation  Imd  tilled  them 
with  alarm  ;  and  that  he  liimself  had  given  instructions 
to  Captain  de  Roishdbert  to  favor  their  departure.  Tie 
informed  liim  of  tlie  conferences  he  had  liad  with  the 
Indians : 

"  I  dill  not  care  to  give  them  any  advice  upon  the  matter,  and 
(confined  myself  to  a 2»'oiniNc  that  I  uumld  on  tto  acvoimt  (tbamloa 
tln'ui ;  and  1  h<tre  provided  for  mipplijiny  thvm  with  I'verythinij , 
whether  {irnis.  anununition  or  other  necessaries.  It  is  to  1m' de- 
sired that  these  savages  should  succeed  in  thicartiny  the  desiyns  of 
the  EiKjIixii,  (iiid  eren  their  settlement  at  Halifax.  They  are  bent 
on  doiiKj  so ;  and  if  they  can  carry  out  their  plans,  it  is  certain 
that  they  will  give  the  English  great  trouhle,  and  so  harass  them 
that  they  will  he  a  great  obstacle  in  their  path.  Tiiese  Saraijes  are 
to  aet  (done  ;  neither  soldier  nor  French  inhabitant  is  to  join  them; 
ei'erything  will  be  done  of  their  oini  motion,  and  without  showing 
that  I  had  any  knowledge  of  the  matter.  This  is  very  es.^sntial; 
therefore.  I  have  written  to  the  Sieur  de  Boishebert  to  observe 
great  prudence  in  his  measures.  a)id  to  aet  very  secretly,  in  onler 
that  the  English  may  not  perceive  that  we  are  proi'idi nij  for  the 
needs  of  the  said  Savages.  It  will  be  the  missionaries  n-ho  will 
vianarje  all  the  negotiations,  and  direct  the  movements  of  the  SaV' 
ages,  who  are  in  c.i'cellent  Inntds,  as  Father  Germain  and  Abl)e  Le 
Loutre  are  very  capable  of  making  the  most  of  them,  and  using 
them  to  the  gradcst  advantage  for  our  i)dcrests.  They  will  man- 
age their  intrigue  in  such  a  way  as  not  to  api^ear  in  it." 

He  went  on  to  say  that  he  hoped  thus  to  prevent  the 
English  from  making  any  new  settlement,  to  remove 
the  Aeadians  from  them,  and  to  discourage  them  by  con- 
tinual attacks  of  Indians,  so  as  to  make  them  give  up 
their  pretensions  to  the  territories  of  the  King  of 
France. 

Nothing  can  he  clearer.  De  la  Jonquiere's  sugges- 
tions, it  appears,  were  ap[)roved  by  the  French  govern- 


I  i 


rsiNT,    THK    INDIANS. 


2l»l 


ment.  This  iipproviil  is  lH)th  contemptible  and  iiioxcu- 
sable.  This  (locHiim.'iit  is  a  stigma  on  France's  lionor, 
and  is  dttnbly  so,  as  it  directly  involves  tlie  Home 
Autlioritics.  True,  hostilities  liad  been  connnitted- 
shortly  before  in  these  parts  by  the  English  on  the 
Krencdi  and  Indians;  it  would  be  no  easy  matter  to 
ascertain  satisfactorilv  which  side  was  the  lirst  airirressor 
and  on  whom  the  l)lame,  or  most  of  it,  rests;  yet,  as 
this  letter  shows  that  peacre  might  have  l)een  restored 
without  these  insti<;ations,  France's  truilt  cannot  be  ex- 
cuseil  nor  diminished  to  an}-  great  extent.  The  same 
reprobation  may  be  applied,  though  with  less  force,  to 
the  participation  of  Le  Loutre  and  (Jermain  ;  history  is 
justified  in  charging  them  with  the  vexations  and  atroc- 
ities committed  by  the  Indians  on  the  colonists  oi 
Halifax.  However,  in  all  fairness,  I  must  once  more- 
direct  attention  to  the  fact  that  Fathers  Germain  and  Le 
Loutre  were  missionaries  among  the  Indians  of  Frencli 
Acadia  (New  Brunswick),  and  not  among  those  of  the 
Peninsula  (Nova  Scotia). 

I  have  already  mentioned  how  Le  Lotitre  failed  to 
make  the  Acadians  of  Grand  \*v6  and  of  all  the  Klines 
Basin  emigrate  ;  I  have  also  indicated  the  moans  he 
used  toward  those  who  dwelt  at  Beaubassin  near  the 
frontier.  For  fuller  details  as  to  these  latter,  I  will 
quote  Parkman,  not  because  of  the  absolute  .accurac}-  of 
liis  facts,  for  liis  information  is  mainly  derived  from  tlie 
questionable  sources  examined  in  the  previous  chapter, 
but  because,  in  the  absence  of  all  other  information,  his 
account  may  be  received  as  containing  a  substratum  of 
truth,  now  that  the  reader  is  in  a  position  to  estimate 
the  value  of  his  authorities. 

At  page  116  of  his  work,  "  Montcalm  and  Wolfe,'* 


,.|: 


:•"■■■    j»f 


[•.T 


!i 


298 


HL'KXINCS    llnrsKS. 


I'lukniiiii  Siiys  :  '•  ResolvcMl  that  tlie  peopK;  of  Ii«.';ni- 
biissiii  slioiilil  not  live  under  Knglisli  iiitliu'ncr,  he 
Loutre  with  his  own  hand  (?)  st;t  tin'  t«)  the  paiisli 
cliurch  and  this  conipelh'd  the  Acadians  to  cross  to  the 
Frencli  side  of  the  river.*' 

Speaking  of  the  inliahitantsof  Coheijnid  (now  Truro), 
he  says  :  '•  'I'hi'V  began  to  move  their  baggage  only 
wlieu  tlie  savages  eonipeUed  thenu" 

When  Lawrence  lan«h'd  witli  his  men  to  found  Fort 
Lawrence  on  the  frontier,  then;  still  remained,  in  the 
iieif;hl)orhood  of  iJeauhassin  village,  which  ha<l  l)een  de- 
stroyed  some  months  before,  an«l,  on  the  Knglish  side, 
quite  a  luunber  of  houses  an«l  barns  that  had  not  been 
burned.  "  Le  I^outre's  Indians,"  says  Parkman,  "  now 
threatened  to  plunder  and  kill  the  inhabitants  if  tliey 
did  not  take  aims  against  the  Knglish.  Few  complied, 
and  the  greater  {>art  tied  to  the  woods.  On  this  the 
Indians  and  their  Acadian  allies  set  the  houses  and 
barns  on  tire,  and  laid  waste  the  Avhole  district,  leaving 
the  inhabitants  no  choice  but  to  seek  food  and  shelter 
with  the  French." 

At  jiage  120  Parkman  says:  "  Le  Lontre,  fearing  that 
they  would  return  to  their  lands  and  submit  to  the 
English,  sent  some  of  them  to  isle  St.  Jean.  They  re- 
fused to  go,  but  he  compelled  them  at  last,  by  threaten- 
ing the  Indians  to  pillage  them,  carrying  off  their 
wives  and  children,  and  even  kill  them  before  their 
eyes  (?)  " 

After  making  allowances  for  the  exaggerations  of 
details,  I  am  not  far  from  believing  that  these  events 
really  occurred  pretty  nearly  as  they  are  descril)ed.  It 
must  be  said,  however,  in  extenuation  of  Le  Loutre's 
conduct,  that  he  acted  on   the  luiderstanding  that  the 


LV:    LOrritK    IlKIMtlMANDKD. 


Aciuliiins  would  In*  tnlly  iiMlumiiilicd  lor  nil  tlu'ir 
losses,  and,  if  thesi'  promises  were  piirtiiilly  fnistriit(.'(l, 
tln'  fault  lies  at  the  door  of  Inteiidaiit  Hiijot,  Vendor 
and  tlH;ir  acconiplicies.  who  kept,  foi'  their  own  iM'iielil, 
the  funds  set  apart  for  the  relief  of  the  Aeadian  ref- 
ugees. 

Men  who,  like  l^e  i^outre,  allow  themselves  to  he 
carried  awa\'  hv  reliiiious  fanaticism,  almost  alwavs  he- 
come  dangerous  as  soon  as  they  (piit  thc^  s[»hei'e  of  re- 
liction to  come  <lown  into  the  aiena  of  worldly  eonfliets. 
He  should  have  ceased  pesterinf^  tlu;  Acadians  to  move, 
.'18  soon  as  he  met  with  decided  resistance  on  their  [)art; 
and,  sinc(>  he  was  so  vij^orously  o[»posed  hy  those  who 
lived  near  the  frontier,  he  had  nothini(  to  hoi)e  for  from 
those  whos(!  remoteness  placed  them  heyond  his  reach. 
His  machinations  coidd  oidy  serve  to  agi,'ravate  a  situa- 
tion that  was  ali'cady  painful  enough.  Although  the 
Acadians,  as  we  shall  see,  never  did  anything  that  could 
justify  either  their  deportation  or  any  severity  even  re- 
motely comparal)le  to  that,  yet,  when  they  weigh  all  the 
causes  of  their  exile,  they  cannot  shut  their  eyes  to  the 
unforgotteu  fact  that  the  conduct  of  France  toward 
them  was  impolitic,  selfish  and  cruel,  that  it  (piickened 
latent  })rejudices  and  antipathy  against  them,  aiul  paved 
the  way  for  the  misfortunes  that  ensued.  And  here,  as 
Parkman,  in  quoting  I'ichon,  states  facts  of  a  puhlie 
nature,  which  could  not  he  altogether  unknown  to  the 
Halifax  authorities,  and  which  are  partly  sustained  hy, 
or  in  line  with,  De  la  Jonquiere's  lettei-,  I  would  find  no 
fault,  provided  he  had  given  out  the  name  of  his  author- 
ity, objectionahle  though  it  he. 

The  following  letter  of  the  Bishop  of  Quebec  to  Le 
Loutre  shows  what  the  prelate  thought  of  his  behavior: 


m 


■  y 

IK;  h^ 


II 


hWi 


:')0() 


LK    LOl  TKK    UKrillMANDKD. 


"  Yoti  have  nt  last,  my  cloar  sir,  Kot  into  tho  very  troul>lt>  whiolj 
I  foresaw,  and  which  I  predicted  lonj;  a^o. 

"The  refnfjees could  not  fail  to  K«'t  into  misery  sooner  or  later, 
and  to  charge  you  with  l>ein^;  the  cause  of  their  misfortunes.  Tin; 
Court  thou(;ht  it  necessary  to  facilitate  their  departure  from  tlieir 
lands,  hut  it  is  not  tlie  concern  of  our  jtrofi'ssioii.  It  was  my 
opinion  that  we  should  neither  say  anything  against  the  coursi; 
pursued,  nor  anything  to  induce  it.  I  reminded  you  a  long  time 
ago,  tiiat  a  jiriest  ought  not  to  meddle  with  temporal  alTairs.  and 
tliat,  if  he  did  so.  lu;  would  alwavs  create  enemies  and  cause  his 
people  to  he  discontented. 

"  T  am  now  persuaded  that  the  (Jeneral  and  all  France  will  not 
approve  of  the  return  of  the  refugees  to  their  lands,  and  the  Kng- 
lish  Government  must  endeavcmr  to  attract  them.  .  .  Hut,  is  it 
right  for  you  to  refuse  the  sacrainents,  to  threaten  that  they  sliall 
he  deprived  of  the  services  of  a  priest,  anil  that  the  savages  sliall 
treat  them  a.s  enemies  V  I  wish  them  conscientiously  to  ahandon 
the  lands  they  possessed  under  English  rule  ;  hut  can  it  he  said 
that  tiiev  cannot  conscientiouslv  return  to  themV" 


The  above  letter  shows  the  vast  difference  hetweeii  a 
(listiiiguishecl  prelate  and  a  liery  abhe  of  lie  Loiitre's 
stamp. 

In  the  absence  of  clear  docimientary  evidence  to  prove 
which  side  i)rovoked  the  hostilities,  j)rior  to  De  la  Jon- 
(piiere's  letter,  we  have  to  giii<le  ourselves  by  the  cir- 
ciinistances  of  the  time,  which  show  that  the  French 
had  every  motive  to  hinder  the  English  from  colonizing 
Nova  Scotia,  wliereas  the  latter  were  just  as  much  inter- 
ested, for  the  moment,  in  avoiding  all  .aggressions. 

The  first  attack  made  by  the  Indians  occurred  August 
19,  1749,  about  six  weeks  after  Cornwallis's  arrival  at 
Halifax.  They  captured  twenty  persons  who  were  cut- 
ting hay  at  Canso,  and  brought  them  as  prisoners  to 
Louisburg,  where  they  were  freed  on  the  intervention  of 
the  French  commandant :  "  The  Indians  pretend  they 
did  this,"  says  Cornwallis,   "because  a  New  England 


.'  IT 


CANSn   AN!)    HKArnAHSiS    ItAIDS. 


:5<H 


flll 


man  wlm  ]iiul  ijiiisonu'd  his  vossel  of  them  for  JtlOO, 
aii<i  left  his  son  hostaj^'e,  never  returned  to  them,  thoii<;h 
Colonel  llopson  iidvaneed  him  the  money.  I  have 
written  t*)  Boston  to  iiavi;  this  examined  and  have  the 
master,  one  Kllingwood,  taken  up." 

In  Seittrndjer,  Oornwallis  again  informs  us,  the  In- 
dians, under  pretext  of  harter,  attaeked  two  vessels  at 
Beauljassin ;  three  Knglislnuen  and  seven  Indians  were 
killed.  On  the  30th  of  this  same  month,  four  men 
who  were  working  in  a  mill  were  killed  by  the  Indians, 
an«l  another  ma<l(!  prisoner.  The  next  day,  the  Council 
of  Halifax  i)ass('d  a  resolution  ordering  all  the  com- 
manders "  to  annoy,  distrt^ss,  and  destroy  the  Indians 
everywhere.  That  a  [jremium  of  ten  guineas  he  prom- 
ised for  every  Indian  killed  or  taken  prisoner."" 

While  throwing  most  of  the  hlame  on  the  French,  I 
think  it  only  right  to  refer  to  the  counter-accusations 
consigned  in  the  French  archives  or  elsewhere.  Invari- 
ably the  archives  of  one  or  the  other  nation  contain 
nothing  but  accusations  against  the  ojjposing  nation  ; 
so  that  history  l>ased  on  the  exclusive  testimony  of  one 
of  them,  as  has  been  more  especially  the  case  for  Acadia, 
cannot  but  l>e  altoijether  one-sided  and  incorrect. 

••  Evervbodv  knows,"  wrote  to  the  French  Court  the 
Comte  de  Kaymond,  commander  at  Louisburg,  '•  that, 
since  the  year  of  the  last  peace  (1748),  there  has  hardly 
been  a  month  in  which  the  English  have  not  sent  armed 
corsairs  to  visit  the  coasts  of  this  colony." 

"Since  the  end  of  the  year  1749,"  says  he  elsewhere, 
"a  date  at  which  the  Enijlish  bci»'an  to  come  in  crowds 
to  Chilx»uctou  (Halifax)  to  settle  there,  the  French 
have  not  Ijeen  able  to  navigate  in  safety  along  the  east 
coast,  and  even  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  island  of 


Kii- 


41 


802 


r'OMI'LAINTS   OK   TIIK    IKKSrU. 


Ciiiiso oil  uct'ount  f)t'  tli(^  fr('<iiuMit  tlirt'iits  iiikI.' 

tlicic.  Tluiy  liavi!  (•(uitimiud  to  ciiiduic!  vcssfls  of  ;ill 
kinds,  to  liiy  luiiids  on  wliiitt'vcr  tlicy  coiilaiiH'd,  and.  ;it 
tli(!  sanu!  tinu',  to  sci/.t!  on  tin*  iiiaiincis  (ln.'m.s(dvt'.s."' 

'i'luf  Conitc  iU'.  ({ayiiiotid  supported  tlu'st;  acciisatiuiis 
l)y  a  miniltcr  ol"  facts  related  with  tlic  most  cijciinistiiii- 
tial  and  precise  (Kttails.  lie  niciitionod,  ainon<jf  other 
things,  that  the  ICii'dish  had  seized,  in  this  very  vcur 
174t>,  in  a  port  of  ('a[)e  Micton,  thrt-e  lM)ats  toj^clhir 
with  tlieir  crews,  and  had  released  them  only  after 
tiikiiip;  all  the  codlish  the  hoats  contained. 

"They  attacked  and  ca[)tnred  Kreneh  hoats  ply int,'- 
betwtH'ii  ('a[»e  lireton  and  Piince  I'Mward  Island,  ill- 
used  the  (Mews,  laid  hands  on  their  cargoes  and  some- 
times on  their  lK)ats." 

On  OctolMT  1(),  17'>0,  a  hri<j;^antino  belonging  to  the 
French  navy,  the  Saint  Frain,'ois,  laden  with  the  pro- 
visions, clothing  an<l  arms  destined  to  the  French  jiosts 
of  the  St.  John  Hiver,  was  captnred  and  looted. 

In  the  Left  res  et  MSmoircn  sitr  le  Cap  Breton  (^Picho)i) 
we  read  : 

"Towards  the  end  of  July,  1740,  when  tlie  news  of 
the  truce  between  the  two  crowns  had  not  yet  reached 
New  France,  the  Indians  had  taken  some  of  the  English 
prisoners  on  the  islai  .d  of  Newfoundland ;  but  these 
prisoners,  having  informed  them  of  the  truce  signed  the 
previous  year  at  Aix-ha-Chapelle,  they  believed  them  on 
their  mere  word,  treated  them  as  brothel's,  released  them 
from  their  lx)nds  ;  but,  in  spite  of  so  much  kind  treatment, 
these  perfidious  guests  massacred,  during  the  night, 
twenty-five  Indians,  men  and  women." 

"  Towards  the  end  of  the  month  of  December,  1744," 
says  another  document,  "  Mr.  (lanon  (?),  commanding 


HB 


COMPLAINTS   (»F   TIIK    KUKNCII. 


:5()3 


a  (IctjU'linicnt  of  Kn^'lisli  troops  .  .  .  .  I'ound,  in  Ji  lonrly 
])lnce,  near  Atiiiiipolis,  two  liiitsof  Micuuu;  Iiidiiins.  In 
those  huts  \vi;ie  live  woiihjii  aiul  tliit'o  children,  two  of 
tlie  woiiUMi  hoiiif,' pn'^iiiiiit ;  hut,  di'spiti;  the  feelings  of 
liuiuanity  that  such  persons  were  likely  to  excite,  tin; 
Knglish  not  only  plundered  and  hurned  these  huts,  hut 
also  niassa(M'ed  the  live  women  and  the  thr(;e  cliildreti. 
It  was  (!V(^n   found  that  the  pregnant  women  liad  heen 


hsendiowe 


^lled. 


I  hav(!  no  intention  of  (hawing  a  parallel  hetween  tlie 
misdeeds  of  the  two  nations,  ho  as  to  decide  which  of 
them  deserves  more  hlame  for  the  cruelty  practisnl  hy 
th(!  savages  in  the  wars  hetween  the  two  n;'t;ons  or  in 
those  which  they  wag(Ml  against  tin;  Indians.  Owing  to 
tlie  (!ireumstanccs  of  the  Linu*,  the  historian  nuist  shut 
his  eyes,  provided  the  authorities  took  reasonahle  pains 
to  repress  cruelty.  A  distinction  must  also  he  made 
hetween  the  conduct  of  suhalt«!rns  and  that  of  sujxirior 
oHicers.  But  the  atrocious  ciimes  perp(!trated  hy  the 
whites  themselves  against  the  Indians  are  inexcusahle, 
and,  in  particidar,  those  which  are  traceahh;  to  the 
authorities  of  Massachusetts  against  tlie  Indians  of 
Maine  far  exceed  all  other  atrocities  committed  (dse- 
where,  even  those  of  the  Indians  themselves.  I  do  not 
think  that  the  French  ever  were  guilty  of  anything  that 
can  remotely  he  compared  to  what  I  am  ahout  to  relate. 
These  facts  are  told  in  the  same  way  by  many  historians  ; 
but  I  take  them  from  Ilannay,  whom  I  have  at  hand  : 


"  The  Eastern  Indians  renewed  the  war  in  June,  10H9,  by  the 
destruction  of  Dover.  N.  H.,  where  Major  Waldron  and  twenty-two 
others  were  killed  and  twenty-nine  taken  captive.  Waldn^n 
richly  deserved  his  fate,  for  more  than  twelve  years  before  he  had 
been  guilty  of  a  base  act  of  treachery  towards  the  Indians,  which 


0  i^''^-*^!' 


304 


WALDRON   AND   CHURCH. 


has  doubtless  since  caused  the  spilling  of  much  innocOi '  blood. 
In  1676,  Waldron,  then  commander  of  the  militia  at  Dover,  had 
vuule  peave  with  fonr  hundred  Indians,  and  they  were  encamped 
near  his  liouse.  Two  companies  of  soldiei-s  soon  after  arrived  at 
Dover,  and  by  their  aid  Waldron  contrived  a  sclieme  to  make  the 
Indians  i)risoners.  Ho  proposed  to  the  savages  to  liave  a  review 
and  sliam  figlit  after  the  English  fashion,  the  militia  and  soldiers 
t(j  form  one  party  and  tlie  Indians  another.  After  manoeuvring 
for  some  tinie,  Waldron  induced  the  Indians  to  fire  the  first  volley, 
and  the  instant  tliis  was  done  they  were  surrounded  by  the  soldiers, 
and  tlie  whole  of  them  made  prisoners.  Some  of  them  were  set 
at  liberty,  but  over  two  hundred  were  taken  to  Boston,  where 
seven  or  eight  were  hanged  and  the  rest  sold  into  slavery.  It 
was  to  avenge  this  despicable  act  that  Waldron  was  slain  in  1689." 

Again,  page  238 : 

"  One  hundred  and  fifty  Penobscot  Indians  made  an  attack  on 
York  in  February,  1692.  The  place  was  surprised  and  all  the  inhab- 
itants wlio  wei'e  unable  to  escape  killed  or  captured.  About 
seventy-five  were  slain.  Several  aged  wc>men  and  children  were 
released  and  allowed  to  go  to  the  garrisoned  liouses,  to  requite  the 
Englisli  for  si)aring  tlie  lives  of  some  of  the  Indian  women  and 
children  at  Pejepscot  a  year  and  a  iialf  before.  This  proves  that 
the  savages  were  not  wholly  destitute  of  gratitude,  and  that  they 
had  rather  a  nice  sense  of  honor,  for.  it  is  worthy  of  note  that  at 
Pejepscot  Clun-cb  did  not  spare  all  the  scpiaws  and  children,  but 
onlj'  the  wives  of  two  chiefs,  their  children  and  two  or  tlnee  old 
squaws.  All  the  other  Indian  women  and  the  children,  of  wliicli 
there  was  a  large  number,  this  squaw-killer  Church  slew  in  cold 
blood." 

Elsewhere,  again : 

'•  During  tlie  winter  tlie  English  were  guilty  of  an  act  of  treacher- 
ous folly,  unpaiiilleleil  aiiywliere.  Stoiighton.  Governor  of  Massa- 
chusetts, sent  a  message  to  tlie  Indians,  telling  them  to  bring  in 
their  prisoners  for  exchange.  They  brought  five  English  jn-isoners 
to  Pennuiuid  for  exchange.  Captain  Chubb  persuaded  them  to 
deliver  them  u)).  i)romising  to  send  to  Boston  at  once  for  those 
desired  in  return.  A  conference  was  proposed  inside  the  Fort, 
nine  Indians  and  nine  English  only  to  be  present  without  arms  : 


CllLni!       KASLH. 


:iO."i 


the  nine  En<rlish  liud  pistols  wmcealed  in  tiieir  bosoms.  Tliey  wero 
surroimdt'd  hv  a  party  of  soldiers  and  all  killed  except  two  who 
escaped.  Three  of  the  Indians  were  chiefs  of  great  renown.  It 
is  unnecessary  to  enlarge  npon  tiie  character  of  this  scandalous 
transacti(jn.  further  than  to  observe  that  it  was  ;»  crime  not  only 
against  the  Indians,  but  also  against  the  English  settlers,  who.  in 
the  end.  were  the  greatest  sufferers  by  all  such  treacherous  acts. 
Such  inexousahle  crimes  against  faith  and  honesty  as  those  of 
Waldron  and  ('liul)b,  made  it  impossible  for  the  Indians  t(j  believe 
that  tlie  Eiiglisli  would  kecj)  any  truce  with  them  ;  for  those 
instances  of  English  treachery  were  told  at  the  camp  Hresof  every 
tribe  from  ( 'ai>e  Breton  to  Lake  Superior,  and  they  were  repaid 
in  kind  in  after  vears." 


'■'I'm 


It  will  not  be  amiss  to  iiisei't  heiu  the  ti'eiitnuMit  oF 
Fatliei'  Kaslc,  who  had  })eeii  a  uiissionaiv  on  the  Kenne- 
bec Hiver  for  forty  years. 

'•  This  Romanist,"  says  Smith,  *  ■"  was  higldy  accomplished,  and 
his  life  literally  one  long  martyrdom.  Being  a  correspondent  and 
frientl  of  the  Governor  of  Cana<la,  the  English  believ,  d  he  might 
be  the  instigator  of  liostilities  of  the  Indians.  Tlieir  village  was 
taken  by  surprise  ;  Father  Ralle,  in  hopes  of  diverting  the  atten- 
tion of  the  enemy  to  himself  and  screen  his  beloved  dock  by  liis 
voluntary  offering  of  his  own  life,  fell  together  with  seven  Indians 
who  had  rushed  out  to  defend  him  with  their  bodies.  "When  the 
pursuit  had  c(\ased,  the  Indians  returned  to  find  their  missionary 
dead  at  the  foot  of  the  village  cross,  his  body  perforated  with  balls, 
his  scalp  taken,  his  skull  broken  with  blows  of  hatchet,  his  mouth 
filled  with  nuid.  the  bones  of  his  legs  l)roken  and  otherwise  maii- 
gl '(!.  The  death  of  Ralle  caused  greut  rejoicings  in  Massachusetts, 
ard  when  Harmon,  who  was  senior  in  command,  carried  the 
scalps  of  his  victims  to  Boston  (this  string  of  bloody  trophies  in- 
cluding the  scalps  of  women  and  children  and  an  aged  priest),  he 
was  received  as  if  he  had  been  some  great  general,  fresh  from  the 
field  of  victory.  I 

*  Philip  H.  Smith:  .\widiii— A  Lust  Chapter  iu  Aiiierictiu  History,  p.  119, 
t  This  episode  is  related  otherwise  l)y  Piiricman.  I  hav(>  not  tried  to 
jjetatthe  most  correct  versiou  ;  I  Kivo  this  one  us  I  Hud  it  without  voui'li- 
ing  for  its  exaotness.  However,  this  is  the  version  mlopted  by  all  ttn-  hi-*- 
torians  I  have  aeeu.  Munlocli  attrihutos  these  cnu-ltics  and  others  of  tlin 
Huuio   kind  to  tlve  pfculi.if  r."ti"ii^  nf  tlic   I'uritaus,     •■  Wi-  mii<t   lit-ar  iu 

2U 


ii 


4.!|l 


fl 


II 


it 


;J0(> 


SCAIJ'S    OK    MEN    AND    WOMKN. 


"A  ceitain  Captain  Lovewell,"  says  Hannay,  "enm- 
lous  of  Harmon's  fame  as  a  taker  of  scalps,  and  with 
patriotism  fired  by  the  hiige  bounty  offered  by  Massa- 
chusetts for  that  kind  of  aiticle,  gathered  a  band  (»f 
volunteers  and  commenced  scalp-hunting.  They  kiUcd 
(»ne  Indian  for  whose  scalp  the  company  received  £100. 
lie  started  next  year  witli  forty  men,  surprised  the 
Indians  whose  scalps  netted  £1,000.  In  a  subsequent 
light  he  lost  his  own  scalp,  as  did  thirty-four  of  his 
men." 

These  barbarities  were  not,  as  is  clear,  perpeti  ated  by 
irresponsible  individuals  aciting  on  their  own  inipidse, 
but  by  superior  officers  yielding  to  the  stinuilus  of  a 
government  bount}'.  In  the  war  which  had  just  come 
to  an  end  (1744-1748),  this  veiy  government  of  Massa- 
chusetts had  offered  a  bounty  of  £100  for  the  sca][)  of 
each  male  Indian  above  twelve  years  of  age,  and  of  £;'iO 
for  the  scalp  of  ctwh  iroman  or  t'liihl.  I  am  aware  tliat, 
in  certain  circumstances,  the  French  also  offered 
bounties  to  the  Indians  for  the  scalps  of  their  enemies, 
but  I  have  yet  to  learn  of  a  single  instance  where  this 
bounty  was  applicable  to  either  women  or  children  ; 
and — an  essential  difference — this  hateful  work,  instead 
of  ])eing  performed  by  whites,  as  was  continually  done 
in  Massachusetts,  was  left  to  the  savages.  Moreover, 
during  the  last  fifty  years  of  the  French  regime  in 
America  the  manners  of  the  Indians  had  become  more 
gentle,  most  probably  thaidvs  to  the  missionaries,  so  much 
so.  indeed,  that  the  usual  custom  was  to  make  prisoners 
wlio  weie  afterwards  released  on  ransom. 


iiiiuil,"'  says  be,  "  that  the  doctrines  of  the  New  Englauil  Puritiius  at  thiit 
period  were  d(>e]ily  tiujjred  with  ideas  drawn  from  the  aucieut  Jewisli  iii-^- 
t<iry.  in  theOUlTcstament,  whence  they  also  drew  theirmaxinis  of  repri.--nl< 
uud  retaliatiiiu." 


«CALPS   OF    MKN    AND    WOMex. 


"  "  "'^^^'  "Jot 

exasperation.      Tl,e/   o,    It,    ' h''  '"  ■"  "  •^'""-  "'  sL 
™«ans  of  putting  a  sto.  Ton!  *^'"  "'"'   ""'  ™'ly 

"'■  «pAal.  i„  kind     't IVr  ""T  "■'"  '"  "'»l>-«  -« 
«ve,y  point  of  view;  it  wa,  ",  "'"'   '''""*'    ''"<» 

^oi'ing  .i,e  wofk  „"  ;  ^;    :»    '■'"'■«'•  'lela,ins  and 
"""  ^^'"tc  n,on  should  W   f      "  ""'«'■     T'"'  le^'»t 

_^«'ge.s,  by  .sparing  ,|,e   liC„    ,  ""'^■'■"''""■'"'»'' 

"'e-'e    Itulian,  wSe  as    .  .t        ,""""''"  ""'1  .l.ildren. 

'■-venge;andneve    ,^nl'       '      -   '"  ^'"'•'"'^''  -   '" 

•"'■  'l-r  "ot  re.speote  .f  ■',  ""T'  '""    " ' 

""ch    ba,l«,.i,ies   as  "'     "S't^^ml  al«l,,ined  fron, 

Indians  of  New  H.nn.svi  kl'M;'         ''"''"■     ^"    "- 
>)aki.s,  Medoctete.s,  con  ,i  „,       »    ■"'" '^  ^'•■"'■-'^S  Al,,- 
■"■•'«  of  Acadia,  o,n;'t   .,*■'''''''*'■  ""'■   ""■  ^'H- 
"f  kindred  and  friendthnT'^:  """'"  ''-^    '""^  l«>"<l.^ 
tl».'se  tril,e«  rankled  for  a  io„t   •  "''""■''  ''"""  '"  """  "f 
.•;-  others  as  a  pe.ona,  v  ^I  ""f- .^  "'*'  'T^  "'  ^» 
"  '"  "ot  to  1,0  ,vo„dero,l  at  if  M     /""'■""'=''  ooi.ditioas 
^''wa.s  the  tnortal  c-ne,;':: If  ^  KSf  ^-'''^  «- 


,.'1. 


..■•;m\ 


m   it 


I  l,*l 


iif 


ilii 


^•i; 


i]08 


CLAIMING    SCALl'   IJOUNTV. 


CHAPTF^R  XVIII. 


Treaty  of  ])eiK'f'  concluiletl  between  the  Englisii  and  tlie  IndiaiiB  of 
Acadia  during  the  autumn  ol'  17.VJ — An  infamous  deed  com- 
tnitted  by  Conner  and  (xrace.  two  inhabitants  of  Halifax,  puts 
an  end  ti-  the  treaty — Revenge  of  the  Indians — Captivity  of 
Antiiony  Casteel.  messenger  of  tlie  Council — His  journal — Mis- 
takes of  iiistorians  with  regard  to  these  two  incidents. 

Wm-ycHKK  it  was  that  tliu  Fieiicli  were  aslumied  of 
tlieir  own  coiiduet,  or  that  thcv  beoan  to  see  it  was  iiii- 
[)olitii'.  or  that  they  met  with  more  apathy  on  the  part 
ol"  the  Indians  than  tlie}-  had  expected,  or,  perha[)s,  for 
all  tliese  motives  together;  at  all  events,  we  have  every 
reason  to  believe  that  they  soon  oavf  up  the  odions 
plans  they  had  formed  against  the  English  settlements ; 
this,  at  least,  is  the  inference  to  l)e  diawn  from  the 
general  trend  of  events. 

In  November.  175'2,  the  pr«;liminaries  of  a  ti'ealy  of 
peace  between  the  governor  and  the  Micmac  chiefs  wtnt^ 
arrano-ed  at  Halifax.  Thiee  vears  befoi-e,  a  similar 
peace  had  heen  signed  with  the  Indians  of  the  St.  John 
River,  and  until  now  this  peace  had  not  been  broken. 
However,  this  peace  was  so  short  that  Le  Loutre  and  the 
French  are  almost  invariably  accused  of  liaving  pre- 
vented the  treaty  from  being  concluded.  This  might 
be  considered  probable  if  we  had  not  manifest  evidence 
of  the  contrary. 

The  act  wliich  gave  rise  to  this  accusation  was  the 
following  :   In  April,  1753,  two  inhabitants  of  Halifax, 


AN    ATROC'IOIS    CIMME. 


809 


John  Conner  and  Jpnies  Grace,  came  before  the  council 
and  prese'  ed  seven  Indian  scalps  for  which  they 
i;lainied  tl  tisual  bounty.  They  related  how  that,  with 
John  Poor  and  Michael  Hagarthy,  they  were  wrecked 
on  the  coast ;  that  their  companions  were  killed  and 
scalped  ;  that,  after  several  days  of  captivity,  the}'  took 
advantage  of  the  absence  of  the  Indians  to  butcher  the 
wcnnan  and  the  child  tliat  liad  been  left  with  them  ;  and 
that,  on  the  return  of  these  Indians,  they  had  fallen  upon 
them,  killing  and  s('al[)ing  them. 

The  tale  was  improbal)le.  It  was  hard  to  ex[)lain 
Avhy  they  had  been  left  alone  with  a  woman  and  a  child, 
and  still  more  difticult  to  account  for  their  rmt  havinor 
run  away  instead  of  waiting  for  the  return  of  the  In- 
dians. This  was,  doubtless,  the  imj)ression  produced  on 
the  council,  which  ordered  :  "  tliat  John  Conner  and 
.lames  Grace  do  give  security  for  their  appeartince  at 
the  next  general  court,  in  case  au}^  complaint  should  be 
biought  against  them  by  the  Indians." 


§■■-  'I  I.I  \m 


iil 


''  This  is  the  substance  of  ilu'ir  story,"  said  the  sur- 
veyor Morris,  afterward  judge  of  the  })rovince,  writing 
to  Cornwallis,  who  was  then  in  England  ;"  but,  as  the 
Indians  complained,  a  little  aftei'  tlie  sailing  of  Conner's 
schooner,  that  one  exactly  answering  her  description 
put  into  Jedore,  Avhere  these  Indians  liad  theii'  stores, 
and  robbed  them  of  forty  barrels  of  provisions  given 
them  by  the  Government,  'tis  supposed  that  these  n)en 
might  afterwards  have  been  ap[)rehended  by  some  of 
this  tribe  whom  they  kilUMl  as  they  describe. 

"  If  this  be  the  case,  V/.v  o  twrt/  nti/inpj)i/  acnih)if  at 
this  juncture,  and  time  oidy  can  discover  what  its  eon- 
sequences   will   be.      The    chief's    of  every  tribe    in    the 


310 


AN    ATltOClOUS   CUIME. 


Peniiisula  had  sent  in  messages  of  friendship,  and,  1 
believe,  ivonhl  have  ultfited  articles  of  peace  tliis  spring, 
if  this  acciihnl  does  not  prevent  them.'" 

The  Reverend  Andrew  Brown,  who  eonnnents  on 
Avhat  Morris  called  an  unhuppif  nrrlifeiif,  adds  these 
remarks : 

•'  Tims  far  Mr.  Morris  ;  but  the  facts  were  still  l)Ia«jker  than  he 
8US|)ectt"tl.  After  having  robbed  the  Indian  store-hcjuses,  Conner 
and  the  crew  of  his  unfortunate  seh(K)ner  were  obliged  to  encounter 
th«'  ftiry  of  the  deej).  They  suffered  shipwriH-k  :  the  two  survi- 
vors. I'onner  and  (trace,  were  foinid  by  the  Indians  drenched 
with  water  anti  destitute  of  everything,  were  taken  home,  cher- 
ishe<l,  and  kindly  entertained,  yet  watched  their  opportunity, 
and  to  procure  the  jnice  of  scalps,  mm-dered  their  benefactors, 
and  cime  to  Halifax  to  claim  the  wages  of  their  atrocious  deed. 

••The  Indians,  as  may  well  be  supposed,  were  exasperated 
beyond  measure  at  this  act  of  ingratitude  and  murder.  (Revenge 
boils  keenly  in  their  bosoms,  and  their  teeth  Avere  set  on  edge.) 
To  procure  innnediate  retaliation  tliey  sent  some  of  their  warriors 
to  Halifax,  to  comi)lain  of  the  difticulty  tliey  found  to  keep  their 
jH'ovisions  safe  during  the  fishing  season,  and  to  reipiest  that  the 
Goveinor  would  send  a  small  vessel  to  bring  their  fanulies  and 
their  stores  to  Halifax.  In  compliance  with  this  desire,  the  vessel 
and  crew  mentioned  in  the  Jom^nal  of  Anthony  Ca.steel  were 
engaged,  tho"  several  suspected  from  the  fij'st  that  it  was  an 
Indian  feint  to  spill  blooil.'" 

The  ruse  the  Indians  had  adopted  foi-  the  sake  of 
revenge  mot  with  comi)k'te  success.  A  schoonei-  was 
put  at  their  disposal  inoider  to  bring  back  their  families 
to  Halifax.  The  erew  consisted  of  Anthony  Casteel. 
messenger  of  the  council,  of  ('a[)tain  Bannerman,  of  a 
Ml'.  Cleveland,  and  of  four  sailors.  All  were  butchered 
iind  scalped  except  Casteel.  How  he  was  saved  is  ex- 
I)lained  minutely  in  the  journal  he  kept,  which,  on  his 
return,  was  sworn  to  and  transmitted  by  the  Ciovernor 
to   the  Secretary  of  State.     It  is  a  thrilling    tale  and 


Ill 


CASTKKLS    NAItllATIVK, 


311 


was  an 


slutws  tilt!  Ikisc  tiviiclit'iy  of  wliicli  (\)inier  and  (Jnice 
liad  lx'»Mi  guilty  iigaiiist  tlie  Iiidiaiis. 

C'a>itoel.  after  the  luassaere  ot"  his  companions,  was 
diaginreil  fiouj  .ledoie,  not  far  from  Halifax,  to  Bay 
Veite.  Near  this  plaee  they  reached  a  camp  of  almost 
liv«'  hundred  Indians,  who  made  a  circle  arountl  him. 
After  deliherating  on  his  fate,  an  old  man,  the  father-in- 
law  of  the  chief  wliose  prisoner  Casteel  was.  «leclared  to 
him  that  his  life  would  he  spared  on  paynient  of  a 
ransom  of  three  Ixundred  fivn-s,  ••  We  were  on  the 
])oint  of  signing  a  lasting  peace,"  said  the  old  nuin  :  "•  we 
had  for  a  long  time  abstained  from  any  act  of  hostility 
against  your  countrjnnen  ;  but  now  that  the  English 
liave  begun,  we  will  not  sto[).  We  had  sheltered  two 
sliipwrecked  men.  who,  the  day  before,  had  stolen  most 
of  our  provisions:  they  were  almost  lifeless:  we  had 
l)roug]it  them  into  oni-  camp,  wheie  we  fed  and  took 
t'aie  of  them  :  we  were  soon  to  take  them  to  Halifax 
when,  takino-  advantage  of  our  absence,  they  massacred 
during  the:  night  two  men,  three  women  and  two  chil- 
(b'cn.  one  an  infant  at  the  breast.  In  retuiii  for  such  a 
deed  our  vengeance  would  not  be  satistied  even  if  we 
had  kille<l  as  many  English  as  their  victims  had  hairs 
on  their  heads.  We  have  hitherto  always  spared 
wt.iiicii  when  we  could  ;  henceforth,  we  will  not  even 
spare  the  infant  in  its  mother's  womb."  Then  he  tore 
up  before  Casteel  the  paper  that  bore  the  preliminaries 
of  the  treaty. 

These  facts,  Casteel  goes  on  to  say,  weie  conlirnied 
b\  other  pei-sons.  The  culpilts  were  Conner  and  (Irace, 
who,  some  weeks  l^fore,  had  brought  to  Halifax  seven 
scalps,  for  which  they  claimed  the  bounty. 

The  chief  who  held  Casteel  prisoner  stoppeil  at   the 


■  ■  •  •] 


ft' 


li 


£mT' 


312 


CASTKKLS    NAKUATIVK. 


liouse  of  an  Atiuliau  naiueil  .Islcques  Vigneau  <lit  Mau- 
rice, Tliere  lie  met  .some  Indians  and  a  Fiench  oftitLT. 
One  ol"  tliem  asked  liim  wliat  mnsom  lie  wanted  IVn-  lii> 
juisoner.  *•  Three  hundred  //rrf;»,"  said  Casteel's  mas- 
ter. "  1  will  jifive  them  to  you."  said  another  Indian, 
"my  father  was  handed  .at  Boston."  Me  rushecl  ai 
CiWteel  to  stab  him:  l)ut  the  French  officei",  who  had 
In'en  watchiuiT  the  Indian's  movement,  irave  Castctl  a 
great  shove  that  stretched  him  on  his  back  and  >:i.Vfd 
him  fi'om  the  blow.  The  sons  of  .fames  Vigneau  carried 
him  into  a  little  room,  where  he  swooned  away.  When 
became  to  himself.  Vigneau's  wife  offered  him  a  gla<s 
of  wine  and  asked  him  if  he  was  wounded,  lb-  said 
no.  She  then  went  to  a  chest,  opened  it  and  tor»k  fiom 
it  lifty  pieces  of  six  lir/wn  forming  the  thi'ee  bundre<l  //'•/•'>• 
of  his  lansom.  Jacques  Vigneau  called  Civsteers  mis- 
ter and  counted  out  the  money  to  him  saying:  "This 
man  belongs  to  me  ;  let  none  of  you  come  here  to 
molest  him,  or  I  will  break  his  bones."  "  I  then 
asked  Vigneau,"  says  Casteel,  "if  he  would  take  my 
note,  he  answei'cd  no:  that  he  believed  I  was  an  honest 
man.  but,  if  he  was  never  to  receive  one  farthing,  that 
should  ))ot  hinder  him  saviiii;  the  Eno-Hsh  to  the  utmost 
of  his  pow»!r.  (!vcn  to  the  last  shirt  on  his  back.  The 
next  day  Vigneau  gave  me  a  shirt,  a  few  other  articles, 
a  six-h'vrc!t  piece,  and  we  }).arted." 

I  have  dwelt  at  some  length  upon  these  two  incidents, 
the  Conner  and  (iiacc  butchery  and  Casteel's  advent- 
uics,  because  all  the  historians  that  mention  them  point 
to  the  murder  of  ( "asteers«companions  as  to  au  infamous 
crime  traceable  to  French  instigation.  Some  of  them, 
litmally  Ixdieving  the  declaration  of  ronner  and  Grace, 
count  this  as  another  crime  referable  to  the  same  source, 


THK   FKENTH    rNJI'STLY   ACCUSED. 


nt8 


althouj^h  the  eonipiiuions  of  these  two  ini.scieanls  leally 
perished  wlien  their  vessel  was  wrecked. 

l*ark)naii,  as  usual,  must  needs  fall  into  the  worst 
possihle  view  against  the  French.  It  is  amusing  to  see 
with  what  a  sagacious  air  of  superior  penetiation  lie 
strives  to  entangle  the  facts  and  cireumstances  so  as  to 
implicate  the  French.  He  harks  back  five  years  in  orikr 
U)  weave  a  chain  of  circumstantial  evidence  that  jus- 
tifies liim  in  concluding,  or  in  insinuating,  tliat  the 
preliminaries  of  the  treaty  in  the  previous  autuuni  were 
(mly  a  stratagem  invented  by  the  Freneli. 

It  is  true  that  the  Compiler  lias  not  sununari/ed  the 
contents  of  Casteel's  journal  as  satisfactorily  as  could 
have  been  wished.  However,  there  is  enough  in  what 
lie. has  given,  provided  tlie  sunnnary  of  Casteel's  journal 
l>e  compared  with  Conner's  declaration,  to  show  that 
tlie  incidents  of  tlie  one  are  connected  with  tliosc  of  the 
other.  There  might  still  remain  some  unc«Mtaintv ; 
but,  if  Parkman  was  in  doubt,  he  ought  either  not  to 
have  touched  the  matter  or  to  have  pushed  his  researcbes 
farther.  Instead  of  a  cruel  crime  committed  by  Tndiiins 
at  the  instigation  of  the  Fiench,  we  thul  an  act  of  excus- 
able hostility  done  by  these  Indians  to  avenge  a  shameful 
crime  committed  against  their  tribe  by  Conner  and 
(irace.* 

Though  the  responsibility  of  this  deed  rests  (tuly  on 
two  unimportant  individuals  and  not  on  the  govern- 
ment, yet  it  is  none  the  less  certain  that  the  peace, 
which  Avas  about  to  l)e  detinitively  signed,  was  broken  for 
a  long  time  to  come  on  account  of  this  crime,  and  that 


.•  ■»,, 


*  About  this  time,  the  cnw  of  a  vosh(»I  LailiuK  from  Boston  liatl  troacli- 
erously  killed,  near  Cajje  Suble,  two  ludiau  girls  and  an  Indian  boy,  wlio 
had  been  invited  on  board  their  ship. 


^*''*k 


ai4 


THK   (lOVKHNOR  S    STliANCK   CONDUCT. 


deeds  of  blood  were  the  outcome  of  it,  deeds  that  exits- 
perated  the  autliorities  and  hugely  contributed  to  shape 
the  unfortunate  events  that  followed.  It  would  seem 
that  the  fioveinor's  duty  was,  as  soon  as  he  had  discov- 
ered the  atrocious  conduct  of  Conner  and  Grace,  to 
confei'  with  the  Indians,  repudiate  this  crime,  and  give 
them  satisfaction  in  some  way  or  other.  Nothing  of  the 
sort  appears.  Those  haughty  soldiers  had  too  muoli 
contempt  for  the  savage  to  treat  him  as  a  human  being. 
We  do  not  even  hear  of  any  i)unishment  inflicted  on 
the  monsters,  Conner  and  rjrace.  One  thing  I  cannot 
understand  is  the  striui<.;c  conduct  of  the  Government 
signing  the  preliminaries  of  a  treaty  of  peace  with  the 
Indians  in  the  autumn,  and  yet  keeping  up,  during  the 
ensuing  wintei-  and  spring,  the  bounty  on  Indian  scalps. 

In  a  letter  of  .Inly  28rd,  17o8,  the  CJovernor,  coni- 
numicating  to  the  Lords  of  Tiade  the  sworn  deposition 
of  Casteel,  mentions  the  facts  of  the  ciise.  This  lettci- 
is  in  the  volume  of  the  Archives;  but  the  Compiler  has 
thought  })roper  to  sui)prcss  all  that  it  contains  on  this 
subject,  just  as  lie  has  completely  omitted  another 
letter  of  the  20tli  relating  to  this  affair.  Whatever  may 
have  been  the  Compiler's  motives,  his  omissions  have 
had  the  effect  of  leaving  the  question  somewhat  mud- 
dled ;  hence  it  is  that  some  historians  have  eluded  it, 
and  others  have  fallen  into  an  erroneous  interpretation 
of  it. 

Mistakes  of  this  nature,  shifting  the  crimes  of  one 
parly  on  to  the  shoulders  of  another,  are  not  calculated 
to  inspire  confidence  in  history.  The  events  related 
above  contain  the  key  to  an  imjiortant  situation.  By 
throwing  on  the  Indians  or  the  French  the  odium  that 
really  belonged  to  English  subjects,  the  entire  sequence 


MKItCILKSS    OlM'ICKKS. 


31i 


"■'n 


of  fiut-i  ill  this  ol>s«!iue  epocli  iKicomes  very  seriously 
<list<»rtf(l.  Iliid  not  Casteel  escaped  the  fiite  of  his  oom- 
paiiions.  or  had  he  not  kept  a  journal  of  his  adventures, 
\veslH»nhl  never  have  been  ahle  to  get  at  the  truth  of 
this  storv:  for,  even  with  his  sworn  deelaration  Ix'fore 
th«'in.  men  have  found  means  to  palm  off  as  the  truth 
what  is  only  a  sl»ameless  counterfeit.  All  liist(U-y.  and 
particuhnly  the   history  of  Acadia,  is  j)erforee   honcy- 


dnd   with 


ilar  li 


c-oniiH'H  \vitn  similar  lies,  whicU  one  writer  passes  (»n 
to  another,  and  which  ultimately  crystalli/.e  into  indis- 
putahlc  facts. 

The  most  l)arl)arous  have  not  always  been  the  Indians. 
It  would  be  liard  to  tind  any  Indian  misdeeds  that  (tan 
l>e  ••oinpaicd  to  the  dui)lieity  and  atrocity  f)f  the  crimes 
attributed  to  Stoughton,  Church,  Waldron,  Chubb,  Love- 
well  and  narmon.  And  these  were  not  irresponsil)le 
indivi<bials  like  (xraee  Jind  Conner;  one  of  them  was  a 
governor,  another  a  colonel,  a  third  a  major,  and  the 
three  others  captains.  It  may  truly  be  said  that  the 
j^oveiiiment  ol"  Massachusetts  is  resp()nsil)le  for  tlicse 
Iiorrois.  since  it  tolerated  or  enconiaiu'ed  them  l)y  tenipt- 
in<;  l^uinties  for  scalps  of  Indian  men.  squaws  and 
children. 

In  stiikiiH'-  contiast  witli  these  colonial  cruelties  is  the 
Waring  of  the  Home  (ioveriimeiit  toward  the  Indians. 
Had  its  counsels  been  heeded  manv  misfortunes  miijlit 
have  Ijcen  averted.  Such  acts  as  I  have  just  related 
i-fiuld  only  ])erpetnate  hatred  and  revenge.  Twiee  was 
Coiinvallis  lectured  by  the  liOi'ds  of  Trade  because  he 
wished  to  waofe  against  the  Indians  a  merciless  war  : 

■•  As  to  your  opinion  of  never  hereafter  niakinjr  jieaee  with  the 
Indians  and  of  totally  extirpating  them,  we  cannot  hut  tliink  that 
as  the  prosecution  of  sucli  a  (h'sign  must  he  attended  «  itii  acts  of 


31fi 


KN<J1.ISH    VKKSrs    KllKNCH    MKTHoHS. 


Kn-iit  H<>v«'rity.  it  may  prove  full  of  (liin)r(>rouH  constMim'iu'fs  to  tli* 
Hafety  of  Hih  Mii.j«'sty's  other  colonies  u|K)n  tiie  continent,  liy  (ill- 
inf<  the  niindH  of  the  hordering  IiuliiUiH  witii  ideiix  of  our  cruehy 
and  inHtigating  them  to  a  dangerouH  si)irit  of  resentment." 

Ill  a  subsi!(|Hoiit  loiter  the  liords  of  Trade,  apparent Iv 
(Injadiiig  Cornwallis's  iinpetiiositv,  renewed  the  same 
advice:  "  G(Mitler  methods  and  offers  of  peace  ha\t' 
more  frequently  jH-evailed  with  the  Indians  than  the 
swonl." 

'I'hese  gentle  methods  do  not  seem  to  have  been  con- 
genial to  the  Knglish  national  character  ;  ami,  though 
circumstances  made  it  the  evident  interest  of  Kngiish- 
mcn  to  adopt  these  methods,  they  seldom  have  Imjimi 
able  to  count  on  the  absolute  lidelity  of  any  Indian 
tribe.  One  would  think  there  lies,  deep  down  in  the 
Anglo-Saxon,  a  rock-bed  of  roughness  which  the  best 
instruments  of  civilization  catniot  smooth,  just  as  in  the 
(laul  there  lurks  a  mercurial  substratum  of  levity  which 
no  disasters  can  solidif3\  In  spite  of  his  defects,  the 
Frenchman  was  nnich  the  more  successful  with  the 
Indians;  he  honestly  strove  to  makt;  the  lattci- forget 
the  <lift"er(Mice  between  the  pale-face  and  the  red-nun i. 
whereas  the  Englishman  ever  sought  to  emphasi/.e  his 
own  superiority.  The  former's  first  thought  was,  '•  How 
shall  1  win  the  Indian's  heart?"  The  hitter's  main 
(juestion   was,    -r  seems  to  have  been,  •'  How  shall    I 

make  that  d d  redskin  respect  me?"  and   he   i)ni- 

ceede<l  to  enfoite  this  respect  by  a  dignified  demeanor, 
if  Ik;  was  well-bred,  or  by  surliness,  if  he  was  a  (ad. 
This  scornful  bearing  led  to  brutality,  and  brutality  led 
to  that  curions  historical  fact  which  Sir  Charles  Dilke 
chronicles  when  he  says  that  the  Anglo-Saxon  is  the 
only  race  that  extcMininates  the  savage. 


KN(iMSM    VKI.'Srs    I'ltKNTH    M  KIMHUlS. 


-Wl 


Soon  iit'tiT  llu'  L'Vcnls  recdrdt'd  iiliuvi'  it  .st'ciiKMl  likely 
tliiit  ;i  I  r(!iity  of  {)t'ii('(!  wtmlcl  Itc  niiulo  lM;twt'(.'ii  tlio 
Kiiglisli  ;m(l  the  Miciiiiic  fiidiiuis.  ('aptain  Ilussoy, 
toimnaiKliny;  at  F<»rt  Lawreiict',  iiotilii'd  Le  Loutic  to 
bring  with  him,  accoriUng  to  agiL't'ineiit,  a  dck-gation  nl" 
Indians  to  (confer  about  th».'  pitdiininaritNS  t)f  a  treaty. 
Mo  received  theni,  says  Le  lioutre,  with  such  dischiiiifn! 
haughtiness  that  tlie  Indians,  who  liad  taken  the  troubU? 
to  c(»ni(;  from  a  h»ng  distance,  went  baek  greatly  of- 
fended. The  negotiations  were  broken  off.  History  is 
full  of  similar  incidents.  What  disasters  might  havo 
been  averted  had  the  advice  of  the  Lords  of  Trado 
recommending  gentle  measures  btieii  followed  !  S(tme- 
thing  of  the  same  kind  oeeurre<l  about  this  time,  when 
General  Braddo(;k  undertook  his  disastrous  expedition 
to  the  Monongahela  River.  He  received  the  Indians 
with  such  contemptuous  stiffness  that  they  all  abau« 
doued  him  with  the  result  we  know. 


318 


CORN W ALUS    IMFKOVES. 


CH APTKU    XIX. 

Peaco-making — PrrcgiiiU'  Tlionias  Hopsoii  succeeds  Cornwallis  in 
1752 — His  conciliatory  spirit — lit'  inspires  great  confidence  iiiul 
secures  liapj)y  results — Al'ler  fifteen  months  his  health  obliges 
hiiu  to  return  to  Kngland. 


Lk  l.oi'TUK.s  t'ffoits  to  make  tlio  Aciulians  emioiatc 
were  soon  exhausted.  He  may  have  heeii  disheartened 
hy  his  I'aihire  ;  Jie  may  even  liave  eiiaiiged  liis  mind  as 
to  tht;  advisability  of  sueh  a  course  ;  btit  probaoly  whal 
made  liim  give  up  was  especially  the  way  the  English 
tliwaited  him. 

On  the  other  hand,  there  was  no  longer  any  talk  at 
Halifax  of  reciuiring  the  oath  from  the  Acadians,  who, 
relvinur  on  the  riohteousness  of  their  elaim  and  on  their 
experience  of  the  past,  must  have  believed  that  this 
silt;nce  was  e([uivalent  to  a  definitive  return  to  the  old 
state  of  affairs.  This  was  a  cruel  illusion.  Meanwhili', 
however,  ([uiet  was  restored  everywhere  ;  so  nuieh  so, 
imleed,  that,  from  IToO  to  September,  1752,  the  dale  of 
Cornwallis's  departure,  hardly  any  mention  is  made  of 
the  Acadians  in  the  despatches  of  the  governor  or  in  the 
<leliberations  of  the  council.  The  most  important  refer- 
ence to  them  is  in  a  letter  of  Cornwallis  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade  in  September,  1751 : 

"  There  is  a  visible  alteration  in  the  behavior  of  the  Acadians  ; 
they  Iiave  this  year  cultivated  well  their  lands  and  have  great 
crops,  a  (juanlity  of  corn  to  dispose  of  over  and  above  what  will 
serve  their  fauiilies  ;  this  will  be  of  great  service  to  this  settlement 


AN    KI:A   «»K    Hl'MANITy. 


;n9 


.it  this  <?ritical  junctuii'.  Hotli  as  to  the  Acadians  and  Indians, 
it  would  be  improp«?r  to  send  the  Germans  into  that  part  of  the 
country."' 

Hitherto  Coruwiillis  luul  sevei-al  times  .suggested  tliat 
l^rotestant  eoloiiists  should  he  phieed  here  and  tliere 
among  the  Aiuidiaus,  "in  order  to  remove  theii- i)reju- 
dices  in  favor  of  the  Komish  faith.'"  Hut  eaeh  tii'M!  the 
Lords  of  'I'iMd(i  liad  rejected  his  suggestion  ;  iiiid  now 
(V)i'iuvallis  seemed  won  over  to  tlieir  views.  His  atti- 
tude! towards  tlie  Acadiaiis  appeals  to  liave  ncjtidily 
altere(K  In  Septeud)er,  IToO,  lie  liad  applied  foi'  Icavtj 
of  al)seuc(;,  suggesting  Lawrenee  as  his  suhstitut<'  :  and 
yet  we  find  Hop.son  succeeding  Cornwallis  at  the  latter's 
departni'e  in  17")2.  In  1  T^O  r'ornwallis  leaned  to  harsh 
measuies,  aiul  in  this  polic\'  Lawi'tnee  was  the  man  to 
continue  and  improve  vpou  his  predecessor.  I'ndoul)t- 
cdly,  fi'om  17i)0  to  Hiy'I,  a  great  change  had  come  over 
Cornwallis;  he  S(!ems  to  have  realized  that  he  had 
blundered,  that  harshness  and  stiffness  raise  uj)  obsta^'les 
instead  of  removing  them.  Had  harshness  hcen  the 
basis  of  his  character,  he  nev(!r  could  havt;  so  mateiially 
alteretl  liis  demeanoi'.  Strongly  indjiutd  with  inilitary 
notions,  having  but  an  imperfect  knowledge  of  the 
special  status  of  i]\(;  people  under  his  jurisdiction,  he 
had  houestlv  tlu  igiit  that  it  was  wise  to  act  as  he  did 
on  his  nr  ivai.  lie  had  the  rrood  sense  to  turn  back 
from  ih-  evi'O!-  oi"  his  ways.  However,  the  consequences 
of  his  ilrs:  n.istake  were  too  disastrous  lO  admit  of 
complete  reparation;  and,  able  and  ^.  ~  ^  -  tliough  lie 
may  have  oeen  at  bottom,  the  change  came  too  late  for 
a  full  development  of  his  latent  virtues. 

Peregrine  Thomas  Ho])son.  who  succeeded  Cornwallis, 
had  been  commander-in-chief  at  ]y.»uisl)urtr«  and.  wlien 


,m 


820 


FfOTSOX,  COPK,    AND    LK     LOrTIti:. 


this  fortress  was  surrendered  to  France,  after  tlie  tn-aty 
of  Aix-la-Chapelle,  he,  with  the  troops  under  his  eoni- 
uiaiul,  joined  Coi'uwallis  at  IJalifax.  I  venture  to  say 
^  that  TTopson  shared  with  Mascarene  the  iionor  of  hein^ 
the  most  straightforward,  huu)ane  and  conciliating  of  all 
the  governors  of  Acadia  since  the  Ti'caty  of  Utecht. 
His  letters,  orders  and  all  his  acts  prove  this  assertion. 
Though  Cornwallis  left  him  a  legacy  of  trouhle,  yet  he 
managed,  in  it  very  short  time,  to  make  peace  with 
every  one.  Despite  an  unfortunate  event  tliat  hindered 
liis  liherty  of  action,  he  would  probahly  have  reconciled 
the  Indians  to  {'English  rule  had  not  ill-health  v  wVIged 
him  to  rifsififu  after  Hfteeu  months  of  office. 

His  kitidly  disposition  led,  only  two  months  aftt'  his 
inauguration,  to  offers  of  peace  from  John  Baptist  Cope, 
the  great  chief  of  the  Micmacs.  An  uudei-standing  was 
arrived  at,  and  some  weeks  latiM-  a  treaty  of  peace  was 
concluded  and  signed  between  Cope  and  the  govern- 
ment. Cope  pledged  himself  to  exert  his  influence  to 
persuade  all  the  Indians  of  his  nation  to  make  a  final 
treaty  the  following  spring. 

Was  this  peaceful  issue  duo  to  the  good  reputation 
Hopson  had  alread}'  earned?  Was  this  a  bona  fidt; 
jdedge  on  the  part  of  the  Indians,  and  what  share  in  it 
should  we  attribute  t(^  Le  Loutre?  For  this  John  Bap- 
tist (^ope  was,  r  believe,  chief  of  the  Indians  in  Le 
lioutre's  mission.  The;  latter  could  not  but  be  aware  of 
this  step  :  and  if  he  really  v/ielded  over  the  Indians  the 
powei'  that  is  commonly  attributed  to  him,  this  treaty, 
whether  feigned  or  sincere,  must  have  been,  at  least  in 
part,  his  work.  True,  it  was  broken  eight  months  later, 
but  the  motive,  viz.,  the  infamous  crime  of  Conner  and 
Grace,  affords  a  full  explanation  of  the  rupture  ;  and  for 


HOPSON    T'LEADS    FOR   THE   ACADIAN'S. 


:J-Jl 


eight  entire  months  tlie  IniUans  observed  the  treaty 
faithfully.  Now  if,  as  seems  probable,  Le  Loutre  favored 
this  treaty,  the  question  naturally  presents  itself,  why 
did  he  favor  it?  Tlie  only  reason  I  can  see  is  the  con- 
fidence ins[)ired  by  llopsoii's  noble  character  and  the 
sincerity  of  his  dealings  with  the  Acadians.  This  makes 
the  infereiu'e  probable  that,  had  there  been  no  violence 
nor  arrogance  on  the  part  of  Cornwallis,  Le  Loutre 
■would  have  done  nothing  to  force  emigration  upon  the 
Aca(hans  or  to  stir  up  the  Indians  to  hostilities.  Per- 
haps the  very  foundation  of  Fort  Beaus^jour  had  no 
other  motive  than  resistance  to  the  arbitrary  proceed- 
ings of  C'oi'invallis. 

C^n  the  10th  of  Dccembei.,  17')8,  soon  after  the  de- 
parture of  Cornwallis,  Ilopson  wrote  to  the  Lords  of 
Trade  : 

"Ishoukl  bo  glad  to  have  Your  Lordships'  opinion  as  early  in 
the  spring  as  possible,  concerning  the  oath  I  am  to  tender  to  the 
Acadians.  as  directed  by  the  6Hth  article  of  my  instructions. 

"  Mr.  Cornwallis  can  thoroughly  inform  Your  Lordships  hou^ 
difflculf,  if  not  inqiossibh:  it  Diay  be.  to  force  niicIi  (I  thing  itpoii 
them,  and  what  ill  vonseqiienres  niaij  (dtend  it.  I  believe  he  can 
likewise  ac(iuaint  you  that  the  inhabitants  of  Beaubassin — who 
had  taken  it  before  with  Genernl  Philij)i)s'.s  conditions — made  it  a 
pretence  to  quit  their  allegiance  and  retire  from  their  lands, 
thougli  it  was  not  otlierwise  offered  to  them  than  by  issuing  the 
King's  I'roclamation  to  that  effect. 

"  As  they  api)ear  to  be  much  better  disposed  than  they  have 
been,  and  ho|)e  will  still  amend,  and.  in  a  long  course  of  time. 
l)econie  less  scrnpnlons,  I  beg  to  know  from  Your  Lordsiiips  in  tlie 
spring  how  far  His  ^Lajesty  would  approve  my  silence  on  this  head 
till  a  more  coiirenient  (}j)poytintit!i. 

"  Mr.  Cornwallis  can  inform  Your  Lordshii)s //oi/-  useful  and  nee- 
essdt'if  these  people  are  to  us,  how  impossible  it  is  to  do  without 
them,  or  to  replace  them  even  if  ice  had  other  settlers  to  ji^d  in 
their  places ;  and.  at  the  same  time,  how  obstinate  they  hav© 
always  been  when  the  oath  has  been  offered. 
'21 


■'/^n 


•NVOHKIXCJS    OF   C'ONSCIENCK. 


It  appears  evident  by  this  letter  that  Cornwallis  had 
come  round  from  his  earliest  impressions  and  shared 
llopson's  views  as  to  the  maimer  of  treatinj^-  the  Aca- 
dians.  How  easy  it  is,  on  reading  this  letter,  to  iVcl 
that  we  are  in  the  presence  of  a  man  inwliom  kiiidlimss, 
gentleness,  calnniess  and  reflection  predominatf  I  lie 
Jieither  can  nor  will  blame  liis  ijredecessor  :  yet  he  none 
the  less  implies  that  there  hasbeiMi  l)lnnderiMo-,  that  time 
and  tact  will  be  needed  to  bring  back  the  spirit  of  tiust 
so  rudely  shaken,  and  to  do  away  with  the  urmp/fs 
.iroused  by  exacting  the  oath.  Xo  stranger  is  he  to  the 
•oc  .,igs  of  the  Acadians  ;  he  lias  put  hiniself  in  their 
pii.c  ,  he  seems  to  expeiience  their  own  sentiments. 
He  has  gone  down  into  his  own  soul  to  listen  there  to 
the  canswer  of  his  conscience,  and  has  lieard  his  own 
heart  tell  him  that,  were  he  in  their  place,  he  could  not 
easil}'  make  up  his  mind  to  bear  arms  for  strangers 
against  his  brothers,  for  enemies  of  his  religion  ayainst 
liis  co-religionists,  for  people  whose  language  he  does 
not  understand  against  those  with  whom  lie  lias  familiar 
intercourse  ;  hence  he  sees  before  him  "a  long  course  of 
time  "  before  their  scruples  can  be  effaced.  That  phrase. 
"  less  scrupulous,"  shows  that  he  has  in  very  deed  eon- 
suited  his  conscience  and  his  own  feelings. 

Cornwallis  had  perceived  merely  the  material  aspect 
of  their  situation.  He  had  thought  that  attachment  to 
their  property  was  the  great,  the  only  motive  of  their 
actions ;  it  had  seemed  clear  to  him  that  all  that  was 
needed,  to  get  the  better  of  their  sheer  stubbornness,  was 
resohitely  to  place  them  face  to  face  with  the  cruel 
choice  between  abundance  on  the  one  hand  and  desti- 
tution on  the  other.  Rut,  when  he  saw  deputation  aftei' 
deputation  unhesitatingly  accepting  destitution,  begging 


If  i-' 


NO    KXCITEMKNT. 


3-J3 


for  leavo  to  <le])ait,  lio  was  (|uite  upset;  he  could  make 
uotliing  out  of  such  conchict ;  eitlierlie  himself  is  really 


mov 
emotioi 


or 
1  a 


lie  wishes  to  mov<!  them  hy  his  words,  but  his 


11  t 


urns  on  tiie  en 


th 


M'>}' 


ment  or  the  loss  of  their 


goods:  ''Your  lands  produce  [^^rain  and  nourish  eattle- 
.suflicient  for  the  whole  eolony.  It  is  you  who  would 
liave  had  the  advantatjes  for  a  hmij;  time.  We  llattcred 
ourselves   wo   would   make  you   the  hap{)iest  peo[)l('  in 


tl 


le  woi 


Id. 


II( 


eh 


d 


far- 


di 


h 


lopson  s  vision  was  clearer  ana  more  lar-reaeinng  :  ne 
saw  that  conscientious  motives  threw  all  })urely  material 
interests  into  the  shade,  and  therefore  he  implorrs  the 
Lords  of  Trade  not  to  oI)li[,^e  him  to  urge  tlu;  (jmistion 
of  the  oath.  "Mr.  Coruwallis  can  inform  you  how  use- 
ful and  neeessaiy  these  jieople  are  to  us,  how  impossible 
it  is  to  do  without  them,  etc.,  etc." 

("ould  such  a  description  ap[»ly  to  a  turbulent  and 
dangerous  impulatiou,  ripe  for  revolt?  ("leaily  not. 
And  yet  the  period  we  have  just  traversed  has  been  more 
atjfitated  than  that  which  is  to  follow  and  which  imine- 
diately  precedes  the  deportation.  We  have  reached 
IToS,  only  two  years  before  the  terrible  event.  Ad- 
visedly do  I  use  the  Avord  "agitated,"  for  I  int(ind  to 
convince  whoever  is  open  to  convi(;tioii,  without  hiding- 
anything  and  without  going  beyond  oilieial  documents, 
that  nothing  uiore  serious  than  agitation  occurred 
throughout  the  whole  extent  of  the  peninsula.  And 
what  did  this  agitation  amount  to?  Merely  peaceful 
meetings  of  men  who  discussed  the  situation.  simi)l(V 
peasants  wOio  weighed  the  pros  and  cons  to  decide  upoii 
the  alternative  imposed  to  them.  This  agitation,  if 
indeed  it  deserves  the  name,  lasted  some  months,  at 
most  one  year,  the  lirst  of  Cornwallis's  governorship. 


U 


f:  ..:  I. 
i  '1i 


324 


KVION-IIANDKD   .1  USTICK. 


There  is  not  tlie  slightest  sign  tliat  these  meetings  wcif 
seditious  or  even  noisy  ;  (luite  the  reverse.  Wiien  ilu-y 
liiid  decided  to  clioose  the  alternative  of  leaving  tlic 
countr3%  they  went  directly  to  inform  the  (roverin)r  and 
to  ask  Ids  permission.  IJefore  granting  it,  lie  obliged 
them  to  sow  their  fields;  without  a  murmur  they  diil 
so  ;  they  sowed  what  they  believed  would  be  reaped  li\ 
others;  then  tliey  came  l)ai;k  for  the  promised  ]»ernii>- 
sion;  again  were  they  put  off  with  wretched  pretexts, 
again  did  they  return  to  their  homes  without  a  nuuimii 
and  remain  perfectly  quiet.  In  all  this  there  is  not  the 
vestige  of  a  single  act  of  insubordination  or  even  of  re- 
sistance. And  yet  there  were  strong  excuses  for  sedi- 
tion. Seeing  that  they  had  been  kept  in  the  oountiy 
against  their  will,  that  a  com[)romise  had  been  made 
wi.l:  them  in  1730,  they  certaiidy  had  the  right  of  eany- 
ing  off  their  movable  goods,  which  was  an  important 
consideration  for  them.  To  deprive  them  of  this  liglit 
was  to  cast  them  from  plenty  into  beggary.  And  yet. 
without  complaint,  they  yielded  up  this  maiufest  right. 
Does  not  this  submissiveness  afford  a  safe  standard  bv 
Avhich  to  judge  of  their  dispositions  and  of  their  subse- 
quent conduct? 

Cornwallis  had  mapped  out  his  plan  of  action  before 
hearing  them ;  lIo[)son  had  taken  pains  to  see  and  lieai' 
evervthint;  and  consider  the  motives  on  which  their 
claims  were  based.  The  following  order,  addressed  to 
the  commanders  of  Forts  Vieux  Logis  (Grand  Pr<j,  now 
Horton),  and  Edward  (Pigiguit,  now  Windsor)  by  Hop- 
son,  reveals  the  same  kindly  temper  observed  upon 
above: 

.  "  You  are  to  look  on  the  Acadiuns  ;"/;  the  name  light  with  the  rent 
of  His  Majesty's  subjects,  us  to  the  protection  of  the  laws  and  Gov- 


imf 


EVEN-HANDKI)   .JUSTICE. 


:52o 


frnment,  for  which  rcaaon  nofhhig  is  to  he  takni  from  fhcjn  hi/ 
force,  or  any  price  set  upon  their  j^ootls  but  wliat  they  themselves 
agree  to  ;  aud,  if  at  any  time  they  sliould  obstinately  refuse  to  com- 
jily  with  what  His  Majesty's  service  may  require  of  them,  i/oa 
(ire  not  to  I'edretis  yourself  by  mil iUtry  force,  or  in  any  unlawful 
manner,  but  to  lay  the  case  before  the  Governor  and  wait  his 
orders  thereon.  You  are  to  cause  tlie  following  orders  to  be  stuck 
up  in  the  most  public  part  of  the  Ft)rt,  both  in  English  and 
French. 

"  1st.  The  provisions  or  any  other  commodities  liat  the  Acadians 
shall  bring  to  the  Fort  to  sell,  are  not  to  be  taken  from  them  at 
anj'  fixed  price,  but  to  be  paid  for  according  to  a  free  agreement 
made  between  them  and  th<!  purchasers. 

2d.  No  ofticer,  ncjn-coinmissioned  officer,  or  soldier,  shall  pre- 
sume to  insult  or  otherwise  abuse  any  of  the  Acadians.  who  are 
upon  all  occasions  to  be  treated  as  His  Majest\''s  subjects,  and  to 
whom  tiie  laws  of  the  country  are  open,  to  protect  as  well  as  to 
punish. 

"  At  the  season  of  laying  in  fuel  for  the  Fort,  you  are  to  signify 
to  the  Acadians  bj'  their  deputies,  that  it  is  His  Majesty's  pleasure 
they  lay  in  the  quantity  of  wood  that  you  require,  and  when  they 
have  complied,  you  are  to  give  thenx  certificates  specifying  wliat 
quantity  they  have  furnished,  which  will  entitle  them  to  payment 
at  Halifax." 

P.  T.  HoPSON. 


i'; 


1 


This  order  was  evidently  intended  io  modify  or  com- 
pletely cliiinge  previons  orders  ;  else  it  wonld  have  been 
jnirposeless.  It  amounted  to  .saying:  Hitherto  the 
Acadians  liave  not  been  on  the  same  footing  as  the  rest 
of  His  Majesty's  subjects;  henceforth  they  »h<tll  be. 
You  shall  take  nothing  from  them  by  force ;  they  shall 
have,  like  others,  the  privilege  of  making  bargains  for 
their  produce ;  and  if  you  have  reason  to  complain  of 
them,  you  siiall  not  employ  force  or  any  other  illegal 
means. 

This  order  is  just  as  eloquent  a  eulogy  of  Ho])son'.s 
character  as  it  is  a  powerful   plea  against  Cornwallis. 


iiiit; 


WHAT    THIS    ()l!l»KI!     IMI'LIKS. 


Tims,  to  ill!  apiJoaiaMci's,  undiir  tlui  lattor's  goveniiiKMit 
the  livatiiUMit  of  the  Acadiaiis  was  oiii!  tliiiij^  and  tlial 
(tf  His  Maj(\sty's  oilier  sul)jt'c;ls  was  <(iiitt;  aiiotliei'.  The 
pettiest  sei'j^eaiit  could  lay  hands  on  Acadian  produce, 
and  any  resistance  niiifht  he  punished  as  ho  chose  with- 
out trial  and  without  appea'.  Whci  one  retK'('ts  on  the 
tyranny  insi-parahh;  from  a  niilitaiy  rule,  even  in  our 
day,  a  tyranny  sonietinuis  bearahle  from  supi'rior  olli- 
cers,  but  ever  growintj  less  endui-able  witli  h'sser  raid<, 
one  feels  that  the  abuses  of  this  power  conunitted  to 
subalterns  must  surely  have  Ihhmi  occasionally  dt;[»lor- 
able.  Yet,  save  in  ()ne  instance  under  tlie  ferocious 
Lawrence,  tlu're  does  not  a{)pear  in  the  entire  volume  of 
the  Archives  a  sint,'le  case  of  recrimination  on  the  part 
of  the  Acadians. 

Perhaps  this  ordcir  may  have  been  inspinid  by  the 
Lords  of  Trade;  but,  as  the  Compiler  does  not  publish 
so  much  as  one  of  their  letters  to  Ilopson,  we  can  only 
indulge  in  conjecture.  However,  this  dt»cunient  is  al- 
together in  keeping  with  what  we  know  of  Ilopson's 
character. 

On  another  occasion  he;  gives  \is  a  new  proof  of  his 
excellent  sentiments.  Among  the  emigrants  landed  at 
Halifax  in  the  course  of  the  autumn  of  1752  were  a 
certain  '"unber  of  decrepit  old  men  and  some  orphans. 
Hopsoii  eom[)lained  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  against  such 
people  being  sent  out  to  the  colonies.  In  the  course  of 
his  letter  he  cannot  refrain  from  pitying  the  woes  of 
these  wretched  beijigs :  "  I  can  assure  you,  my  Lords, 
that  I  thid  this  very  shocking,  for  no  mortal  that  has 
the  least  humanity  can  do  otiierwise  than  feel  to  the 
very  heart  at  the  sight  of  such  a  scene  of  misery." 

The  character  of  Coruwallis  does  not  stand  out  so 


"M. 


ACAIHANS    THAIt    INHIANS. 


■vi: 


clcuily;  111!  iiiiiy  Iiiivt;  Im-cii  iiificly  IniULflily  uikI  iiii|ii;- 
jioiis;  but  li(!  hIkiws  no  siifiis  of  coniiiiiscriition.  I  lop- 
son,  on  tho  contiiiiy,  ]H'ovrs  lli;iL  lit;  Wiis  not  only  lull 
of  c'cjuity  and  kindlintjss,  hut  iilso  that  hf  had  tlie  jj;\h 
of  ex(|ui,site  .sympathy.  All  his  ac-ts  mv.  iini)rt!ssed  with 
the  sauK!  stani[);  and  so  his  administration,  uiifortii- 
jiatfly  too  short,  was  i'cjrtilc  in  ha[)|ty  icjsults,  and  would 
liave  lujcn  still  hap[(i(;i',  had  it  not  hcon  for  th<.' dastardly 
crlnu!  of  Conner  and  Grauo  which  levived  liidian  hos- 
tilities for  a  tiuK!. 

If  Ids  administration  liad  lasted  sf)nHi  ycsars,  lie  would, 
most  likely,  liavt;  won  fi'om  the  Acadians,  without  any 
show  of  foi(;(3,  the  unreserv(!<l  oath  i'iM|uir(!d  of  them. 
II(!  wrote,  -lul}'  2.')r<l  IT')-*,  to  the  liOi'ds  of  Trade  that 
he  was  pi'ivatel}'  informed  that  some  Acadians  who  liad 
Ictt  ihcir  lands  had  l)een  delegated  to  confer  about  the 
situation  with  their  fellow-countrymen  dwelling  on 
English  territory; 

■' That  they  went  so  fur  as  to  hold  consultations  whetlKT  they 
slinulfl  not  tlirow  tlicniselvcs  under  the  protection  of  the  Eufj^lish 
(lovcrninent  (tiid  hccoinc  siihjtvts  to  nil  intents  <inil  ]tnrj)(>.s('.n  ;  hut 
there  arose ;i coi\sideriii)le  ohje(rtion  to  tlu'ir  taking  this  steji.  which 
was.  tliat,  (IS  till'!/  livi'don  farms  nri/ rcinoti-  frnni  oiu' (luatln'r,  a  ml 
ofvoHVsc  are  not  capable  i if  resist i nij  (niykinilofenenii/,  the  French 
might  send  tlie  Indians  among  them  and  distress  them  to  such  a 
degree,  that  they  iiumhl  not  he  able  to  remain  oh  their  farms." 

Was  Ilopson's  infoirnation  correct?  Most  probably, 
for  what  he  relates  is  iu  full  accordance  witli  the  well- 
known  sentiments  of  the  Acadians.  No  dou))t  tla^y  had 
the  greatest  repugnant-e  to  the  obligation  of  bearing 
arms  against  the  Fiench;  but  the  danger  of  Indian  hos- 
tility was  an  equally  imjwrtant  matter,  and  recure  in  all 
tlieir  petitions  whenever  the  question  of  the  oath  is 
raised.     Cornwallis  and  afterward  Lawrence  laughed  at 


328 


HKALIZIN(}    THE   DANCEll. 


lliis  as  at  a  foolish  dread.  Hut,  as  wu  liave  hcif  tlicir 
dt'libt'iatioiis  ainoii^  tlu'iuselvt's,  unknown  to  tin-  au- 
thoritios  and  fnjo  from  all  outsidu  pressure,  it  is  easy  to 
see  that  this  danger  wius  thoujifht  by  tlicm  to  be  a  seiious 
one,  sinee  it  alone  stood  in  the  way  of  their  aceepting 
the  oath. 

Wcndd  they  really  liave  been  molested  by  tbo  Indians 
at  the  instigation  of  tlit;  Fn-nch,  if  they  liad  taken  the 
oath?  I  cannot  say  ;  howi'ver,  I  am  inelincd  to  believe 
they  wouhl  not.  It  was  plainly  in  tlu;  French  interest 
to  perpetuate  thc^  status  of  neutrality  ;  thi!y  tried  to 
make  the  Acadians  believe  that  they  would  be  molested 
by  the  Indians  if  they  took  the  oath  ;  but,  once  that 
oath  had  biu-omo  an  aeeomplisbed  fact,  I  am  convinced 
tliat  no  hostility  woubl  have  been  manifested  on  the 
part  of  the  French  or  Indians  until  tbe  Acadians  should 
actually  liave  bad  to  take  up  arms  against  either  of 
them.  Fi'om  that  moment,  however,  they  would  have 
been  just  as  much  expostid  to  the  liostility  of  the  In- 
dians, just  as  much  their  enemies,  as  were  the  English 
colonists,  and  tlien,  as  Ilopson  says,  "As  they  live  on 
farms  very  remote  from  one  another,  and  of  couise  not 
capable  of  resisting  an}-  kind  of  enemy,"  their  position 
Avould  have  been  untenable.  The  Acadians,  deliberat- 
ing with  a  full  sense  of  their  grave  interests  at  stake, 
and  Avitb  long  experience  of  tbe  character  of  these  In- 
dians, must  be  considered  the  best  judges  of  what  was 
likely  to  happen.  Hopson  seems  to  admit  the  force  of 
their  reasons ;  unlike  Cornwallis  and  Lawrence,  his 
delicacy  of  feeling  and  sympatbetic  nature  enabled  him 
to  enter  into  tbeir  views. 

Although  there  is  nothing  surprising  in  these  delibera- 
tions of  the  Acadians,  there  is  something  that  rather  de- 


IIOMK,  SWKKT    IIOMK 


829 


fi 


tnwts  from  IIk;  liciowt  aspect  \ve  are  wont  to  view  tlit'in 


111,  since  tlicy  now  wcic  leiuly  to  sucn 


\yU 


ilicctl 


icir  sciitiinuiits 


to  their  iiiiitcriiil   iiitt!rests.     However,   the   residm;   of 
viriue  in  tlietn  is  <iuite  siilVuieiil  toendear  them  to  their 


•  k'se^'iulanls.     1  leroie  sactriliees  arc;  ahovt;  natun 


U'Sl- 


taiicy  iM'fore  makin<(  them  is  tlierefnre  not  asttniishinj,'. 
More  than  ;;  centuiy  had  elapsed  since  their  torefiithers 
had  opened  out  th(!  country,  several  jjenerations  hud  sat 


hv  th 


r>y  the  sanu;  lu^aith.  Whatever  makes  man,  es[)eeially 
the  hushan(hnan,  cherish  lite,  whatever  is  dear  to  simple 
and  hon(;st  hearts,  they  saw  thert;  in  Acadia.  1 1  was 
their  fatherland,  tlie  home  of  their  ancestoix,  all  the 
dearer  to  them  heeause  theyhiid  founded  and  (U'eated  it. 
Each  hill  and  dale,  eacdi  glim[)se  of  smiiinj^  landscai)o 
was  sparklinj^  with  sweet  nuunories.  Tliosi;  luxuriant 
meadows  that  fed  their  imuKMise  herds  had  heen  wrested 
frrun  tlie  sea  hy  theii*  own  [)atient  and  painful  toil.  That 
eliineh  wliither  they  (!ame  to  kneel  each  Sunday  had 
witnessed  the  only  imjiortant  events  of  their  sim[)le  and 
l»eacefnl  lives.  That  j,'raveyard  held  the  remains  of 
tlieir  kindred,  and  told  iu  its  inscriptions  the  story  of 
those  wlio  had  j^one  l)efore.  How  their  hearts  must 
liave  1)een  wrung  at  tlu;  mere  thou<,dit  of  ,t^<»ing  away  ! 
rioing!  Why,  that  meant  hi dding  an  everlasting  fare- 
well to  liome  and  country,  to  all  the}'  had  and  all  they 
k»ved,  quitting  ease  and  plenty,  the  joys  of  the  dear  old 
fireside,  for  exile,  separation  and  penury. 

Dear  were  the  homes  where  tliey  wer'  '■'i,rv,, 
Where  slei>t  their  honored  deail ; 
And  rich  and  wide,  on  every  side 
Their  fruitful  acres  spread. 

On  the  12th  of  Septemher,  17o3,  Hopson  read  to  his- 
counc"!  the  following  petition  : 


35iO 


I'KTITIONS. 


"  Tlii>  inlialti(;iiilH()f  (Jniml  I'lv,  Kivcr(  'aiiiinl.  I'i^'iKnit,  t'tc,  ctf.. 
«'lc.,  taki- the  lil)«Tty  <il"  pri-st'iitiiiK  tlicir  very  luiiiil)lf  |M'titi<iii  tn 
Y'diir  Kxccllcrwy,  hcj^'niiiK  yoii  to  rcinovt'  the  (lilliiiilly  w  lii<|i 
presents  itsell'  witli  respect  to  the  missiniijiries  wliu  came  here,  hy 

exeiiipliiiK  them  from  the  oath  of  allej^iaiicc  uhici         jiiireil  of 

them. 

••  We  ho|)e,  sir,  that  Your  Kxcelleiicy  will  he  1<intl  eiioiiuli  to 
Kraiil  that  favor,  inasmuch  as,  wiieii  we  idok  ihe  oath  of  .\lle;;i- 
unce  to  His  liritaniiic  Majesty,  we  took  it  only  on  condition  that 
We  shoulil  he  allowed  the  free  exercise  of  oui'  reiij^ion,  and  a  suf- 
ficient numl)er  of  ministers  to  jierfomi  tiie  services. 

"  It  appears,  sir,  tliat  we  would  he  deprived  of  this  last  article, 
if  the  (<o\ernment  wei'e  to  force  them  to  take  this  oath,  hecause 
the  missionaries  would  certainly  not  remain  amoii^  us  on  terms 
which  they  caimot  afjjrec  to;  wi-  should  therefore  s«'e  ourselves 
deprived  of  the  main  jtoint  j^ranted  to  us. 

"  Morettver,  sir,  when  we  suhmitted  on  the  terms  by  which  the 
practice  of  our  relif;ion  is  granted  to  us,  it  was  hy  no  means  speci- 
lied  that  our  missionaries  should  be  oblig(>(l  to  take  this  oath. 
That  is  ])roved  by  the  two  missionaries  who  wi>re  present  when  we 
took  the  oath,  and  who  were  also  entrusteti  with  our  irs,  with- 
out its  being  thought  necessary  to  exact  of  them  v  •  now  re- 
(piireil  of  them.  Notwithstanding  all  the  exjjense  Have  in- 
curred in  endeavoring  to  get  them  at  Louishurg  and  even  at 
Quebec,  the  dilHculty  of  this  oath  prevents  them  from  settling 
amongst  us." 

llop.soii  gniiited  tliis  request  on  cniidiiicjii  tliat  tlie 
pricst.s  would  confonu  to  what  Ava.s  ro(Hiired  of  tlieui  in 
tlio  n'cculatioiis.  It  wa.s  Cornwallis  who  had,  on  tlie 
31st  of  July,  174!),  issued  an  order  obliging  the  priests 
to  take  the  oatli  of  allegiance.  Here  again  Jlopson 
gives  a  new  proof  of  his  liberality. 

On  the  27th  of  the  same  September  another  petition 
was  presented  to  him  by  those  Acadians  who  had  crossed 
the  frontier  three  years  before  : 


'*  We.  the  inhabitants  formerly  settled  at  Beaubassin  and  vicinity, 
beg  to  inform  you  that  the  reason  which  causeil  lis  to  leave  our 
property  was  the  new  oath  which  His  Excellency  M.  Cornwallis 


EliH 


I'KTITIONW. 


am 


wished  til  cxMcl  I'l'mn  lis,  dcsiriiin  l<>  Im-iiU  iiml  revoke  tlie  mie 
Knmli'd  t<i  ns  lieluie.  Hiivin^'  leninl  siiiee  nur  ile|iiirtiiie.  tliai  if 
we  were  willing  to  retiiiM,  we  should  liiive  Ihi  same  liiMUs  Hint 
werr'  ;;raiiled  lo  lis  l(iriiierly,  we  iire  ready  to  lu-eept  it  under  these 
conditiiiiis.  It  is  iiM|iossiltle  tor  us  to  si^ii  any  other  i  atli  "// ffc- 
coiiiif  of  llii'  /*/'//(( ;/.v.  as  we  liave  slaleii  on  several  .leeasioiis  to 
His  Kxcellencv  M.  ('ornwailis.  //'  In'  hml  kiinini  hrltrr  oiir  cir- 
(•lUiixtoiici'x  he  ii'iiiihl  Iniri'  son  lluif  it  irns  iiiiii(tsnihli'  for  its  lo  siijn 
(llijl  iiflnr  thilii  Unit  ii'lilrli  irr  Itiiri'  siiliiiil. 

•'  We  liope  that  these  articles  will  lie  ;;ratiled  to  us  liy  \i)\\r  lv\- 
rclleiicy.  '/;/(/  iTiti  rdti'lirtf  />//  tlir  ('i)iiit  of  KiHjhniil,  no  thai  lliosf 
irlio  nun/  siK'ci'i'd  )'oiir  E.vccUnivji  slnill  not  tnokf  IIk'  iirt'lc.rt  tlicf 
Jlis  K.rci'llincn  M.  ( 'oviiu'itlliH  ukkIc  in  sdjiiim  tintt  M.  I'hilipiis 
liitil  no  (iiilhoritji  from  the  Court  of  Eiujlnnil  for  titc  lutth  which  hv 
(irnnliil  ns. 

"These  heiiiK  K'"''i"ted,  we  shall  feel  ((iiistraiiied  to  continue, 
and  even  increase?  our  prayt'r  i'or  Yuur  Excellency's  health  and 
prosperity.  " 

This  i)ro))o,su(l  rotiiiii  of  tlio  volimtury  oxilos  Wiis 
{iiiotlicr  liJippy  result  (jf  tlio  ^mnd  r(.'j)titiitioii  IIopsoii 
had  so  soon  oiiniod.  lie  gfiiiited  all  llicir  nMiuosts 
exce})!  that  which  ])()ic  on  a  restriction  to  the  oath,  for 
lie  ]iad  not  then  the  necessary  authority  for  making  this 
concession. 

It  is  woi'th  notinif  that  tlie  petitioners,  thougli  ahva^-s 
respectful,  yet,  lieing  safe  from  restraint  Ix'yond  the  fron- 
tier, freely  stigmatize  its  a  pretext  Coriiwallis's  j)roceed- 
ings  towards  them  when  revoking  the  agreement  entered 
into  witli  Philipps.  The  statement  was  true,  but  they 
would  not  have  dared  to  express  it  in  tliis  way  had  they 
still  been  under  English  rule.  Now,  if  their  pro[)osition 
was  accepted,  they  wanted  to  be  shown  an  express  rati- 
fication from  His  Majesty. 

Hcj-e  ends  Tlopson's  career  as  Governor  of  Acadia. 
Ill,  and  perhaps  disgusted  with  the  part  he  had  to  play, 
he  set  sail  for  England,  leaving  the  temporary  adminis- 


V::'d 


882 


PETITIONS. 


tiation  of  the  province  to  Lawrence,  his  first  coun- 
cillor. Hopsou  carried  away  with  him  the  esteem  ami 
the  confidence  of  every  one,  after  fifteen  months  of  a 
firm  and  energetic  administration,  tempered  by  a  spirit 
of  justice  and  conciliation  the  like  of  which  no  other 
governor  but  Altuscareiie  had  showu. 


HOPSOK  S   SUCCESS. 


333 


CHAPTER    XX. 

General  Considerations — England  and  Finance. 

It  is  painful  to  take  leave  of  so  worthy  a  man  as 
Hopson,  endowed  with  all  the  gifts  tliat  were  called  for 
by  the  perplexiiig  condition  of  the  province.  He  had 
governed  it  but  one  year  and  a  quarter.  In  that  short 
space,  without  violent  orders,  without  threats,  without 
apparent  effort,  by  the  mere  t)ersuasiveness  of  his  kindly 
character  and  gentle  ways,  he  liad  so  far  restojed  confi- 
dence as  to  induce  the  Acadians,  of  their  own  accord,  to 
consider  the  question  of  an  unrestricted  oath.  Had  it 
not  been  for  the  dread  of  Indian  hostility,  the  problem 
was  in  a  fair  way  of  solution.  Those  Acadians  who 
had  crossed  the  frontier,  learning  of  tlio  Governor's 
favorable  dispositions,  asked  leave  to  return  to  their 
farms. 

During  these  fifteen  months,  in  spite  of  Indian  hos- 
tility aroused  by  an  untimely  crime,  for  which  the 
Governor  was  in  no  way  responsible,  the  greatest  tran- 
quillity reigned  in  the  Acadian  setth^nents  ;  no  sign  of 
discontent,  no  act  of  insubordination  is  mentioned  any- 
where. Is  this  not  a  fresh  proof  of  the  mild  and  peace- 
able character  of  the  Acadians?  A  little  kindness, 
some  consideration  for  their  difficult  position,  care  not 
to  alarm  them  by  arbitrary  or  violent  measures,  whicli 
might  make  them  fear  interference  with  the  free  exer- 
cise of  their  religion :  this  was  all,  and  yet  this — if  sup- 


h^a 


384 


PEHSONAL   GOVEUNMKNT. 


plenieuted  by  protection    against  huliau  attacks — was 
enoiiyli  to  win  from  the  Acadians  the  desijed  coiisfiit. 

This  fact  also  proves  to  a  demonstration  that  the  luiids 
of  small  absolute  governments  are  alone  responsible'  for 
the  good  or  evil  conduct  of  their  subjects.  'J'lieiefoie 
it  is  strange  that  tlie  majority  of  thn.e  Avhohave  wriueu 
about  this  period  of  Acadian  history  have  laid  no  stress 
at  all  on  the  respective  characters  of  the  various  gov- 
ernors. Surely  tliis  point  was  here  ore  than  in  most 
countries,  essential  to  a  clear  underN  .ndingof  thefaeis. 
In  a  representative  and  responsiljle  commonweahh  it 
might  have  l)een  overlooked  as  of  slight  importiuu.e  ; 
but  here  was  an  absolute  ruler,  and  what  is  more  a  sol- 
dier, whose  will  was  law,  whose  wishes  were  commands. 
In  such  small  despotic  goveriunents  good  rulers  make 
good  subjects,  l^et  the  governor  be  kind,  humane,  just, 
careful  of  the  interests  of  all ;  peace  and  contentment 
will  flow  from  liim  as  naturally  as  water  from  a  spring. 
Let  him  be  haughty,  arbitrary  or  cruel;  mistrust,  discord, 
uprisings  perhaps,  will  be  just  as  certain  to  follow.  The 
mass  of  the  people  will  have  remained  the  same  ;  the 
governoi-s  only  have  changed.  So  true  is  this  that  the 
Home  Office  might  have  said  to  each  of  these  governors : 
"  Your  administration  lias  been  marked  by  nnich  trouble 
and  dissatisfaction  ;  therefore  you  have  ruled  unwisely  ; "' 
or,  "  During  your  governorship  there  have  been  no 
complaints,  no  unrest;  therefore  you  have  been  a  wise 
ruler." 

The  first  thing,  then,  is  to  study  the  character  of  the 
governors.  When  this  has  once  been  carefully  done,  it 
is  easy  to  pass  judgment  on  the  various  events  of  their 
administration.  Those  who  are  unable  or  too  careless 
to   undertake  this  critical  examination    should  refiaiu 


:■;,  :-^M 


PERSONAL   GOVERNMENT. 


from  writing  history.  Though  sometimes  difficult,  and 
especially  so  here,  this  inquiry  is,  nevertheless,  possible, 
even  without  any  other  assistance  than  that  supplied  in 
the  official  documents. 

We  cainiot  expect  that  an  autocratic  governor,  when 
writing  to  his  superiors,  will  make  a  clean  breast  of  all  he 
does  and  of  alibis  plans.  Far  from  it.  He  has  every  in- 
centive to  show  liimself  in  the  best  light,  to  omit  facts  that 
tell  seriously  against  himself,  to  defend  himself  against 
all  comers,  to  throw  the  blame  on  all  who  thwart  his  de- 
signs or  interfere  with  liis  tastes  aiul  caprices.  And 
yet  the  attentive  observer  will  almost  always  detect, 
either  in  the  details  or  in  the  general  tone  of  bis  cor- 
respondence, something  that  will  reveal  the  undercur- 
rent of  his  character  and  his  secret  motives. 

Other  historians  of  this  period  give  us  little  or  no  in- 
sight into  the  character  of  the  governors.  They  pass 
from  Armstrong  to  Mascarene,  from  Mascarene  to  Corn- 
wallis,  from  Cornwallis  to  Hopson,  from  Hopson  to 
Lawrence,  as  if  tliere  had  occurred  no  material  change, 
as  if  they  were  talking  of  an  impersonal  being,  devoid 
of  passions,  interests,  caprices,  prejudices  and  defects. 
Yet,  what  a  fathomless  abyss  yawns  between  a  restless, 
whimsical  spirit,  like  that  of  the  ill-balanced  Armstrong, 
by  turns  benevolent  and  tyrannical,  and  ^Mascarene,  the 
cultured  quiet  gentleman,  too  particular  perhaps  on  oc- 
casion, but  ever  paternal,  firm  and  kind  !  Again,  what 
a  striking  contrast  between  Hopson,  so  upright,  so  con- 
ciliatory, so  humane,  and  Lawrence  so  false,  so  despotic, 
so  cruel ! 

After  carefully  weighing  the  whole  matter,  and  with- 
out taking  into  account  the  possible  adverse  action  of 
Hopson's   successors,  I  feel  convinced  that  the  latter. 


'A 


'■,.1 


\,r  'v} 


M' 


it;.. 


||j,..:^ft6»||| 


336 


WHAT   MIGHT   HAVE   BEEN. 


in  a  few  years,  thanks  to  his  kindliness,  would  have  ol> 
tained  from  the  Aoadians  an  unrestricted  oath.  Their 
attachment  to  France  was  no  douht  great,  hut  not  great 
enough  to  have  heen  the  sole  motive,  as  Parkman  and 
other  writers  make  it,  of  their  refusal.  Indeed,  tlio 
Aeadians  did  not  object  to  remain  liritish  subjects. 
What  is  more,  I  do  not  hesitate  to  say  that,  if  the  re- 
striction to  the  oath  liad  been  maintained,  if  furthei' 
grants  of  land  had  been  made  to  them  in  proportion  t<» 
the  growth  of  their  population  and  to  their  needs,  if 
they  liad  had  no  cause  to  dread  any  interference  with 
the  free  exercise  of  their  religion,  they  would  probably 
liave  preferred  to  see  Acadia  i-emain  an  English  posses- 
sion in  order  that  they  might  enjoy  their  neutrality. 
So  long  as  the  restriction  subsisted,  they  were  under  the 
protection  of  a  contract  that  ga^.-e  tliem  the  undoubted 
right  to  leave  the  province  if  the  stipulations  of  tliat 
contract  were  violated.  To  take  an  uiu-estricted  oatli 
was  to  forfeit  this  right.     This  they  must  have  realized. 

To  l)ear  arms  against  the  French  was  a  thing  they  had 
a  horror  of.  It  seemed  to  them  a  monstrous  crime 
against  nature.  Yet,  such  was  their  situation,  so  badly 
had  they  been  treated  by  them,  that  they  would  perhaps, 
at  this  time,  have  sacrificed  this  question  of  sentiment, 
with  the  vague  hope  that  they  would  never  be  actually 
culled  upon  to  fight  the  French.  But,  what  they  never 
would  have  sacrificed — and  this  was  the  most  delicate 
question  of  all — was  tlieir  religion,  which  they  thought 
threatened  and  exjjosed  to  cureless  ills  by  the  rescinding 
of  their  neutrality  contract,  as  it  was  indeed  menaced 
by  projects  of  Avhich  they  had  heard. 

Never  was  a  people  in  such  a  desperately  critical 
situation.     Both  French  and  English  were  too  busy  with 


NAL(;HT    lUT    THK    MUJHT   OF    MIGHT 


•)-j» 


the  I'OiniiiiJ'  coiiflift  to  take  serious  thous'lil-  of  Aciuliiiii 
seiitiment  or  it»  pity  the  woes  of  Aciidia.  Tliis  |)eo[»le, 
with  its  s[)irit  of  obedience,  liiid  iioshiehl  but  the  might 
of  virr]it.  They  were  eh;arly  free  eitlier  to  go  if  they 
refusiMl  the  i)roposals  of  England  or  to  aeeejjt  tlieni  and 
remain.  They  iirlUissly  thounht  that  justice  would 
liniilly  ])i'evail.       The    l)oi(l    intriguer    wlio    suci-etMUnl 


II( 


opsdii  was  aliout  cruelly  to  undeceive  them 


th 


the  A  cadi 


had  of 


As  to  tli(!  lusurniouutahle  norroi'  tiie  Acadians  nad  oi 
heariiiL;'  arms  against  the  Freneli,  w(!  Friuu-h  Canadians 
and  Acadians  bv  descent  can  thoroughly  understand  it 
an«l  speak  of  it  knowingly  ;  for  we  need  only  analyze 
oui'  own  fceliii<js. 

We  esteem  KuLjlaud  and  Ihu- institutions  the  blessins's 
of  which  we  enjoy  ;  we  admire  her  creative  genius,  lier 
civilization,  the  wisdom  of  hei'  statesuuiu,  her  far-seeiiig 
])lans  and  the  tenacity  with  which  she  carries  tliem  out. 
We  have  served  her  faithfully  ;  we  an;  willing  to  do  so 
again.  We  have  had  more  liberty  than  Freiudi  rule 
would  have  gianted  us.  We  are  satisfied;  our  lot  is 
just  about  what  we  should  liave  chosen  ourselves.  Ami 
yet,  after  130  years  of  separation,  we  still  love  France 
as  we  did  in  1763.  Is  ours  an  ('xce[)tional  case,  or 
woulil  Eufjlishmen  feel  as  we  do  if  tliev  were  in  our 
place?  iruman  nature  is  pretty  nearly  the  same  every- 
where, lint  the(piestion  is  not  practical. since  England 
— however  the  fact  may  lu;  ex[)lained — has  always  man- 
aged to  kee[)  her  eomjuests.  and  above  all  she  has  never 
been  forced  to  abandon  her  children  to  the  enemy. 

Our  love  for  France  seems  to  stirpriseour  English  fel- 

low-eountrymen.     They  seem  to  think  love  of  country 

is  a  chattel  that  can  be  transferred  by  order  from  place 

to  place  on  a  given  date.     Is  this  thoughtlessnesvS  or 
22 


iia« 


LOVK  von   FllA^UE. 


narrowness  of  mind  ?  Does  it  arise  from  the  fact  that 
Englishmen  have  never  had  any  personal  experience  n\' 
a  situation  like  ours  ?  Or  are  they  less  sensitive  to  thu 
finer  feelings  ? 

Suppose,  for  a  moment,  that  the  Province  of  Quebec 
became  once  more  a  colony  of  France.  Ask  the  Englisii 
residing  in  Quebec  if  they  would  not  feel  scruples  and 
iV  an  insurmouutal)le  horror  at  the  thouij^ht  of  liiihtinLi-  for 
■/  France  against  England,  against  Ontario,  even  after  a 
century  of  allegiance  to  France  with  the  greatest  pos- 
sible freedom.  Their  answer  admits  of  no  doubt;  l)ut, 
whatever  it  might  be,  this  is  our  view:  nothing  could 
induce  us  to  fight  against  France  on  foreign  battlefields  ; 
and  if  the  refusal  to  do  so  were  to  entail  upon  us  what 
the  Acadians  suffered,  our  hesitancy  would  Ijc  short, 
with  tliis  difference,  however,  that  we  would  meet  iowv 
Avith  force.  Cold-blooded  leusoning  hits  no  place  here  ; 
we  are  not  free  to  change  the  feelings  whidi  are  in- 
U'rained  in  our  nature.  Should  Knolislimen  act  diffe!- 
ently  in  similar  circumstances,  tlie  inference  would  be 
tliat  their  nature  is  diametrically  opposed  to  ours. 

It  is  a  matter  of  common  ol)servation  that  a  French- 
man is  swayed  more  by  sentiment  tlian  by  self-interest  ; 
that  an  Englishman, on  the  contrary,  2)liU'es  .self-interest 
alongside,  and  sometimes  above  sentiment.  Some  think 
this  distinction  is  merely  a  difference  of  degrees  and 
shades,  not  of  natures.  But  may  not  the  divergence  be 
radical  ? 

When  the  United  States  revolted  against  the  mother 
country,  the  Acadians,  unable  to  understand  such  cimi- 
duct,  never  called  that  struggle  by  any  other  name  than 
the  mad  war.  Still,  .the  Americans,  struggling  for  tlieir 
money  interests,  were  iighting  for  a  principle ;  whereas 


THE   IMMIGRANT    AND    THK    NATIVK. 


):J9 


the  Acadians  could  have  invoked  no  i)iini:iple  t(»  justify 
tlieir  taking  np  arms  against  Fiance. 

An  important  distinction  must  Lo  drawn  hclwceu  the 
immigrant  and  the  man  tluit  claims  the  couiiiiv  he  dwells 
in  as  the  home  of  his  forefathers.  The  immigrant's  oIh 
ject  is  business  ;  unwittingly,  perhaps,  lie  has  made  U[> 
his  mind  beforehand  to  become,  to  all  intents  and  [im- 
poses, a  citi/.eii  of  his  new  countiy.  His  children,  if  not 
himself,  will  claim  hardly  any  other  country  than  this 
ni!W  land  of  theirs.  The  native,  on  the  other  hand,  is 
still  more  iirmly  rooted  to  the  soil.  His  attitude  to- 
wards the  immigrant  must  be  carefully  eonsidercd.  His 
traits  of  chaiacter,  his  customs,  traditions,  lanouaye,  are 
all  dear  to  him  ;  he  means  to  eling  to  tlicm  as  long  as 
possible,  he  ho[)es,  forever.  His  eye  is  on  the  innni- 
grant,  who  may  easily  excite  his  siisjiicirns.  If  he  finds 
out  that  the  newcomer  wants  to  dislodge  him,  he  will 
never  forget  it ;  he  Avill  ever  attribute  to  him  the  same 
purpose,  even  in  the  Litter's  most  harmless  behavior.  If 
the  natives  constitute  a  j)eople,  be  it  ever  so  small,  they 
will  close  up  their  ranks  and  become  more  and  more 
clannish  ;  and,  should  they  come  of  a  strong  and  manly 
race,  whose  past  histoiy  is  glorious,  there  is  no  knowing 
Avhat  complications  may  ensue. 

Hut  if  the  incoming  settler  is  prudent,  gentle  and 
trenerous  ;  if  he  lets  the  native  know  that,  far  from  hav- 
ing  any  designs  upon  the  autonomy  and  maintenanee  of 
the  native  nationality,  he  is  anxious  to  keep  up  all  the 
dearly  loved  traditions  of  the  country,  then  a  few  gen- 
erations will  sullice  to  win  ovt-r  the  native  element  to 
the  immigrant  nation,  fusion  will  take  place  Avithout 
friction,  without  hiteh.  without  bitter  regrets.  A  con- 
trary course  on  the  settler's  part  would  leave  the  various 


iUn 


i.ivK  .\Ni»  i.r.r  i.ivK. 


clt'iiifiits  uiiliannniii/cd  ;iltci' t<'n  j^fiitMiitiniis.  Tlu'ion- 
.s('(|Ut'iit  iicfd  iA'  |irii(l(>ii('('  is  ('s|K'ciall\  >j;rri\{  wIutc  the 
liillivt's  iUf  I"'rt'ii(li,  lifcaiisi'  of  tin-  t-xtiriiir  (lcluiu\  of 
tlu'ir  rc»'liii;4s. 

Ill    itdttiiics   ((imiilcit'd    hy  l''ii<_;IaiMl.  llic    l''iiifli.'>li   stt- 
llci's   have  aliiutsi   always  striven    lo   iiii|ilaiit    tlicii  Imi 


UU 


iit^c  ami   it'linioiis   lu'licl's  l»y  st lata^rm    or    li\    Utu 


T\ 


it'V  arc  striviii'"' 


to  (1 


(>  s(»  nioif  or  less  ex  rii  now 


T! 


n'li 


ijicat  ()l»i('ti  si'cins  to  1h'  the  roiniatioii   of  (»iic  solid,  ho 
iiio'>('iu'oiis,  dcsiiairiii''l\     iiioiioloiioiis    mass   of    liiiman 
lu-iiio's  iiisiiiict  wilii  tlif  same  ideas,  the  same  tastes,  thr 
same  reelings,  as  it"  this  ol)jeiii\i'  wi-re   iiidis|ieii.sal»le  lo 
tile  security  and  progress  of  the  eoiintiy.      Tliey  seem  lo 


ii'!4i'l  that  sii' 


•h  ill-( 


oiiecaU'd  striviii;^s  prodiiee  an  t 


11 « 


exactly  eoiii  laiy  to   that  which  was   expected,  and    tend 
tt)  weaki'ii  those  hoiids  of  syiiiiiathy  which   a  kindls  ol)- 


siTvaiiei'  of  the  advice 


li\('  and  h't    live 


would    iiavi! 


helped  to  streiin'theii.     ^\<4Teement  in  essentials  is  c^iiitc 
iMminrh  ;   to  aim  at  more  is  to  secure  less. 

l"'ranee.  with  all  her  faults,  has  i-ver  adopted  a  very  dif- 
ferent liiii' of  conduct  w  i  til  inucli  more  satisfactory  rcsnlis. 
Her    Urittanv,    aftei'    so    many    centuries,    still    >peaks 


r.ret 


on,  and  IS  none 


the   1 


ess  ver\'  I*'rench 


Al 


sace  w  a- 


(Jeriuan,  spoke  and  still  speiks  (lennaii  ;  liut,  afti'r  two 
centuries  i)}i  l-'rench  inK'.  it  groans  in  (Jennaii  under  the 
(u'rman  yoke,  and  si^hs  for  return  to  I*' ranee.  Corsica. 
Nice,  Savoy,  treated  as  sisters,  never  uttered  a  nuirmur. 
The  iVral),  reconciled  after  a  short  resistance,  ilies  for 
France  on  every  field  of  battle,  only  too  proud  to  he  able 
to  tlefeiid  her  flag.  In  spite  oi'  the  errors  and  the  levity 
of  France,  the  nations  she  takes  to  her  bosom  become 
French  in  heart  and  mind. 

While  France  was  ursed  on  by  her  feelinos,  Kmjlaiid 


W  i  N  >M ' 


I  i;.\sri; 


lil- 

lis. 

.Us 

w  ;is 

the 
ica, 
uur. 
for 
il.h- 
:ity 
>m(' 


uid 


Wiis  stinnilat(Ml  by  hvv  interests.  While  the  I'oiiiuti' 
iiiined  at  iissiinilnting  lier  new  siihjeels  hy  res|»e(tin^ 
their  eustdiiis  aiid  tradilioiis,  l)y  making,'  them  shaicns  in 
the  privih'm's  :in<l  rights  coninion  to  Kienehnien,  hy 
aits  (»f kindness  and  urbanity,  the  hitUsr  strove  to  brinLj 
the  (•oh)nists  into  lino  by  sheer  force  or  I)y  eral't.  Had 
I'^niiiiind  a,(hh:d  to  her   (»th(;i'  <ril'ts,  so  nunuirous  and  so 


iinixM'ial 


run] 


ler   <>ltt   ol 


\\  insonitiness. 


sne 


\\|>M 


Id 


hav(?  been  !)y  this  time  (h)nblyth(!  mistress  of  the  \\ni  Id  ; 
the  whoh'  of  tliis  continent  would  now  ])e  liers  ;  I  it-land 
wouUf  hi-  to  hei"  a  i^ailand  ol  honor  insttiad  oi'  a  tlioin 
in  her  si(U'.  Alas  I  It  is  with  nations  as  with  indi- 
viduals ;  tht.'re  nw.  virtiles  tliat,  exclude  out;  another. 

Throuifhout  all  her  vicissitudes  France  alway-^  rt;-  n 
mained,  politieally  and  economically,  one  with  bur  ■ 
colonies.  In  wai',  in  peace,  in  revolution  ;  under  king, 
emperor  or  icpublic  ;  under  Hourbons,  IJonapaites  or 
the  Orleans  eiti/(Mi  king;  with  ont;  taiitV  oi'  another, 
llie  colonies  submitted  to  every  change  without  com- 
plaint. Nev(!r  could  England  achieve  such  a  result. 
Self-iuteiest  bars  the  way. 


Zs^> 


r'-f  ^; 


Vf 


342 


AMBITIOrs   AND    HKAIiTLKSS. 


CIIArTER  XX  r. 


Major  Charles  Lawrence,  President  of  the  Council,  acts  as  a«l- 
niinistrator  in  exp<H'tation  of  Hopson's  return — His  cliaracter — 
His  beliavior  towards  tiie  English  colonists,  the  (Jernians  and 
the  Acadians,  causes  great  dissatisfaction. 

Thk  good  feeling  wliieli  Hopsou  had  .so  lui[)j)ily 
restoied  was  to  disa|)])ear  Avith  him.  lie  had  made  the 
governorship  an  easy  task,  if  only  his  siieeessor  had  had 
.some  of  the  virtues  for  which  he  himself  was  so  emi- 
nently distinguished,  rnfortunately,  Lawrence,  a  first- 
rate  soldier,  a  bold  and  active  man,  endowed  with  moic 
than  connnon  intelligence,  with  that  insinuating  mannei- 
whieh  so  often  is  the  intriguei's  passport  to  succe.ss, 
was  totally  devoid  of  moral  sense  and  utterly  heartless. 
The  be-all  and  end-all  with  him  was  his  ambition,  to 
which  lie  had  vowed  all  the  resources  of  his  lively  mind. 
Imperious  and  cruel  to  his  subordinates,  he  was  supple 
and  obsecpiious  to  hi.s  superiors.  Oi  humble  birth, 
having  begiui  life  as  an  ap[)rentice  to  a  house-painter, 
he  had  raised  himself,  while  yet  in  tin;  prime  of  life,  to 
a  positiou  which  a  nobleman's  son  might  have  envied. 

.V  knowledrje  of  the  character  of  this  mail  is  verv 
important :  for  on  the  judgment  that  shall  be  meted  out 
to  him  depends,  to  a  great  extent,  the  judgment  histoiy 
iiuist  pass  on  the  extraordinary  act  that  marked  his 
government.  By  the  help  of  the  public  documents 
alone — his  own  documents, garbled  as  they  are — anyone 


liALKiOMA.NS    |)I;SCU1I5K    LANVIiKXCK. 


:U:J 


cau  convince  liinisell'  that  niy  opinion  of  him  is  iiot  too 
sev«'ic.  since,  thron^fhont  his  whoh.'  ciinier,  one  lo^>ks  in 
Viiin  loi'  ;i  single  deed,  iind,  in  all  the  documents,  for  a 
single  lint!  liiat  might  hint  at  the  semhhincu  of  any  ft;el- 
ing  tif  delicacy. 

My  searcli  after  further  ini'ormation  to  c(»nlirm  or 
modify  ihe  impression  produce(I  upon  me  I)}'  the  mere 
perusal  of  the  volume  of  the  Archives  has  been  rewarded 
lieyond  my  hopes  ;  and  I  can  now  safely  assert  that  my 
lir>i  view  fell  far  short  of  the  realitv.  I  will  adduce 
some  of  my  proofs  in  the  course  of  the  nanative :  for 
ill*'  present.  I  need  only  give  a  short  extract  from  a  long 
petititin  addressed  by  the  citi/.ens  of  Halifax  in  IToT  to 
a  disiinguished  person  in  England  whose  name  does 
n'li  appear  in  the  document  supplied  by  Kev.  Andrew 
Ijruwn. 

•  W.-  iuc  extri'iiu'ly  olilij^t-il  U)  you  lor  your  favor  of  the  3rd  of 
July  last  and  for  i/aiir  (issidiu'lif  In  mir  ajfalrs. 

•  W.'  can  assure  you.  sir.  tliat  we  wore  almost  without  hojxs  of 
li.  !:!.:  loiisidcrtMl  as  Eii;;lish  subjects :  the  linncility  aiut  tUfidtihifiif 
Im  l-iiriiDir  iif  (iiir  ifovvnior  to  all  our  rcinonstntiices,  (iUIioikjIi 
fiifl' ml  irilli  till'  iitiiioNt  Hiibminsiuu,  gave  as  much  reasfju  to 
iiiiiik  ]if  Wius  countenanced  at  Home 

•  V"ur  letter  has  revived  the  hopes  of  the  inhahitants.  and  it 
l!;i>  (><•(  11  !;reat  eoinfoit  to  them  to  find  an  Eii^^lishmaii  in  Enf;laiid 
win  1  lias ///('/(■  auhapj)ij  stiite  mid  CDiiilition  ttt  liriirt diid  CDininlsrr- 
iit>  •<  fix  I r  hi>iida<ji'  under  oppression  mid  ti/rdinii/ 

•Tiii'seaie  all  the  friends  (ioveriior  Lawrence  has  at  Iloiiir. 
/",■•  oil  (hin  slili'  of  the  irofcr  he  has  in^iie,  either  of  the  lidiol>itmits 
III-  <!<  iitleiiieii  of  tlie  iirmi/,  iriio  hold  him  in  the  utmost  contempt, 
(^■rcejit  those  fornierl//  mentioned  to  i/oii  liis  agents  in  ojipres- 
sion.  .   .    . 

•perhaps  you  will  lie  surprised  to  hear  how  this  gentleman, 
who.  some  time  ago.  was  only  a  painter's  ajtprentice  in  London, 
should  have  advaneeil  himself  to  such  heights.  We  are  obliged  lo 
confess  that  he  has  a  gooil  addiv^ia.  it  (jreat  deal  of  /on-  en nnimj, 
is  a  must  consuminute  flatterer,  has  icords  fidl  of  the  warmest  e,r- 


irm 


^t:  ;i 


844 


IMITMTY. 


piT.Hsiou  of  nil  iif)ri{flit  iiitvntinii,  thon\ili  iii't'cr  iiitnuh'd,  iiml  iriih 
niiirh  art  iimst  solifitinislif  i-niirtx  nil  slrmifirrN  ii'lioin  In- lliinlx  cnn 
Ih'  nf  nii/f  .sc/r/r'C  /o  /(///(,  Hif  tln'si'  and  siicli  mislins  lir  risni  f,,  !„■ 
what  In'  in,  ainl,rlah'ti  iritli  liin  sin'risx,  is  (intrniiiinmln  In  nl  npnn 
llie  (It'slriirtinii  nf  i'ITi'i/  niir  Hint  dni's  tail  roncnr  in  la's  innisiirrx, 
'*  Alintllcr  nf  t)u' ( lOV'iTllor's  iU'ts  /s  la  iiiiKrrprrsi'nt  niid  nlillsi- 
all  liiinir  liiiii.  Ilr  IniH  piililiclii  cnlliil  liisf  'ninicil  n  inwliif  si-diiu- 
(Iiu'Ih,  tin'  nnivlniiits  a  parri'l  nf  rillaiiis  and  linidi'rniils,  mul  Imn 
ri'pn'sfiilcd  III  llnint'  llir  irlnilc  ns  n  jiatjilc  itisciinti'iitrd  ii,i,l  rr- 
bt'llinns."  '■'' 

Siifli  Wiis,  nccoi'diiiL;-  to  Ills  I'l'llow-toiiiitryinoii.  tin- 
iiiiiii  wlio  cuiiccivcd  iiiid  ciinicd  out  llio  dcpoiiation  of 
tins  A(!iidiiiiis.  If  lit!  piiiiitcd  tlit;  citi/ens  of  lluliriix  in 
sn(!li  s()iid)ri!  colors,  wo.  need  not  wdiidcr  tliat  tlir 
Aciuliiiiis  should  Iiuac  met  willi  tin'  siiint'  Ircatnicnl. 
Nor  sjiould  \\r.  wonder  lliat  lie  uricvoiisly  o|i|irc-s((| 
tlicni,  since  the  oppression  he  exercised  on  those  wiiom 
it  was  iiiiinil'(!stl_v  iiis  interest  to  spare  hud  diiven  them 
to  extreme  exasperation. 

His  must  lia\e  heen  a  strangely  cruel  and  pel  verse 
nature,  sinc(!  hv  could  not  curl)  it  when  his  I'ellow-tMti- 
zeus  might  (h^uoiince  him,  ovei-wludm  him  with  (listiT.iee 
and  ruin  liis  ])i'ospects  t'orcvei'.  Mut  what  had  he  to 
fear  from  the  Acadians?  \Votdd  their  complaint^  timi 
an  echo  beyond  the  sea?  Would  these  complaints  even 
so  much  as  leach  England?     (Mearly  not. 

In  d(!aling  with  a  man  of  this  stamp,  would  it  he  wise 
to  tak(!  his  own  (h)cuments  lileially,  garbled  as  tliey 
were  j)urposely  lat(M"  on  by  himsidf  and  his  aci^omplices, 
in  order  to  justify  an  unjustifia1)le   act?      ffav<>  \\  )t 

at  least  the  I'ight  of  retjuiring  tVom  'in  Yell-j)roved 
facts  and   not,  unsuppoited  assertio  .sow,  as   f     'i 

about  to  demonstrat(^  in  all  that  pa        >f  the   Arc'hive.s 

*  Seo  ApiJeudix,  Vol.  II. 


I.IIMinU  S    ATAKIANS. 


\\ 


liiili   rcffis  lo  Law  n-i 


ices  ;i(lmiiii.striUioii,  (If.sjtiu-  tlio 


iiiit-si(l('(]ii('ss  (lispliiyt'd  ill  llio  coinpiliitioii  (if  tliiit 
volunu',  tlii'ic  is  111)1  our  siiiLflo  iiistiiiicc,  tlir()U<f1i(»iil  the 
wlmlc  fxtt'iit  <>t  tlic  jii'uinsiila.  ol"  rt'sisliiiicc,  tliat  ciiii  ho 
iiii|)iil('(|  to  llic  Aciuliaiis,  siihjt'rhMl  ihouuli  t  lit-y  w  i-k;  to 
iiitol(;i'iil)l(>  pi'ovociitioii. 

TIk!  l)('tt»'r  to  set  this   forth,  I  will  ii'vii'W  thr  doru- 
lueiits  foiitiiiiH'd   ill  th»^  Vftluiiif  of  tiic    An  hives,  dwrll- 


II 


ij^f  rspccuiiiy  on    tiios«!  wiiicii  coiiiiiiu    i^(•l•nsauoll■^  of 
(•oin[>hi,iiits  ilijfiiilist  the  Aciidiiiiis. 

At  lirst,  wliih-  IIo|isoii,  ahsciit  on  ]^•■,\\^■.  htr  his  hfiiith, 
Wiis  exput'lcd  to  ictiirii.  I^aw  rcMic  was  int'rtl\  Adniiiiis- 
trator  /*/•"  ti'in.  of  tho  piovinci!  with  the  title  of  I'lesi- 
di'iil,  of  th(i  Council.  My  inakiiiL;'  hinistif  niciisiirahly 
aLfn'cahlc  to  tiit;  pcojdc  under  his  care,  and  still  more  to 
the  Lords  of  'Liiidf,  Ik;  could  icasoiialjly  hope.  pio\ided 
his  friends  liclpttd  him  at  hoine  and  llopson  did  not. 
ivtuni,  to  1)0  soon  aj)poiiitcd  u()vcrnor.  The  nomination 
was  slow  in  comiiiy,  l)Ut  it  canu!  at  lust  in  the  Noveinher 
of  th(!  following  yoar.  !'[)  to  this  time  his  coiiducf, 
seems  to  have  been  more  guarded  iuid  jierhaps  iilso  less 
liaish  and  more  just. 

On  DecemlH!!'  otli,  lTo»),  shortly  alter  1  lo[)soirs  depart- 
ui'c,  he  wi'ote  to  the  Lords  of  'l'rad(,' : 

"  1  take  tlie  earliest  opportunity  of  doiiin  inysell'  the  hoaour  to 
write  to  Your  Lordships,  tliougli  hardly  anytliiiiji;  worth  your  notice 
has  liapptMied  since  (iovernor  FToi)son's  <U'i)arture.   .  .  . 

"  T  come  next  to  the  Acadiaiis  wlio  are  toh'rahly  <|iiiet  .is  to 
fjcoverunient  matters,  hut  exceedingly  litigious  amongst  them- 
selves. As  this  sjtirit  shows  the  value  they  set  uikiu  their  posses- 
sions, it  is  so  fai'  a  favorahle  circiunstaiKie.  Ihit.  <is  Ihrrr  i.s  int 
rviptlar  iiicfhixl  i>f  adininisfcriiKj  Jiistia'  <nii<)ii<j.sf  fhein.  (hci/  ijroir 
verfi  iinetinjf  at  the  decision  of  their  disputes  hariiig  been  so  Iniiij 
put  off.  To  give  them  a  hearing  in  our  t'ourtsot'  Law  vvouhl  lie  at- 
tended with  insuperable  difKculties  ;  their  not  having  taken   the 


346 


LITIGIOUS   ACADIANS. 


oath  of  allegiance  is  an  absolute  bar  in  our  law  to  their  holding  any 
landed  possessions,  and  Your  Lordships  may  imagine  how  difficult 
it  must  be  for  tlie  courts  to  give  judgment  in  cases  where  the  pro- 
prietors' claims  are  far  from  being  ascertained,  and  where  the  dis- 
putes comnionly  relate  to  the  bounds  of  lands  that  have  nether  as 
yet  been  surveyed  that  I  know  of. 

"The  French  emissaries  still  continue  to  perplex  them  with  dif- 
ficulties about  their  taking  the  oath  of  allegiance ;  and  though  they 
have  not  been  in  the  least  pressed  to  it  of  late,  yet  they  seem  fn 
think  we  only  trait  a  cont'enient  opportunity  to  force  it  upon  them, 
us  they  every  day  magnify  to  themselves  the  difficulties  theyshonhl 
lie  under  with  the  Indians  if  they  take  the  oath,  as  well  as  the  no- 
tion that  it  would  subject  them  to  bear  arms." 

From  the  foregoing  it  appeals  that  the  Aeadians 
were  tlieii  "  pretty  quiet  as  to  government  matters,  hut 
exceedingly  litigious  amongst  themselves."  There  is 
no  reason  to  question  this  statement.  Hopsou  liad 
given  them  satisfaction  on  many  important  points,  and, 
for  a  long  time,  there  had  heen  no  talk  of  the  oatli ; 
this  was  all  that  was  needed  to  ensure  quiet.  Nor 
have  we  any  motive  for  doubting  that  there  must  have 
been  difticulties  among  themselves  anent  the  limits  of 
their  lands.  More  than  twelve  years  before,  Mascarene, 
in  a  letter  T  have  produced  elsewhere,  had  begged  tln^ 
Loi'ds  of  Trade  to  alter  the  I'ejTvilations  excludinof  Catho- 
lies  fiom  Crown  Land  grants  : 

••  They  liiivc."  said  he,  •'  divided  and  subdivided  amongst  their 
cbiklrt- II  th<'  lands  they  were  in  possession  of,  ;is  His  Majesty's  in- 
structions prescribe  tliegnuitof  unappropriated  lands  to  Protestant 
subjects  only.  ...  If  they  are  debarred  from  new  possessions,  they 
must  live  here  miserably  and  consequently  be  troublesome,  or  they 
must  withdraw  to  French  colonies.  If  we  give  occasion  of  disgust 
to  these  people,  the  Frencih  in  case  of  war  will  soon  make  an  ad- 
vantage of  it." 

Now  we  gather  from  Lawrence's  letter  that  nothing 
had  been  done  to  right  this  crying  wrong ;  and  yet  the 


Kin  I  , 


NO    NKW   O  It  ANTS. 


347 


sinister  forecasts  of  Mascarene  had  not  been  realized,  in 
otlier  words,  the  Acadians  had  neither  given  trouble  to 
the  goveriinient  nor  left  the  country  because  of  a  wrong 
which  was  in  itself  so  grievous.  In  spite  of  this  *'  occa- 
sion of  disgust,"  and  of  Shirley's  plans  more  disgusflnif 
i/et^  the  French  had  failed,  during  the  late  Avar,  to  shake 
their  fidelity.  How  grave  soever  was  this  question  of 
land  grants,  it  was  after  all  a  matter  of  secondary  im- 
portance to  the  Acadians  in  comparison  to  the  oath  and 
its  consequences,  and  therefore  wiis  not  made  the  subject 
of  comi)laint  to  the  authorities.  Still  it  stands  to  retuson 
that  lands  which  had  never  been  suiveved,  and  whiih 
had  been  divided  and  sul)divided  into  small  parcels 
during  forty  years,  must  have  given  rise  to  many  dis- 
putes. And,  as  if  to  pei'petuate  tliis  state  of  affairs,  ilif 
settlement  of  the  difliculty  was  indefinitely  postponed 
and  evaded,  for  the  unavowed  reason  th.at  the  non- 
acceptance  of  the  oath  "  was  a  bar  in  our  law  to  their 
holding  any  landed  possessions."  This  really  meant, 
according  to  LawrtMice's  contention,  that  the  Acadians 
had  no  legal  right  to  the  property  wliich  they  enjoyed  in 
virtue  !il"  the  treat}-  of  I'treclit. 

rp  to  1730,  in  spite  of  the  growth  of  the  ^uipulation, 
the  Acadians  did  not  address  themselves  to  occupying 
new  land  noi-  to  lixing  the  limits  of  tlie  old,  nor  to 
making  improvciuients,  for  the  very  obvious  reason  that 
their  stay  in  the  country  was  uncertain.  After  the 
agreenuuit  with  PhUipps,  exempting  then)  from  military 
service,  they  thought  theii- status  wius  definitely  settled, 
and  then  only  did  the  land  cjiu'stion  assume  impoitance 
in  their  eyes.  As  new  grants  were  refusiMl  to  tin  in, 
thev  were  t'orcecl  to  subdivide  their  old  farms,  and  as 
these  had  never    been    pi()[)eily     surveyed,    difficultie* 


■t 


](:     H 


nm 


348 


POSSESSION    DIXLAKKI)    I  N  LAW  III- 


arose.  Their  disputes  were  submitted  to  tlie  mivcjiior 
as  early  as  1731,  when  Armstrong  said  of  theiu  that 
they  were  litigious.  Tlie  only  way  to  settles  the  lival 
claims  was  to  have  the  land  surveyed;  bnt,  in  Law- 
rence's time,  ten,  fifteen,  twenty  and  moie  years  had 
elapsed  since  the  disputed  clainis  had  het'ii  tiled  and 
placed  in  the  governor's  hands,  and  as  yet  nothing  had 
l>een  settled.  No  wonder  Lawrence  could  say  :  •■  Thrv 
grow  mieaxji  at  the  decision  of  their  disputes  having 
been  so  k)ng  put  off."  Surely  there  was  more  than 
enongh  to  make  them  uneasy.  Lawrence  lets  out,  the 
secret  of  these  endless  delavs  when  he  savs  :  "•  Their  not 
liaviiig  taken  tlu;  oatli  of  allegiance  is  an  absolute  bai- 
in  our  law  to  iheii'  holding  any  landed  posscssidns." 
Tliis  amounts  to  an  avowal  that,  since  1730,  the;  delay 
of  surveys  and  settlement  of  claims  was  intentional,  and 
was  owing  to  the  resti'ictive  clause  contained  in  theoatli 
accepted  by  (lovernor  Philii)[)s.  f)ut,  then,  it  becomes 
evident  that  the  acce[>tance  of  this  oath  was  only  a 
<leception,  since  it  did  not  give  the  Acadians  any  right 
to  their  land.  Tf,  however.  I  should  hapj»cn  lo  have 
mistaken  the  drift  of  Lawrence's  letter,  there  i.s  at- 
least  this  other  infei'ence  to  be  drawn,  lliat  the  gover- 
nors were  but  very  little  conct>rncd  to  end  the  bickerings 
of  the  Acadians,  oi-  they  might  hnve  leadily  done  so  by 
ordering  the  necessaiy  surveys.  < 

To  deprive  them  of  new  grants  called  for  by  the  in- 
crefise  in  their  numbers  was  not  enongh  of  an  injustice: 
\\\cy  must,  furthermoie,  be  refused  all  right  to  the  |iai- 
cels  of  land  which  they  held  in  virtue  of  a  treaty.  They 
Avere  ordered  to  take  an  unresti'icted  oath,  which  would 
not  even  have  criven  them  anv  claim  to  new  ffiants  of 
land,  these  grants  being  reserved,   by  regulation,  "  ^» 


ACADIANS   COMI'AltKD    To    A.MKIMCANS. 


:;4:) 


Protesianf  nuhjcrt.s  onli/.''  Thus  was  being  secretlv 
piepiired  for  theni  the  fiite  of  outcasts  and  pariahs. 
Perhaps  their  only  resounie  now  was  to  huy  land  fioni 
tlu)se  Englislinieii  who  had  taken  up,  as  1  mentioned 
elsewliere,  100,000  acres  around  the  settlements  ot 
Mines  and  IVaidwissin.  But  it  is  easy  to  understand 
that  the  prceariousness  of  their  position  was  apt  to  make 
them  mistrust  such  [)urchases.  Besides,  was  there  any 
security  against  future  annulment  of  all  their  title- 
deeds  in  virtue  of  Lawrence's  contention  as  to  their 
being  barred  out  by  the  law? 

Tliese  few  considerations  uivc  an  inklinu'  of  Law- 
rtiuce's  deep-laid  schemes.  Tlu;  sequel  will  show  that 
it  is  well  nigh  impossi1)le  to  find  one;  ot"  his  state  papeis 
that  is  not  a  fresli  masterpiece  of  duplicity. 

■^rhe  Acadians  nuist,  forsooth,  have  been  the  most 
submissive  and  peace-loving  [)eople  vnider  tlie  sun. 
"■  The  lenity  and  the  sweet  of  Englisli  r\de,'"  on  which 
Parkman  dilates,  may  ap[)ly  reasonably  enough  to  the 
Home  Government,  but  assuredly  not  to  the  provincial 
administration.  Had  the  New  England  colonists  lieen 
in  the  same  situation,  they  would  long  ago  have  raised 
the  standard  of  revolt  and  broken  every  trannnel,  as  in- 
deed they  did  a  few  years  later  to  destroy  abuses  that 
were  far  less  blameworthy  and  affirm  ricrhts  that  were 
far  less  important,  for  the  sake  of  stamps  and  tea,  when 
their  language,  their  religion,  their  feelings,  their  lands 
were  in  no  way  threatened.  Because  the  Acadiaii> 
scorned  rebellion,  because  they  were  too  nobly  obedient, 
they  were  deported  like  cattle,  tliey  were  hunted  like 
wild  beasts,  while  statues  were  raised  in  honoi*  of  suo 
cessful  rebels ;  and,  to  crown  their  misfortune,  they  have 
to-day  to  bear  the  humiliatiou  of  the  dying  lion  kicked 


350 


LOKDS   OF    TIIADK    PElll'LKXED. 


by  the  ass  from  one  who — be  it  said  without  blame- 
bends  low  before  the  heroes  of  the  revolution.  To  the 
vulgar  mind  success  is  the  proof  of  merit,  and  the  old 

saying, 

Donee  eris  felix,  niultos  niimerabis  amicos, 

is  accepted  as  an  exhortation  to  the  worship  of  success. 
Had  England  quelled  the  revolt,  as  she  very  prohubly 
would  liave  done  without  the  timely  succor  the  Fiemli 
gave  Wasliington,  and  had  slie  deported  the  Anierii.-au 
rebels,  true  rel)els  these  with  far  less  grievances  than 
the  Acadians,  liow  would  Parkman  have  attuned  his 
lyre  ? 

It  is  strange  that  Mascarene's  equitabli;  suggestions 
were  not  acted  upon  by  the  Lords  of  Trade.  Tlieir 
conduct  in  this  matter  contrasts  with  their  usual  eciuit y. 
Had  tiie  grantees  of  the  100,000  acres — amongst  whom 
were  .i  Secretary  of  State,  his  brother  and  a  future 
Secretaiy  of  State — enough  influence  successfully  tu 
plead  in  bar  of  Mascarene's  request  ?     I  cannot  say. 

Lawrence's  letter  threw  the  Lords  of  Trade  intd 
great  perplexity,  as  may  be  seen  by  the  following 
extract  from  their  answer  of  March  4th,  1754: 

"The  more  we  consider  this  point,  the  more  nice  and  difficult  it 
appears  to  ns  ;  for.  as  on  tlie  one  hand  great  caution  ougiit  to  lu^ 
used  to  avoid  giving  any  ahirm  and  creating  sucli  a  diffidence  in 
their  minds  as  might  induce  them  foqitit  the  Pi'ovinvi\  and  hi/  tlicir 
iniinlwrs  add  sfrengfJi  to  the  French  .settlewe)itn,HO,  on  the  otiur 
hand,  we  should  be  equally  cautious  of  creating  an  improper  and 
false  ('onfidence  in  them,  that  by  a  perseverance  in  refusing  to  take 
the  oath  of  allegiance,  they  may  gradually  work  out  in  their  own 
way  a  right  to  their  lands."' 

To  a  man  of  Lawrence's  character  this  was  tantamount 
to    saying  :    Deceive    them   if    necessary,   give    them 


KEVOLT   OF   (JEUMAN    SETTLERS. 


iiol 


vaguely  to  understand  that  titles  will  be  granted  to 
them,  taking  great  care,  however,  not  to  commit  your- 
self to  any  formal  promise.  Nevertlieless,  do  all  that  is 
needed  to  prevent  tliem  from  leaving. 

And  yet  this  much  must  be  said  in  palliation  of  the 
Lords  of  Trade  :  from  their  point  of  view,  they  were 
imparting  counsels  of  prudence  and  modeiatiou  that 
might  serve  as  a  check  on  Lawrence's  impetuous  and 
perverse  nature.  Of  course  there  is  no  denying  the 
ti'ickery  implied  in  this  letter ;  but  we  should  bear 
in  mind  that,  for  the  last  forty  years,  trickery  had 
become  so  interwoven  with  the  traditional  policy  that 
it  was  impossible  for  the  best  of  well-meaning  men 
entirely  to  fi'ee  themselves  from  its  meslies.  Moreover, 
this  letter  was  written  at  a  time  when  the  Lords  of 
Trade  liaidly  knew  what  decision  to  take  on  the  matter 
at  issue  ;  and,  in  order  to  be  pei'fectly  fair  towards  them, 
this  letter  should  be  collated  with  another  dated  on  the 
29th  of  the  ensuing  Octobei',  which  may  be  viewed  as 
completing  and  greatly  modifying  it.* 

In  the  letter  cited  above  from  Lawrence,  there  is  a 
loner  account  of  an  insurrection  of  (lerman  Protestant 
settlers  at  Lunenburg,  who  belonged  to  Cornwallis's 
colon}-.  Before  becoming  president  of  the  council, 
I.iawi'ence  had  been  commandant  at  that  place,  and  his 
presence  had  been  marked  by  troubles  and  by  many 
desertions  doubtless  due  to  the  severity  of  his  rule. 
Directly  after  his  departure  the  discontent  broke  out, 
men  rushed  to  arms,  and  to  avert  the  actual  shedding  of 
blood  nothing  less  was  needed  than  the  presence  of 
troops  from  Halifax, and  as  ^Murdoch  says:  "  Monckton 
advised  that,  as  the  people  there  were  so  generally  im- 

*  This  letter  is  iuserted  further  uu. 


!  iill 


|;i!il"f 


352 


i;i:v(»i/r  or  (jki;.man  si:rTLi:i;s. 


l)lic;iUHl,  the  ])etlt'i'  (•(•urse  would  ))l'  lt>  gniiiL  ii  gfiioral 
forgiveness,  hut  Lawreueo  desired  to  [»uiiish  tlie  riiin- 
leaders.  .  .  ." 

According  1(»  his  iuviiriahle  hahit  the  Conipih^'  ii;is 
nuitihitcd  Lawrence's  letter,  leaving  out  all  that  iclalcs 
to  the  insuiTection  of  the  Luneidmrg  (iolonists.  As  we 
know  the  (Compiler's  pui'[K)s<;,  we  (j^uitt!  understand  that  i*^ 
would  havelH-'ou  inipolitic  for  him  to  hring  to  light  such 
facts,  for  they  constitute  a  glaring  contrast  to  the 
ohcdience  of  the  Acadians,  alheit  the  latter  must  liavc 
heen  still  worse  treated  than  those  Protestant  colonists 
Avho  had  hccu  hrought  out  and  established  at  the 
expense  of  the  goveriunent. 

Now  tliat  we  know  the  effect  of  Lawrence's  adminis- 
tration among  the  English  and  German  colonists,  and 
what,  the}'  thought  of  him  at  the  outset  of  his  career, 
uc  aiv  in  a  position  to  judge  of  the  reputation  he  had 
left  behind  him  among  the  Acadians  according  to  a 
letter  from  (^i[)tain  Murray,  conunandcr  of  Fort  Edward 
(Pigiguit)  to  Lawrence  himself,  wherein  he  reports  to 
him  what  the}'  hiul  said  of  him  :  '••  That  he  was  a  man 
they  personally  hated,  and  dislike  his  government  so 
much  tlici/ u'ouhl  iievrr  he  ecxi^j/  uiuhiv  if, hohiixing  tivniud 
them  so  harshly  when  amongst  them."  However,  hr 
had  never  bci'ii  al)lc  to  provoke  the  least  resistance, 
whereas  the  (Jciinaiis  had  no  intention  of  so  meekly 
enduring  oppression. 

On  .June  "21st,  1754,  Lawrence  '•  informed  the  Council 
that  he  had  received  a  letter  from  Captain  Scott,  ccmi- 
mandant  at  Fort  Lawrence,  acquainting  him  that  on 
the  14th  of  .lune  instant,  the  deserted  inhabitants  of 
Beaubassin  District  who  had  petitioned  for  leave  to 
return   to    their   lands,   came   and   brought   him    their 


UEAV  HASSIN    IlKFL'CiEKS. 


3."):] 


answer  in  relation  to  the  resolution  of  Couneil  of  iTtii 
September  lust,  wliieh  was  that,  unhstt  the  President  of 
the  CoiuK-il  ii'ouhl  aHUure  them,  from  under  his  hand, 
that  the  11  nhoulff  remain  neuter  and  be  exempt  from  takin;/ 
up  rt/•//^s•  against  any  person  whatsoevei',  it  woukl  Im' 
iinj)()ssible  for  them  eiwn  to  think  if  retyrnivt/,  as  the// 
u'oidd  ever//  dai/  run  the  risk  of  having  their  throats  eut 
and  their  rattle  destroijed  hij  the  savages,  and  this  they 
gave  as  their  last  answer." 

"  Wherein  it  was  resolved  that  nothing  further  would 
be  done  than  as  resolved  by  the  Council  on  the  said  2Tlh 
(»f  September." 

This  resolution  of  September  27th  had  been  passed 
under  llopson's  administration,  and  the  communication 
of  the  vXcadians  mentioned  above  was  the  answer  there- 
to ;  but,  since  that  time,  Ijawrence  himself  had  made 
proposals  to  them  inducing  them  to  return  to  their 
lands.  He  had  declared  to  them  that  it  was  not  his 
intention  at  present  to  oblige  them  to  military  service  ; 
which  meant  that  he  bound  himself  to  nothing.  Such 
an  offer  coming  from  Ilopson  would  have  deserved  con- 
sideration ;  coming  fiom  Lawrence,  it  was  worthless. 
Some  more  formal  engagement  was  needed,  with  his 
signature  into  the  bargain  ;  else  it  were  impossible 
"  even  to  think  of  i-eturning." 

Their  motives  for  mistrusting  Lawrence  were  too 
numerous  to  admit  of  their  falling  into  the  snare,  and 
they  had  been  too  often  deceived  to  be  satisfied  witli 
vague  promises.  But,  why  was  Lawrence  so  anxious 
for  their  return?  For  we  must  not  forget  that  the 
deportation  is  now  less  than  a  twelvemonth  ahead. 
Had  the  Acadian  voluntary  exiles  been  turbulent,  sedi- 
tious, dangerous,  it  would  have  been  the  acme  of  im- 
23 


WA 


■It-     :, 

;!*■■( 


854 


BEAUBAaSIN   REFUGEES. 


prudence  to  receive  a  hostile  element  in  the  very  heart 
of  the  province,  and  woi-se  still  to  invite  them  to  come. 
Now,  contemptible  as  Lawrence  was,  he  was  no  fool. 
Therefore,  we  may  safely  say,  the  presence  of  this  new 
Acadian  element  was  desirable,  useful,  almost  or  quite 
free  from  danger ;  therefore  their  behavior  had  been 
liitherto  submissive  enough  to  warrant  Lawrence's  press- 
ing invitations ;  therefore,  in  fine,  to  justify  the  deporta- 
tion, motives  must  be  sought  in  the  twelvemonth  that 
followed.  In  point  of  fact  no  valid  reason  exists  any- 
where, not  more  and  perhaps  less  during  this  twelve- 
month than  before  it. 


OfiNEUAL  CHARGES. 


355 


CHAPTEK  XXII. 

Lawrence  becomes  Lieutenant-Governor — His  accusations  against 
the  Aeaiiians — Project  of  expulsion — The  Lords  of  Trade. 

Mv  aim  has  been  to  pick  out  by  preference  and  relate 
the  facts  supposeil  to  tell  against  the  Acatlians,  a.s  they 
are  to  be  found  in  the  volume  of  the  Archives.  Thi.s 
I  liave  faithfully  done  hitherto  and  will  continue  to  do. 
The  following  letter  from  Lawrence  to  tlie  Lords  of 
Trade,  dated  August  1st,  1754,  is  clcai-ly  the  document 
that  contains  the  gi-avest  accusations  against  them.  I 
produce  it  almost  entile  despite  its  length  : 

"Your  Lordships  well  know,  that  the  Acadians  have  always 
affected  a  neutrality,  and  as  it  has  been  generally  imagined  here, 
that  the  mildness  ot  an  English  CJovernnient  would  by  degrees  have 
Jixed  them  in  our  interest,  no  violent  measures  have  ever  been 
taken  with  them.  But  I  must  observe  to  Your  Lordshij)s,  that  this 
lenity  has  not  had  the  least  good  effect :  on  the  contrary,  I  Ijelieve 
they  have  at  present  laid  aside  all  thouglit  of  taking  the  oath  vol- 
untarily, and  great  numbers  of  them  are  at  i)resent  gone  to  Heau- 
sejour  to  w(jrk  for  the  French,  in  order  to  dyke  out  the  watei'  at 
the  settlement  I  informed  Your  Lordsliijjs  they  were  going  to  make 
on  the  north  side  of  the  Buy  of  Fundy.  notwithstanding  they  were 
refused  passes  which  tliey  applied  for  to  go  thither.  And  upon 
their  complaining  that  they  could  get  no  employiuent  with  the 
English,  they  were  actpiainted  that  as  many  as  would  come  to 
Halifax  should  be  employed,  tho'  in  reality,  I  had  no  employ- 
ment for  them,  but  I  pro)  ed  to  order  them  to  widen  the  road  to 
Shubenecadie,  as  I  very  well  knew  if  I  could  get  them  once  liere, 
it  would  put  off  their  journey  to  Beausejour,  and  would  be  no  ex- 
pense to  the  Government,  as  I  was  sure  they  would  refuse  the  work 


:5.)(i 


I)i:i'oi:tation  fo[:kshado\vi:i). 


lor  IViir  of  tlisol)li;;iri;:;  tlic  Indians.  Hut,  iis  they  did  not  coini',  T 
have  issued  a  Proclamation,  ordering  them  to  return  forthwitli  to 
tiu^r  lands,  as  tiu-y  should  answer  the  contrary  to  their  peril. 

"They  have  not  for  a  loiij;  time  brought  anything  to  our  mar- 
kets. l)ut  on  the  otiier  hand  have  carried  everytlung  to  the  I-'remii 
ami  Indians  whom  they  have  always  assisted  with  provisions, 
(piarters  and  intelligence,  and.  indeed,  while  they  rem.'iin  without 
taking  the  oath  to  His  Majesty — which  they  never  will  do  till  (hey 
are  forced — and  have  incendiary  Freud i  priests  among  tiiem,  thero 
are  no  Iiopes  of  their  amendment. 

"  As  till'!/ ))()ssi'ss  the  hi'sf  tnid  liirfirst  fractsof  land  in  this  Pn>r- 
iiirr.  it  cannot  l)e  settled  with  any  effect  while  they  remain  in  this 
situation,  atnl.  thoiiij}i  I  intiild  he  ri')//  ftir  froiii  (itt('iiii>fiii(/  sm-li  u. 
stij)  iriflioiit  )'<>iir  l^indshi/ts'  (ijiprobtitioii,  yi't  I  viiinntt  ln'ljt 
heinfj  of  opinion  tJittt  it  mnild  In-  iinu-li  In'ttcr,  if  they  refuse  the 
oath,  tliof  fhcji  ici'ir  ointij." 

Wliy  this  cliiiuge  of  tone  from  the  pres.sing  iiivifcition 
to  retiifii  Avliieh  he  sent  to  tlie  eiingratcd  Acadiaiis  a 
few  weeks  ago?  The  reason  is  very  j)lain  :  r.,awreiice 
had  jnst  made  up  his  mind  to  deport  the  Aeadians,  nor 
does  he  scruple  to  let  liis  intention  be  known.  Up  to 
this  time  he  had  been  oidy  president  of  the  Council 
awaiting  IIo[)son*s  return.  Now  lie  must  be  aware  that 
Ilojjson  is  not  to  return  and  that  his  own  iippointmeiit 
as  lieuteinint-governor  is  sure  ;  it  was,  indeed,  oHieially 
announced  a  few  weeks  later.* 

Tiie  better  to  prepare  the  Lords  of  Trade  for  his  per- 
iidions  designs,  he  had  to  depiet  the  conduct  of  the 
Aeadians  in  the  most  sombre  colors.  The  above  letter 
is  the  result  of  his  efforts  in  that  direction.  As  the 
correspondence  and  the  othcial  acts  of  the  governors 


*  Philii)  II.  SiiiiHi,  who,  ia  his  "  Auiulia  ;  a  Lost  Chiiptor  iu  AmoricMU 
History,"  sliows  so  luiK'h  fairness  uud  perspicacity,  .says  of  this  letter  aud 
the  following  ones:  "  The  reader  cannot  full  to  note  the  change  in  the  tone 
of  the  letters  .sent  to  the  Home  Government  relative  to  the  French  Neutrals; 
Lawrence  proved  himself  the  sort  of  ruler  that  was  needed  to  carry  out 
the  harsh  measure  of  the  deportation." 


TUADlN(i    WITH    THK    KUENCH. 


8o7 


for  tlie  past  four  years  did  not  hint  at  the  slightest  iu- 
fringenient  of  orders  throughout  the  entire  i)eninsula, 
it  U'hooved  Lawrence  to  pave  the  way  for  specific  alle- 
gations by  general  complaints,  so  that  his  change  of 
tone  might  seem  to  he  supported  by  facts.  This  is  the 
onlj'^  explanation  that  can  l)e  oft'ered  of  the  general  ac- 
cusations contained  in  the  above  letter,  which  are  either 
false  or  greatly  exaggerated. 

My  purpose  being  to  reply  to  each  and  eveiy  one  of 
Lawi'ence's  accusations,  I  now  take  up  those  which  are 
contuincd  in  the  foregoing  letter.  He  accuses  the 
Acadians  of  intercourse  with  the  French  and  of  having 
assisted  the  latter  by  selling  them  their  produce.  This 
must  have  been  true  in  Mascarene's  time,  and  before, 
when  there  was  only  one  fort  at  the  extremity  of  tlie 
province,  and  when  there  was  practically  no  protection 
of  ihe  frontier  line.  But  no  o-overnment  hiis  a  riyht  to 
com[)lain  of  such  infractions,  when  it  neglects  the 
necessary  precautions  against  them.  Experience  proves 
that,  when  breaches  of  a  law  are  easy  and  unaccom- 
pjvnied  by  risk  of  punishment,  the  most  virtuous  and 
loyal  i)eople  will  wink  at  them.  Loyalty  and  ol)edience 
offer  no  remedy  to  the  greed  of  gain.  Surely,  the 
Acadians  would  need  to  have  been  endowed  with  super- 
human perfection,  if  they  had  not  sometimes  taken 
advantage  of  a  situation  that  enabled  them  to  do  a  good 
stroke  of  business  without  let  or  hindrance.  Moreover, 
Miiscarene  never  complained  of  these  business  relations 
with  the  French  in  time  of  peace ;  on  the  contrary,  in 
one  of  his  letters  he  very  wisely  remarks  that  this  traffic 
should  be  ignored,  because  the  Annapolis  garrison 
could  not  consume  all  the  produce  of  the  farmers,  and 
therefore,  to  stop  that  traffic  was   to  paralyze  farming 


mi 


9m 


308 


Tun-LEa. 


interests  ;  besides,  ho  adds,  it  is  a  source  of  profit  to 
everybody  because  it  brings  into  the  country  French 
money,  which  otherwise  would  go  to  (  iinada  or  else- 
where. When  war  broke  out  in  1744,  thi-  Acadians,  as 
we  have  seen,  whether  at  the  (iovernoi\s  suggestion  oi- 
perhaps  of  their  own  accord,  foimcd  an  association  to 
prcv»;nt  all  such  business  relations.  Tliey  thcn)selves 
undertof)k  police  duty  for  the  Ooveinnient  against  their 
fellow-countrymen,  and,  after  the  wai',  those  of  them 
who  were  suspected  of  infringing  the  [nohibitory  decree 
were  arrested  on  complaint  of  the  members  of  this 
association.  The  most  loyal  of  subjects  could  have 
<lone  no  more  and  would  have  been  justilied  in  doing 
less. 

Since  the  foundation  of  Halifax  and  the  buildintj  of 
forts  at  Grand  IMc,  I'igiguit  and  licaubassin,  the 
English  Government  had  the  nunins  of  preventing  all 
commercial  or  other  relations  between  the  French  and 
the  Acadians  ;  and,  in  point  of  fact,  such  misdemeanors 
in  this  line  as  eluded  the  vigilance  of  the  English  nuist 
have  been  few  and  far  between,  as  the  iVichives  do  not 
mention  one  single  complaint  before  the  courts.  Had 
there  been  any  complaints,  Lawrence  would  not  have 
been  slow  to  order  an  investigation  and  severely  to 
punish  the  guilt}'. 

Granting,  however,  that  there  may  have  been  some 
breaches  of  law  on  this  score,  they  would  be  but  the 
veriest  trifles,  occurring  in  all  times  and  places  and 
among  all  nations,  subject  to  the  cognizance  of  law- 
courts,  and  at  any  rate  (juite  too  unimportant  to  figure 
as  an  argument  in  a  tragic  event  like  the  deportation. 

"  They  have  not  for  a  long  time  brought  anything  to 
our  markets,"  was  Lawrence's  perfidious  assertion,  I  say 


LOCAL   CONIHTIONS  OF   SALK. 


359 


iKTlldious,  hocimse  he  wrote  these  wordn  to  the  Lords  of 
Titide  on  \\ni  1st  of  August.  At  that  date  it  could  not 
well  Im"!  otherwise  :  the  preeeding  harvest  must  liave 
been  sold  or  consumed  loiijjr  before,  and  tl.o  coming  har- 
vest was  still  standing.  Probably  Lawreiuje's  implied 
accusation  had  no  other  giound  than  this  ;  but  this  was 
a  plausible  ground  for  a  man  that  was  on  the  look-out 
for  pretexts  to  make  his  point.  lie  relied  upon  ilw 
Lords  of  Trade  not  noticing  that  the  iM'ginning  of 
August  was  a  date  far  removed  from  the  usual  time  for 
the  salt^  of  last  year's  «rrops.  There  were  also  other 
local  (!onditions  which  would  no  doubt  esiai»e  their 
notice.  F'or  instance,  it  cannot  be  supposed  that  the 
Acadians  went  one  by  one  to  sell  their  produce  at  Hali- 
fax, which  was  so  far  off,  and  the  road  to  which  wtus 
almost  impassable  on  foot.  They  must  have  employed 
agents  to  cai'iy  their  prodiic',!  by  water.  Now  the  only 
commercial  agents  in  Acadiuii  centres  were  Knglisli : 
lilin,  Donnell,  Winniet,  Jr.,  at  Annapolis  ;  Rogers  at 
(^obc(|uid ;  Arbuckle  at  Fort  Lawrence;  Dyson  and 
^liiuger  at  IMgiguit  and  CJrand  ]'n'.  Mauger  had 
another  store  at  Halifax,  and,  if  I  mistake  not,  Blin, 
Donnell  and  Winniet  had  other  stores  cither  at  Grand 
Prd  or  Fort  Lawrence.*  To  these  men,  therefore, must 
llic  Acadians  have  sold  their  produce,  and  through  tliem 
must  all  pui'cbases  have  been  made.  As  in  Lawrence's 
mind  the  smallest  things  easily  usurped  the  proportions 
of  great  ones,  or  took  their  place  when  the  latter  could 
mit  be  found,  he  has  taken  the  trouble  to  enter  the 
following  item  in  his  otBcial  papers  :  "  Their  desiring — 


I 


*  Alain,  Nicholas  Gautbior  ami  Joscpb  Lc  IJliiiK-  liail  cIosimI  tln'ir  storos 
during  the  war,  and,  as  far  as  I  can  ascfrbiiii,  thfrt^  was  not  at  this  tiiuo 
out'  Acadian  merchant  in  the  whole  pt-niusula. 


a\i 


5|i' 


3'oO 


LOCAL   CONDITIONS    OF   SALE. 


the  Acacliaiis — to  sell  thc-ir  graih  to  ?J]'.  Dyson  ;tii(l  in- 
fusing it  to  Mr.  Maugev  for  the  same  money  appedi-ii 
verif  extraorilinary.'''' 

Wliile  tlie  puhlic  documents  do  not  contain,  to  the 
hest  of  my  knowledge,  one  single  specific  case  of  com- 
mercial I'elations  between  the  Acadims  and  the  French., 
atti'ibnted  l)y  name  to  one  in  particular  )r  to  'several  C( tlln- 
tively,  they  do  contain  many  cases  of  l)nsiness  iiiiiis- 
actions  between  the  French  and  some  English  merclmnl ,, 
particulaily  Arbnckleand  that  very  Manger  whom  I^aw- 
rence  seems  to  have  taken  under  his  protection.*  And 
as  to  sfeneral  charijes  ayainst  Fnijlishnien,  maiiv  will  be 
found  at  ])iigcs  080,  (538,  (>4()  of  the  Arcliives.  I  will 
()iUote  one  only.  Wiitinvj;  * o  the  Lords  of  Trade,  Xcveiii- 
her  "27th,  1750,  ("ornwallis  said:  "lam  assured  the 
New  England  peo])lc  have  this  year  carried  nuinbt^s  ul" 
dollars  to  Louisburg.  .  .  .  They  supply  Louisburg  \\  it  li 
every  necessaiy,  and  the  advantage  ui)on  this  tralVu; 
is  so  great,  that  they  go  sooner  there  than  to  this  Poii." 

1  am  almost  ashamed  to  have  to  weaiy  the  reader  witli 
these  trifles  ;  but,  as  the  de[)ortation  has  no  more  solid 
basis  than  tluse,  and  as  its  justifiableness  must  stand  or 
fall  with  the  accusations  of  its  author,  I  am  forced  to 
discuss  these  childish   charges   v.ith  becoming  gravity. 

In  the  letter  of  August  1st,  17.")4,  Lawrence  speaks  but 
tentatively  and  hesitatingly  as  yet  of  his  deporting  plan, 
though  this  is  clearly  whal  he  means  in  spite  of  the 
care  with  which  he  veils  his  design.  He  is  content  with 
humbly  submitting  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  his  opinion 
that,  if  ihe   Acadians,   irlio   have   the  fiuvxt  farms  of  tlie 

*  MtiiiK''!'  iiocami^  a  inciiilu'r  "f  tlic  Hoii.so  of  Coiinnons  ia  17(W.  Miir- 
<lucb  iiiciitiniis,  as  diiiii)^  tiusincss  at  Louisburg  witli  tlif  l-'ivuL-h :  W, 
Bliu,  ]<arh(3r,  S,  I'litlcr,  J.'iikius.  lirocd,  Lord,  Turner,  Clarke,  Aubin. 
Given,  Dyke,  all  fioni  New  luig'and. 


■SKIl.rrii    SLKiGKSTION. 


nni 


prooincr,  refuse  to  l;ike  the  oatli,  ■'  it  would  be  much 
letter  that  they  were  aieai/,  thonijh''^  he  '•'•  would  he  very 
far  fi'oin  attempting  sneli  a  step  teithout "  their  '"  Lord- 
ship/ approhatioti.''''  Doubtless  the  deportation  is  aheady 
decided  ujxiu  ;  the  means  tliereto  and  the  dale  alone 
remain  to  be  settled.  Lawrenee's  only  concern  now  is 
to  prepare  the  Lords  of  Trade  for  an  approval  of  I  he 
deed  beforehand,  if  possible,  or  for  an  acceptance.'  of 
accomplished  fa(!ts  whicih  is  to  be  Avrung  from  them  by 
dint  of  misrepresentatioi  s.  This  letter  is  the  lirst  step 
in  the  course  he  lu\s  alieady  planned.  He  cannot  ho[)e 
to  bring  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  approve  so  cruel  a  measiiie 
lus  deportation  would  be  ;  so,  as  yet,  he  conlines  himself 
to  an  indefinite  suggestion  :  "  it  ironld  he  letter  that  Ihci/ 
were  aivaij  ;""  and  he  submits  his  Avill  to  theirs  with  the 
most  huii.ble  deference:  "' I  would  he  rvri/  far  from, 
attemptinif  such  a  step  vjithout  Your  Lordships'  approha- 
tion.''^  For  the  time  being  he  intends  merel}'  to  predis- 
pose them  against  the  Acadians.  Hy  a  skilful  renewal 
of  the  dose  he  hopes  to  biing  them  gradually  round  to 
liis  way  of  thinking.  Besides,  has  he  not  full  power  in 
liis  own  hands?  Can  he  not,  by  continued  severity, 
provoke  she  Acadians  to  some  acts  that  will  justify  on 
his  part  an  increase  of  rigoi'  ? 

Vhun  Lawrence  wrote  that  the  Acadians  liad  better 
\^-  away,  his  real  intention  cannot  have  been  to  let  them 
join  the  French  at  Beauscjour,  since  he  had,  precisely  at 
tliat  time,  issued  a  i)roclaniation  obliging,  under  severe 
j)cnalties,  those  who  hiul  just  left  the  countiy  to  return 
immediately.  lie  knew  of  the  pressing  and  reiterated 
instructions  of  the  Lords  of  Trade  to  his  predecessors, 
and  to  himself  a  few  months  ago,  urging  the  governors 
to  avoid  whatever  might,  by  alarming  the   Acutlians, 


362 


WHAT    LAWltKNCK    MKANT. 


lead  to  their  departure.  The  oonsequencea  of  their 
voluntary  de[)arture  uuust  have  seemed  to  him  too  dis- 
astrous, oi-  at  auy  rate  too  tlireateuing,  to  be  thought  of 
for  a  nK.meut.  No;  what  he  had  in  view  was,  mani- 
festly, a  forced  departure  to  places  chosen  by  himself, 
that  is  to  say,  a  deportation  such  as  he  accompli^  .ed 
twelvtj  months  later. 

For  the  past  four  years  at  least  the  only  act  of  dis- 
obedience specified  in  the  volume  of  tlie  Archives  is 
mentioned  by  Lawreuce  in  the  lettei-  I  am  now  review- 
ing. Three  hundred  Acadians  had  gone  off  to  Reause- 
jour,  as  he  tells  us,  to  assist  theii- emigrated  countrymen 
iu  the  work  of  dike-l)uil(liiig.  Had  they  or  had  they  not 
left  with  the  intention  of  returning  no  more?  It  would 
be  hard  to  say.  What  we  know,  tlirough  Lawrence 
himself,  is  that  they  tusked  leave  to  go  and  were  re- 
fused. Nor  should  we  forget  tliat,  live  years  before, 
Cornwallis,  driven  to  liis  wits'  end.  liad  i)romised  pass- 
poi'ts,  as  soon  as  the  state  of  the  country  wouhl  allow, 
to  all  who  might  wish  to  quit  the  province.  If  the  three 
hundre(t  intende<l  not  to  return,  then,  with  or  without 
j)assports.  it  was  high  time  to  take  advantage  of  the 
promises  of  Cornwallis,  whether  tliese  were  sincere  or 
not.  If,  on  the  othei'  hand,  those  absentees  had  left 
with  a  mind  to  come  back,  then  Lawrence  mi>dit  l)e 
justified  in  taking  jnoper  measures  to  enforce  their 
retuiii  and  e\en  to  punish  theii-  disobedience.  Very 
likely  some  of  them  had  left  for  good,  while  others  in- 
tended to  decide  at  IJeausejour  whether  or  not  they 
would  return.  Lawrence's  increasing  severity  was  al- 
ready making  people  anxious,  as  this  unauthorized  de- 
partuie  shows. 

The  season  for  the  building  of  dikes  was  a  very  short 


WHAT    LAWIJKXCK    MKANT. 


mi 


oiu'.  and  i1k>  present  iiiKlertaking  at  lieHUsejoiir  was  the 
iirst  serious  attempt  to  secure  farms  for  those  who  had 
emigrated  in  Cornwallis's  time.  These  refugees  were 
the  rehitives,  tlie  }>rothers  of  the  Acadiaus,  wlio  miturally 
Avislied  to  assist  them  in  a  hibor  that  promised  to  lift 
them  out  of  poverty  and  furuisli  food  for  their  fami- 
lies. Tlie  helpers  who  had  gone  to  Heausejour  weic 
tlieniselves  ex])oscd,  at  any  moment,  to  be  expelled  from 
the  pi'ovinee  if  tlie  uniestrieted  oath  were  exacted.  In 
such  a  juncture  they  would  he  glad  to  find  beyond  the 
frontier  relatives  and  fii»;nds  able  to  help  them  in  their 
turn.  Thus  in  a  way  they  were  really  working  for 
themselves. 

Tliey  were  ordered  lo  return  dii-ectly.  In  all  likeli- 
hood the  order  was  pi'omplly  o])cyed  by  those  who,  in- 
tending to  I'eturn,  had  left  their  families  behind;  else 
the  Archives  would  ceitainly  mention  severe  measures 
against  the  disobedient,  their  families  oi'  tlujir  property. 
When  Lawrence  gave  an  order,  he  \\as  not  to  be  triiled 
^vilh.  as  the  Acadiaus  knew  to  their  cost. 

That  Lawi'eui'c  had  l)y  this  time  determiru'd  on  tlie 
deportation  is.  1  think,  clear  enough.  Trtu^-.  the  evi- 
dence is  still  vague  and  iiideliiiite,  though  convincing 
as  far  as  it  goes.  Patience  will  be  needed  by  those  who 
follow  ]iiy  line  of  ])rool' :    for  the  chain  of  evidtuice  is  a 


l.>i 


\<J  one 


r)Ut    ev<'r\-  Imi 


theiv.      The   last    letter  I 


have  (juoted  fioni  bawreut'c  is,  jirojierly  s[)eakiiig.  onlv 
the  Iirst  link  in  the  chain  that  eoustitutes  tlu!  main 
strength  of  this  i^ost  Chapter.  The  entire  evidence, 
strong  in  iudiu.'tion  and  an.dysis.  will  be  eiptally  strong 
ill  otilicial  documents  of  undoubted  authenticity. 

Howevei'.  iM'fcnc  'proceeding  further,  let  me  aiitici[)ate 
an  objection  which  doubtless  is  already  taking  shape  iu 


364 


HIS    SKCKKT    I'UKl'OSK. 


the  readers  miiul :  viz.,  the  improbability  of  such  an  in- 
liinnaii  purpose  based  on  no  grave  eanse  and  boin  of 
sheer  ci'uelty.  Riglit  liere,  then,  U't  nie  afHirni  tliat  the 
deportation,  in  tlie  mind  of  ils  chief  anthois,  was  nei- 
ther a  justifiabk;  act  nor  a  dtu'd  of  ciuelty  pnie  and  sini- 
j)le,  b\it  a  means  of  acquiring  weiillh  by  (U'spoiling  tin- 
Acadians  of  their  cattle  and  their  hinds.  On  this  point 
I  entertain  the  hope  tliat,  long  beft)re  tlie  leadei  has 
iinished  the  book,  lit;  will  be  full}-  convinced  that  I  am 
indulging  in  no  historical  tiction. 

Forestalling  somewhat  the  strict  cliroiiological 
sequence  of  events.  I  will  now  give  (he  answer  of  the 
Lords  of  'I  rude  to  Lawrence's  insidious  letter: 


"  ll'<'  (unniof  form  <i  jtropcr  Ji«lf/iin'iit  >r  (jirc  a  Jiinil  njtiin'oii  of 
what  nioasurcB  may  he  necessary  to  l>e  tiikeii  witli  regard  to  tliose 
inhabitants,  initil  iit  hare  /aid  the  irholi'  r.fntc  of  thf  (■(^s■^  lirlon- 
Ill's  Maje.st;/  oikI  rvccirt'  lii.s  iii.stnictioii.s  upon  if. 

"  We  were  in  hopes  that  the  lenity  wliich  had  heen  sliinsii  Id 
those  people  l)y  indulging  tliem  in  tlie  Tree  exen  se  of  their  ivli^'- 
ion,  and  the  (piiet  jiossession  of  their  lands,  would  hy  de<;ree-i  ha\  c 
gained  their  Iriendsliip  and  assistance  and  weaned  tlieir  atrictii.ns 
from  the  French,  and  we  are  sorry  to  Jiear  tiiat  this  lenity  has  'ad 
t<o  little  elTect. 

'•  It  is  certain  that  hy  tiie  Treaty  of  L'lrerht  tiieir  heconiiii^  sub- 
jects to  (heat  Britain  (which  we  ai»prehend  they  cannot  be  Imt  by 
taking  the  oath  rut|nired  of  subjects)  is  made  an  express  condition 
of  their  continuance,  after  tlie  expiration  of  a  year,  and  therefore 
it  maybe  a  (piestiou  well  worth  considering  how  far  tliey  can  lie 
treated  as  subjects  without  taking  such  oatlis,  and  whether  their 
refusal  to  take  them  will  not  ojiera.t;  to  invalidate  the  titles  to  their 
lands  ;  it  is  a  question,  /loircrcr.  irliirii  ire  irill  not  t<ik'r  npoit  mtr- 
seh'es  absoliifeli/  to  deform  inc.  but  could  wish  that  you  would 
consult  tlie  Chief  Justice  U]M)n  this  ])oint  and  taki'  his  opinion, 
which  may  serve  as  a  foundation  for  any  future  measure  it  may  be 
thought  advisable  to  jiiirsne. 

•■  .l.s  /()  fJiosi'  of  fill'  District  of  licanbiissin  n-lio  ore  ncfi((i/lii  ijone 
over  to  tin'  French  at  Bcausi'jonr,   if  fJie  L'liiif  Justice  slionld  be 


UNSATISKACTOllY    KKl'LV 


805 


of  opinion  that  hy  refiimKj  to  fair  oaths  irithoiif  o  rcsenv  or  />// 
'irseHing  their  settlcvioifx  fa  Join  the  FrcncJi.  fhci/  hare  forfeili'it 
their  title  to  their  lainlx,  ire  coiihl  irisii  that  jirojter  iiteasiires  iivra 
jiiirsiied  for  carrying  such  forfeiture  into  execution  by  legal  ^iru- 


T^iiwreuce  must  liavo  expected  sometliiug  better.  Of 
course  lie  liiul  gained  his  point  in  tliat  lie  liad  indis- 
posed tlu'  Lords  of  Trade  and  prejudiced  tl.eii-  minds  ; 
but  he  may  have  hoped  that  their  reply  would  contain 
some  declaration  that  should  he  a  more  definite  step 
toward  his  chos(!n  goal.  Unfortunately  for  him  hi.s 
proposal,  "it  would  be  better  that  they  weie  awa^-," 
was  nuM'ely  referred  to  His  Majesty  or  rather  eluded. 
Politeness  foibade  the  Lords  of  Trade  expressing  doubts 
about  Lawi'ence's  accusations ;  but  the  difference  of 
tone  between  him  and  TTopson  in  so  short  an  interval 
must  have  struck  them,  as  tin?  tenor  of  their  letter 
seems  to  show.  lb)wevci',  they  in  no  way  depait  from 
their  habitual  wisdom  and  serenity.  They  seem  to 
fear  that  he  may  act  arbitrarily;  they  strongly  ad\rise 
him  to  keep  to  the  rules  and  traditions  of  his  otTice,  to 
I  onsiilt  the  Chief  Justice  as  to  whether  the  refusal  to 
taKc  the  oath  will  invalidate  the  title-deeds  of  those 
who  remain  in  tht^  province,  and  even  to  ask  his  opin- 
ion on  this  matter  with  respect  to  those  wlio  have  ([uit- 
ted  the  province.  Should  the  Chi<'f  Justice  decide  that 
these  latter  have  by  their  departure  forfeited  their 
titles,  resort  shoitld  be  had  to  legal  [.rocess  of  confis- 
cation. 

This  letter  is  a  fair  average  specimen  of  all  those 
addressed  to  the  governors  of  Acadia  ;  and  fi'om  one 
who,  like  myself,  seeks  nothing  but  historic  truth,  dis- 
tributing praise  or  blame  irrespective  of  persons,  though 


;}t3t> 


FAIUNKSM   OF   THE   LOUD9. 


always  linding  it  more  agreeable  to  praise  than  to  hlauie, 
this  letter  naturally  elicits  the  remark  that  the  Lords 
of  Trade  hardly  ever  swerved  from  this  wi.>?e  and 
prudent  course.  If  we  take  into  account  the  circum- 
stances of  time  and  place,  the  pressure  exercised  iiixm 
them,  the  misrepresentations  made  to  them,  their  con- 
duct, viewed  as  a  whole,  certainly  deserves  no  very  severe 
censure  and  is  often  praiseworthy.  I  have  not  llie 
slightest  doubt  that  they  would  have  treated  the  Aca- 
dians  very  differentl}'  in  the  matter  of  the  oath,  iutd 
they  been  aware  of  all  the  facts  I  have  recorded  alioiit 
the  hiiidering  of  tlunr  departure  by  Nicholson,  X'ctch. 
Armstrong,  IMiilipps,  and  Cornwallis.  These  hindrances 
aie,  for  obvious  reasons,  not  mentioned  in  the  lellers  of 
these  governors;  they  could  not  mention  them  without 
condenniing  themselves.  This  important  fact  must  not 
be  overlooked  by  those  who  wish  to  be  just  to  the  Lords 
of  Trade. 

Furthermore,  this  letter  seems  to  prove  conclusively 
that,  when  Cornwallis  placed  the  Acadians  in  the  cruel 
dilemma  of  taking  the  oath  or  of  leaving  without  their 
movables,  he  must  have  been  going  beyond  his  orders, 
since  the  Lords  of  Trade  here  show  that  they  are 
doubtful  even  as  to  the  Government's  right  toconfiscute 
the  iiiiiiiuoubles  of  those  who  had  left  the  province. 


DATE   OF  LAWRENCES   DECISION. 


367 


CHAPTER  XXI II. 


Lawrence's  jierseciition — Its  effect — Complaints  to  justify  the 
deportation  collected  in  the  Archives — Order  not  to  quit  tl»e 
province  under  pain  of  military  execution  for  the  families  of 
delin(iuents. 

It  was  all  tlie  easier  for  Lawrence  to  be  tyrannical 
and  cruel  because  he  was  naturally  so  violenth-  pione 
to  sucli  beiiavior  tliat  he  persecuted  his  fellow-coun- 
trymen of  Halifax  and  his  German  co-religionists 
of  Luneidjurg,  when  it  was  liis  interest  to  stand  well 
with  them.  From  the  Acadians,  on  the  other  hand,  he 
had  nothing  to  fear;  and  if,  as  seems  likely,  he  had 
already  planned  their  deportation,  it  became  his  interest 
to  drive  them  to  acts  of  insul)oi'dination  in  order  tf)  t»ive 
a  semblance  of  justice  to  the  execution  of  his  project. 

Nor  is  it  at  all  difficult  to  follow  cveiy  step  Lawrence 
took  as  he  matured  liis  decision.  Tiiis  decision  was 
come  to  in  or  about  July,  ]T.'')4,  when  it  was  known  tliat 
Hopson  was  not  to  return  and  that  lie,  Lawrence,  was 
to  succeed  him.  Hitherto  he  had  laid  no  cliaices 
against  the  Acadians  ;  he  had  even  gone  the  length  of 
be<Tfri»ff  tliose  who  had  emigrated  to  return ;  and.  to 
all  appearances,  he  had  not  indulged  in  excessive  rigor. 
Now,  however,  comes  a  complete  change.  On  the  1st 
of  AuiTUst  he  addresses  to  the  Lojds  of  Trade  a  letter 
filled  with  accusations,  concluding  thus  :  ••  theij  h<ire, 
the  lest  lands  in  the  Province,  it  would  be  better  that 


3tJ8 


nKV()KlN(J    HOI'SON  S    OUDKl: 


tliuy  were  uway."  I  lis  resolution  is  taken.  PeisecU' 
tion  begins.  Ilopson,  iis  ue  liiivo  seen,  had  ordered  the 
officers  to  treat  Acadi.ins  in  all  cases  exactly  like  tht; 
othei'  subjects  of  Tlis  Majesty,  and  not  to  take  anytliiii!:,' 
from  them  l)y  force  or  without  a  voluntary  agreement 
on  their  part  as  to  prices.  Lawrence's  fust  act  after  his 
letter  of  August  1st  was  to  revoke  the  just  and  humane 
orders  of  Ifopson,  and — a  circumstance  wortli  noting 
— this  ini(piity  /run  rviiHuinmatcd  oti  Amjuxt  the.  rtth^  four 
ihfi/'t  lifter  til)'  Ji'tter  just  referred  to.  Here  is  the  order, 
bearing  the  above  date,  addressed  b)-  him  to  Captain 
Murray,  Commandant  of  Fort  Edward,  at  Pigiguit. 
Similar  order.s  were  sent  elsewhere: 

"  Yua  life  not  tu  hunjabi   witli  the  Acadiaus  for  their   paymeut; 

Ijiit,  as  tlii'y  bring  in  what  is  wanted,  you  will  furnish  tln'in  with  ccr- 
Yj;^  tificatcs,  which  will  ontiflc  them  tc  snch  payments  at  Halifax  as  shall 
;. -^        bethought  reasonable.     //"  tliiij  slioiiUl  immediately  fail  to  c»mi)l!/, 

you  will  assure  tlieui ///"/  the  iic.ff  ronricr  will,  hring  mi  order /or 

■iitllitunj  r.i'eeiifiun  upon  the  (lelincpients." 

In  another  letter  to  the  same,  dated  1st  of  September 
following,  we  find  this  :  "iVb  excuse  will  be  taken  for  not 
fetching  in  firewood,  and  if  they  do  not  do  it  in  proper 
time,  the  soldiers  shall  absolutely  take  their  houses  for 
fuel,''''     This  was  over  and  above  the  military  execution. 

As  always  happens  when  the  documents  have  not  the 

desired  tendency,  these  letters  are  not  to  be  found  in 

the  volume  of   the  Archives,     lialibiirton,  who  rej)rO' 

duces  them,  adds: 

"The  ro(|uisitions  which  were  occasionally  uiado  of  them  were 
conveyed  in  a  manner  tiot  mitcli  calculated  to  conciliate  affectimi, 
and  when  they  were  informed  by  Captain  Murray,  that  unless  they 
supplied  his  detachment  with  fuel  military  execution  would  follow, 
they  were  not  slow  to  notice  the  difference  between  tlie  contracts  of 
Government  with  the  Eugllsli  and  the  compulsory  metliod  adopted 
towards  them." 


UKSi'KCTiri,  i)KMri:i:KK. 


'.V>\) 


With   ift'cii'iu'c   to  the  saiiiL'   ordi-is   Philip  IF.  Siuitii 


say; 


"  Miuiay  wa-^  ill  (■oiiiiiMiiil  of  a  liaiidt'ul  of  men  a(  Fori  FMwan) 
(now  Windsor),  and  liiic  otlicr  iipslart  despots,  laboring  under  an 
ahidin.<;  senses  of  Ids  own  iiiiporlaner,  clothed  with  absolute  aiitlioiiiy 
over  life  and  properly,  and  sefMU'e  in  the  fact  that  French  evidenee 
would  not  he  reeeived  ai^aiiisl  him,  he  was  not  liktdy  to  be  at  a  loss 
for  a  pretext  to  display  his  authority." 


Thi'si'  ofdeis,  as  may  ho  readily  supposed,  provoked 
discontent  :  hut  thi'y  were  oheyed  everywhere,  except 
lit  IMojo-tiit,  and  even  in  tliis  case  there  was  no  relusal, 
merely  (U'hiy  until  tlie  inhid)itants  should  receive  an  an- 
swer to  their  re])resent<itions  iuldressed  to  the  Governor. 

This  incident  would  seem  unimportant,  since  the 
peo[)le  decliired  that,  it"  their  demurrer  were  not  favor- 
ably received,  they  would  obey.  This  is  what  Murray 
himself  wrote  to  Lawrence  : 

"All  the  affair  of  the  Indians  or  inhabitants  taking  up  arms  is 
false,  for  M.  Desehanips  *  told  nie  this  morning  that,  in  eonversation 
with  some,  of  the  Aeadians,  he  told  them  what  Daudlii  (the  jiriesi) 
had  .saiil,  they  were  astonished  and  deelareil  that  they  had  no  inten- 
tion ever  to  take  np  arms,  lor,  if  at  the  return  of  the  party  from 
Halifax,  they  were;  ordered  to  bring  in  the  fuel,  nntidtliKtinvliinj  tlnW 
rejir('s<')it<itions,  they  tocre  resolved  to  obey.'''' 

A  great  fuss  was  made  about  this  disobedience,  which 
in  reality  was  no  disobedience  at  all,  since  the  Aeadians 
made  the  execution  of  these  orders  depend  on  the  (lov- 
ernor's  answer.  At  most  it  was  a  short  delay.  Was 
the  right  of  complaint  by  petition,  one  of  the  basic 
rights  of  British  freedom,  non-existent  for  them?  [n 
the  name  of  the  most  elementary  common  sense,  was  it 
not  fitting  to  grant  them   the  slender  satisfaction  of 

*  Deschamps,  lator  a  judge  of  the  province,  was  then  a  clerk  at  Mauger's 
store  at  Pigiguit  (WiDUSor). 
24 


ii-i'i 


870 


ori)ei:ed  to  Halifax. 


Mailing  till  llio  iiiiswor  came?  Surely,  any  man  wiili 
the  faintest  .spark  of  kindliness  would  have  done  this: 
nay,  T  feel  confident  that  Lawrence  himself,  in  spite  of 
liis  ferocity,  would  have  waited,  had  he  not  intended  to 
t'XusjHirate  them  by  his  severity,  to  make  trouble  and 
ihns  crea((!  pretexts  for  deporting  them. 

Iiut  h(!  would  brook  no  delay.  The  foUowing  order- 
iu-council,  refusing  to  entertain  their  petition,  left  thoni 
no  time  to  obey  and  summoned  to  Flalifax  five  of  the 
principal  citizens  together  with  Abb<:!  Daudin  their  mis- 
sioiuuy. 

"  The  Couucil  having  taken  tl»e  8!iiiM'  into  consideration,  were  of 
opinion  and  tliti  advise  tliat  tlu;  commanding  otiicer  shonid  \n-  in- 
structt'd  to  repeat  his  orders  to  brini;  in  the  firewood  Tijuin  imin  of 
military  execution.  Aii>l  if  n'os  lik-rnufie  ri-snlffil  that  Mr.  Daudin 
and  five  of  the  i)rineipal  of  tlie  said  inhabitants  shonid  be  ordered  to 
repair  immediately  to  Halifax  to  give  an  account  of  tlieir  conduct."' 

Captain  Murray  ordered  live  of  the  principtd  inhal>- 
itants  to  appear  before  him.  viz.,  Claude  r^rassard, 
Charles  Le  lilanc,  Baptiste  Galerne,  Jacques  Foret  and 
Joseph  ITebert.  "  As  they  had  the  impmlence,"  said 
Murray  to  T.,awren(5e,  "  to  ask  me  to  show  them  }-our 
instructions,  I  turned  them  out  of  the  house."  Daudin 
iind  these  five  inhabitants  were  taken  to  Halifax,  es- 
corted by  Captain  Cox,  Lieutenant  Mercer,  Ensign 
Peach,  and  a  .strong  detachment  of  soldiers. 

After  a  week's  detention  the  liiymen  were  released ; 
but  Daudin  was  kept  prisoner  till  an  occasion  should 
offer  for  sending  him  out  of  the  province.  The  docu- 
ments here  given  by  the  Compiler  are  not  sufficient  to 
afford  a  clear  notion  of  Daudin's  part  in  this  affair. 
The  charge  was  that  he  had  used  disrespectful  language 
towards  the  authorities,  that  the  insubordination  of  the 


PAUDIN. 


ilTl 


iiiliabitmiis  dated  from  liis  ivtuvn  from  Amiapolis. 
Daudiii  })r()du(!t!d  a  wiitton  (lefcncti  wliicli  was  not 
deemed  satisfactory.  It  do(;s  not  ajtju'ar  in  tlie  volume 
of  tlie  Ardiives. 

Murray,  i('[)oiting  to  Lawrence  liis  conversation  with 
l)au<lin,  said  : 

"  Daiuliii  said  to  iiu'  tlial  he  was  i<;n(iraiit  of  llif  rciui'sciilation 
inailc  by  the  inhabitants  until  Monday  morning.  'Dial  1  liiui  lalttMi 
a  very  wroMji  .sti'p  in  not  consulting  liini  litiforc  1  aciiuaiMlfii  you  of 
the  affair,  wliicli,  if  I  liad,  lii>  would  have  bi'i>ui.dit  ilic  iiilialijliinls 
in  a  very  submissive  manner  to  me,  l)Ut,  tusliinl  ni'  llmt.  I  I, ml  sr„i  n 
Ih'tiu'hmvnl  to  i/nii  vhn  vns  a  nmn  tlic  inlKiliiliiiiln  in  rsmiiilh/  hiitnl, 
iiiiil  iVisl'iki'd  i/tiiir  <iiirir)iiiiiHf  ki>  miirli,  llicij  mnlil  niri  r  hr  mni/ 
illlilir  il,  iKiriii'l  Iri'illiil  till  III  sii  liilr.s/ili/  ir/n  n  iiiiinniisl  t/ii  hi." 


This  would  seem  to  show  that  Daiidin  had  known 
nothino-  of  the  resolution  of  tin;  inhahitiints  till  after 
they  had  formed  it;  that,  on  tin;  contrary,  he  would 
have  been  ready  to  use  his  inthiciice  in  bringino-  them 
to  obey  the  Government's  orders;  and  that  he  merely 
objected  to  Murray's  proceedings.  The  hist  part  of  the 
above  tjuotation  is  probably  what  constituted  the  -  (bs- 
respectful  language  toward  the  authorities.*'  l^awrenee 
was  not  likely  to  forgive  so  ])ersonal  an  offence. 

f  gather,  moreover,  from  all  the  foregoing  incidents, 
that  the  Acadians  expected  Muriay  would  jircsent 
their  petition  to  the  Governor  in  the  usual  way.  without 
attaching  to  this  step  nor  to  their  momentary  suspension 
of  work  more  importance  than  was  projicr;  that,  instead 
of  doing  so,  .Miiiiii}'  confided  the  petition  to  a  dctacli- 
ment  of  troops,  thus  giving  an  exaggerated  idea  of  tlie 
affair  and  exposing  the  Acadians  to  fresh  severity  from 
Lawrence :  and  they  were  evidently  in  mortal  terror  of 
this  despot. 


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Photographic 

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73  WEST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  14580 

(716)  873-4503 


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ail' 


HUIM'OSKI)    FUKNCH    DKSKISTKKS. 


Such  is  the  conclusion  (Unluced  from  the  sole  testi- 
mony of  the  accuser.  This  is  one  of  those  rare  cases  in 
which  we  might  have  been  allowed  to  study  both  sides 
oi  the  Dandin  incident,  since  Daudin  produced  a  written 
defence;  but  this  defence  is  wanting  in  the  volume  of 
the  Archives,  which  also  omits  the  petition  of  the  Aca- 
dians.  With  such  one-sided  testiuKUiy  it  is  impossible 
cither  to  exonerate  or  to  condemn  Daudin.  We  must, 
however,  Ix^ar  in  mind  that  in  Captain  Murray,  as  will 
Ik*  proved  later,  we  have  the  most  inhuman  of  all  the 
othcei-s  in  Lawrence's  cli(jue.  Murray  was  a  great  han<l 
at  makini;  much  ado  al)out  nothing,  and  this  seems  to 
have  been  a  case  in  point. 

Another  incident  that  occurred  eight  months  after 
the  one  I  have  just  related  is  inserted  here,  in  spile  of 
its  futilit>",  because  it  will  serve  to  show  that,  in  culling 
from  the  volume  of  the  Archives,  I  negh'ct  none  of 
those  documents  that  might  militate  against  the  Aca- 
dians  and  their  submissive  spirit.  T'nder  date  of  the 
:27th  of  the  following  May,  17')'>,  I^awrence  wrote  to 
Murray  informing  him  that  he  had  been  advised  by 
Major  Ilanillield  of  Anna])olis  that  three  French  sol- 
dier's from  Beausejour  were  in  the  Mines  district,  ostisn- 
sibly  as  deserters,  in  reality  to  .seduce  the  inhabitants 
an<l  urge  them  either  to  take  up  arms  or  to  leave  the 
province: 


"  1  would  liiivo  you  Issuo  .1  Proolaniatioii  oflforing  a  reward  of 
twonty  jtoiuidM  8ttMliii>5  to  wlioiusoever  shall  discover  wiieii  anyone 
or  nu)re  of  tlu'se  prcttMidcd  deserters  may  be  apprehended.  You  will 
publish  this  rroelan.ationby  means  of  the  Acadian  Deputies,  and  you 
must  assemble  them  for  that  purpose  and  infonu  them  .  .  .  that  if 
any  Inhabitan'  eitlier  old  or  younji  ulioiihl  offer  (it  tjo  ^•  Henusvjour, 
or  to  take  arr.ts  or  induce  others  to  commit  any  act  of  hostility  upon 
the  English,  ur  make  any  declaration  in  favor  uf  the  French,  they 


SUPPOSED  FKEN'CH  DKSKKTERS. 


873 


will  be  troatiMl  as  rebels,  their  estates  contiseat«H],  and  their  familifs 
undergo  immediate  military  execution. 

"  1  desiru  also  that  you  will  immediately  publish  a  Proclamation 
offering  a  reward  of  twenty  pounds  sterling  to  any  person  that  will 
apprehend  and  bring  Joseph  Dugas  of  Cobequid,  or  any  or  more  of 
the  couriers  who  arrived  at  Beans^jour  on  the  5th  May  instant  with 
letters  for  Le  Loutre,  also  the  same  n>wanl  for  apprehending  the 
couriers  who  arrived  at  Beausejour  the  evening  of  the  said  5th  May 
with  letters  for  said  Le  Loutre  from  Mines  and  PIgiguit." 


The  infornuition  Lawrence  had  received  might  be 
true  or  false,  we  liave  no  means  of  knowing  which ; 
but,  {IS  the  volume  of  the  Archives  repoi-ts  no  later  pro- 
ceedings with  regard  to  these  proclamations  and  the 
possible  results  thereof,  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  the 
whole  story  wjis  a  groundless  rumor.  Nor  is  there  .any- 
thing surprising  in  that,  since  the  events  that  led  Law- 
rence to  write  were  siipposed  to  have  occuned  in  the 
immediate  neighlwrhood  and  in  the  jurisdiction  of 
Captain  Muri-ay  himself,  wheresvs  the  information  came 
from  Annapolis  at  the  other  end  of  the  province.  At 
any  rate  these  events  are  of  no  real  importance,  except 
inasmuch  sis  thi!}'  prove  that  Lawrence's  rule  had  lK?come 
so  oppressive  and  so  odious  that  the  French  were  re- 
newing their  attempts  to  make  the  Acadians  emigrate. 

And  yet  the  above  facts  must  have  l)een  the  gmvest 
that  could  lie  trumped  U[),  since  they  are  the  only  ones 
tliJit  occsvsioned  governmental  interference,  or  at  least 
the  only  ones  that  figure  in  the  volume  of  the  Archives. 
Tims — incredible  as  it  may  seem — these  are  the  onl}' 
facts  on  which  the  reader  can  base  his  jmlgment  as  to 
whether  or  not  the  deportation  wjis  justifiable.  Barring 
the  1-efus.al  to  take  an  unrestricted  oath,  there  is  not,  up 
to  tlie  very  de^iortsition  itself,  one  single  other  incident 
that  might,  by  any  constructive  process,  be  twisted  into 


:574 


(NSKSXIFICANT    PHKTKXTS. 


a  pretext  therefor.  Would  any  man  in  his  senses  niain< 
tain  that  such  petty  incidents,  trifling  in  themselves 
and  (Ijvoid  of  all  general  significance,  could  constitute 
ade(][uate  motives  foi'  inflicting  upon  a  whole  people  a 
chastisement  that  injplied  the  accumulation  of  all 
human  ills?  In  the  Pigiguit  incident  the  only  culprit 
was  Lawrence  himself.  His  ordei-s  upsetting  the  equi- 
tahlc  regulations  of  Ilnpson  wei(^  unjust  and  kirlKuous. 
He  ought  at  least  to  have  allowed  them  the  right  to 
make  respectful  remonstrance,  especially  when  they 
had  declared  that  they  would  <>l>ey  directly  if  their 
petition  was  rejected,  and  when  Lawrence  was  informed 
of  this  hy  Murray  himself.  In  the  case  of  tin*  French 
soldiers  coming  to  seduce  them,  the  Acadians  (M)\ihl  not 
1k'  bliimed  unless  they  listened  to  their  proposals. 
Scductiojis  of  this  kind,  hut  much  niort;  sciious,  were  not 
lackint;  duriimlhc  war  from  1744  lo  1748.  and  we  know 
how  inopt-rative  they  were.  If  sufh  motives  could 
justify  Lawrence's  eonduet,  he  mij^lit  liiivt!  found  still 
stiongei"  ones  against  the  (Jei-mans  (»f  Luneiil>urg,  and 
jicrhaps  against  the  eolonists  of  Ilidifax,  though  in  both 
these  instances  his  govennnent  was  far  more  equitahle. 
Tlie  fact  is,  a  despot  can  always  find  means  to  justify 
any  act  ol  ciueity  :  and  we  read  of  no  other  peo[tle 
Avho,  if  situated  as  the  Aea<liaiis  were;,  would  have 
l)orne  such  injustice  and  so  much  [»rovocation  with  so 
little  nnndincss. 

It  will  he  reinend)ered  that  Cornwallis,  after  exhaust- 
ing numy  suhterfnges  to  prevent  the  departure  of  the 
Acadians,  finally  took  refuge  in  the  passport  rus«'. 
Kvents  are  there  to  jnove  that  his  promise  waw  nothing 
hut  a  suhterfugc.  and  now  we  have  Lawrence  carrying 
ferociousness  to  the  extent  of  threatoninsjf  with  militaiy 


KLKVKN    SlIiTKUFntKS. 


.^7") 


exetutioii  tlif   fimiili«'s  (»f  tliosf  who  slioiiM  leavu  the 
eountjv. 

Aa   th«'  li.sl    of  suhterfugi's  is  a    lontf  <»in*,  T  may  be 
all«>we(l  to  siiiniiiiiri/.i'  them  thus: 


1st.    subtt'rfjijjc     (Vktcii) — Voii    sluill   not    «)o|>art    iM-fnic   Nichol- 
son's return. 
"  (Nk  iioi.HioN) — Yuu  shall  not.  tli-part  till  after  such 

aixl  such  |N)hilH  hIihII  have  liccn 
•h'cidcd  l»y  the  (^neeii. 
"  (Vkt<ii) — You  shall  not  doparl  in  Kuglish  vessels. 

(Vkt(ii)— French 

"  (Vkt<ii) — Voii  cannot  procure  rijiginj;  at  Louis- 

hurg. 
"  (Vktcii) — You  cannot  prcKture  ri^jsini^  at  Hoston. 

"  (Vktcii) — You    shall    not    <lepart    in   your    own 

vessels. 
"  (Piiii.ii'i's)— Vuii  shall  not  make  roads  to  depart 

l7;Mt — Hestricted  oath  acceptec!. 
lT-4!» — Your  oath  was  worthless. 
"  (CouxwAM.is) — You  shall  uotdepart  this  autumn. 

"  (CoitNWAi.i.is)— You     "       "        "      tillafteryou 

have  sown  your  tlclds. 
"  (CottNWAt.Ms) — You     shall    not   depart   without 

passports. 


iud 


:ird 
4lli 
r>th 

ah 
7th 

8th 


mh 
luth 

nth 


After  thLs  hist  siibterfiige,  they  now  were  prisoners, 
kept  in  th^iir  country  in  spite  of  tlieniselves^  herded  like 
a  lot  of  cattle  awaiting  the  butcher's  plejusure.  Does 
not  this  atford  strong  presumption  that,  when  Lawrence 
wrote  the  Lords  of  Trade,  ''it  would  be  better  that  they 
were  away,"  he  had  not  in  view  a  free  exodus  but  a 
deportation  such  as  really  took  place  ? 


I 


376 


FKENCH    MISRULE. 


(  HAPTER   XXIV. 


Situation    of  the  Acndiaiis    at   B«'aust'jour — Venality  of  Vergor 
and  tli«'  French  oftieers — Le  Loutre. 

'J'HK  linn;  lias  iiinv  roiiie  lo  review  briefly  the  priii- 
eij»ul  events  that  had  occurred  within  the  hust  few  years 
at  Heansejonr  on  French  territory.  I  liave  ahcady 
sjtokcn  (if  the  efforts  Le  Lontre  liad  made  to  force  the 
Heanl)assin  Acadians  lo  c  »ss  the  frontier.  lie  then 
lia<l  a  promise  from  the  (Jovernor  of  Canada  that  tlutse 
wlio  sliouhl  eniiirrate  from  Knjjlish  territorv  woulil 
receive  compensation  for  their  h>sses.  A  line  of  (Hkcs 
Wi\s  to  l)e  constrncted  that  wonld  provich-  f(»r  the 
iiiajority  of  them  excellent  farms  ready  for  tillage. 
Unfortunately  Le  Louin;*s  efforts  seem  to  have  het-n, 
for  a  lon<j^  time,  frustiated  by  the  extortions  and  venality 
of  tlie  Fi'ench  oflicers.  France  was  then  traversing  one 
of  the  most  shameful  epochs  i)f  her  history.  She  was 
takinjif  all  available  roads  to  ruin.  Kvery  incentive  to 
great  movements  and  noble  undertakings,  whatever  had 
hitherto  conunandcd  respect  and  provoked  entluisiasm 
was  fast  disappeaiing under  the  polished  irony  of  gentle- 
manly scamps  whose  wh  amused  France  and  stood  to 
hei'  instead  of  glory.  There  wiis  pulling  down  without 
building  up.  All  that  had  l)een  the  strength  of  France 
was  wasting  away  In'fore  this  destructive  blast,  and 
nothing  remained  but  the  wilderness  it  created.  Plea-s- 
ure  was  the  standard  of  all   things.     The  example  Wiuj 


I.K    LOl'TUKS    THKE-BriIJ>l>'(5. 


•'?: 


set  l)y  tli«?  tliroiH'  mid  iiiiitatiMl  in  tliu  liigher  ihu».ses  of 
.society.  In  this  nuulcap  race  after  sensual  deli^'lits  tlio 
ti-easury,  carelessly  guarded,  lx}canie  a  j)rey  to  favorites 
and  venal   hangei-s-on. 

In  Canada  Intendant  liiy;ot  was  tin*  vampire  wliicli, 
sucking  tlu'  life-hlood  of  France,  was  rapidly  huiiying 
lier  to  ruin  and«lislionor.  Not  content  with  his  perxmal 
delinquencies,  he  incited  his  fiiends  to  siniilai-  pti  ti- 
liitions.  Thus  he  wr<»(e  to  V'ergor,  commandant  at, 
Heausdjour  :  ••  Make  \\\v  Ijest  of  your  position,  my  dear 
Vergor  ;  shear  and  pare  to  your  heart's  content,  so  as  to 
join  me  one  day  in  Frances  and  Iniy  yourself  a  man>ion 
near  mine.*'  As  might  well  Ik;  supposed  this  invitation 
to  ]>illage  was  sure  to  tind  a  response  in  that  venal 
wretch, and  so  the  jjromise  of  assistance  to  the  emigialed 
Acadians  wa.s  made  void.  In  the  face  of  all  these 
«)l»stacles  Ke  Loutie  went  to  France  for  the  lu'lp  li»^  so 
mui'h  needed.  A  sum  of  lifty  thousand  francs  was 
conlided  to  him,  and  on  his  return  dike-huildinir  was 
vigorously  pushed.  To  prote(^t  himself  against  the 
venality  of  middlemen,  he  personally  j>rocurcd  tlu; 
neces.sary  provisions  and  distributed  them  to  the  Acadian 
workei^s.  This  is.  I  hclicve,  what  atTorde<l  a  pretext  for 
th«.*  charge  that  Le  Loutie  was  engaging  in  connmMcial 
transactir)ns  on  his  own  account.  Tht^  otl^icers.  whom 
lie  Wits  thus  balking  in  their  attempts  to  defraud  the 
treasury,  were  naturally  very  jealous  of  his  great 
inrtuence.  They  nmst  hav«;  dreaded  an«l  hated  him. 
This  Ixiing  the  case,  one  understands  I'ichon's  savins;: 
"  He  had  so  ingratiated  himself  with  the  Manjuis  de  la 
(Jalissionniere  that  it  became  a  crime  to  write  against 
him." 

Oddly  enough,  I'arkman  has  failed  to  give  publicity 


li 

it 


878 


nKArHF:.ioL'it  acaihaxs. 


to  this  clmixf  <>t  uiiiniestly  truHic.  l'erliai»i  he  wan  not 
aware  of  it,  fur  I'iehon,  I  think,  does  not  mention  it. 
Or  |u'rhii)>s  I'aricnian'H  silence  may  l)e  due  to  the  fa(;t 
that  hi'  liad  found  means  to  im[)licate  him  in  a  murder, 
compartMl  to  which  the  peddling  of  wares  hy  a  priest 
became  a  mei'e  ()eccadillo. 

The  funds  did  not  arrive  till  the  autumn  of  17r>8,  too 
late  to  Inigin  operations  that  year.  So  far,  little  had  l)een 
done  to  allav  the  distress  of  the  emigrated  Acadians. 
They  led  a  mther  miserable  existence,  working  some- 
times foi-  the  French  of  lieaus<!jour,  sometimes  for  tht! 
English  of  Fort  Lawrence,  in  full  view  of  the  lields 
they  had  watere<l  with  their  sweat  and  where  they  hud 
spent  hapj»y  yeais  in  phiiityand  pj'^ace.  Their  lot  wouhl 
have  Ik'cu  nuue  endurable  had  there  been  any  [)rospe»t 
of  stability  in  the  future  ;  but  the  part  of  the  (jountrv 
offered  thiMU  was  <lisi)Uted  territory.  The  Connnissicju 
appointed  to  settle  tlii^  frontier  line  Avas  then  sitting:  it 
might  decide  that  their  new  lauds  belonged  to  Kugland  ; 
in  whicli  case  thev  would  have  either  t(»  no  into  exile 
once  more  and  face  its  concomitant  tribulations  and  dis- 
tress or  to  accept  conditions  tlioybad  just  rcfust-d  at  the 
costof  tlic  greatest  sacrifices.  Tlic  circumstanccsof  tbeir 
•Icpaiturc,  their  forced  ex[>atriation  after  the  destruction 
of  their  dwellings,  wore  so  many  overwhelming  memo- 
ries. 'IMie  storm  which  Cornwallis  bad  raised  about  the 
(Kitli  had  long  since  been  lulled.  Their  relatives,  their 
brothers,  their  friends  of  (riand  Pre.  I*igiguit  and 
Annapolis  were  no  longer  molested.  They  dwelt  in 
tranquillity  and  abundance  as  in  the  happy  days  before 
the  foundation  of  Halifax.  They  were  once  more 
l»eginning  to  hope  that  the  <iuestion  of  the  oath  wouhl 
never  again  be  raised.     To  Coinwallis,  himself  consider- 


MKArsiJoriJ    ACAIHANS. 


379 


uhly  hnmuni'/.t'd  during  the  hiMt  two  yuurs  of  his  adniiiiiii' 
trutioii,  had  sii((«>cded  a  kindly  iind  Hyinputlielic  nmii, 
the  piuise  of  whost*  intentions  and  actions  was  in  every 
lunuih.  Tlie  combined  result  of  all  their  surroundinjjs 
was  an  increase  of  feai-  on  the  one  h»nd  und  of  regret  on 
the  other.  Many  crossetl  over  with  their  families  and 
their  cattle  to  \\v  Saint-Jean  (Prince  Kdward  Island). 
There  at  least,  if  they  took  up  land,  they  ran  no  risk  of 


ito  the  state  of  affii 


k'hich  had  h 


relapsing  into 
alH)Ut  their  departure:  for  the  island  was  incontestahly 
French  soil  ami  not  disputed.  Hut  there  als(»  they 
W(»iild  havea  precarious  and  dangiMous  situation.  This 
islancl,  being  long  and  nan<»w.  left  them  ever  exposed, 
in  case  of  war,  to  the  depredations  of  corsairs  and  to 
the  lu)rrors  of  an  invasion.  Jlowever  no  choice  was 
left  to  them,  und  so  most  of  them  preferred  this  alter- 
native. 

As  \vc  have  seen,  those  who  remained  at  lieatiscjunr 
had  addressed  a  petition  to  (Joveruor  liopson,  e\[ncss- 
ing  their  tlesire  to  return  to  their  fainis,  prctvidcd  they 
wt'vc  exempt  from  hearing  arms.  This  [>roposal  had 
Itei'ii  rejected.  In  the  lirst  monllis  of  his  administra- 
tion, when  Lawionce  ha<l  not  as  yet  conceived  his  sinis- 
ter desJLrn.  he  had  made  overtures  to  them  throuiih  the 
eomniandaiit  of  Fort  Lawrence.  lie  had  authorized 
him  to  deel;ire  that  he  had  no  intention,  t(f  pn-Kruf,  of 
ohliging  them  to  hear  arms.  His  guarantees  were 
deemed  insuthcient. 

Ill  making  a  report  to  the  Lords  of  Trade  of  those 
)iegotiati(Mis,  Lawrence  said  :  "  I  was  privately  informed 
that  at  their  return,  they  were  in  a  very  ill  humor  with 
I-.e  l..outre  and  with  the  French  commandant  ;  and  that 
they  represented  to  them  the   hardshijis  they  liil)Oied 


i\HO 


rH'H<»N    nS    |,K    l,«)rTi:K. 


iimltT  ill  not  iK'injj  suflfi'iod  to  lui'ept  tlu'  proposals  of 
tlu?  Knj^lish  ill  a  rcnioiiHtrarice  tliiit  I  am  told  was  wry 
little  sliort  of  a  mutiny."  Tliis  inl'ormatinn  was  I'ui- 
iusIhmI  liy  I'ichoii. 

Some  iiinntlis  lat(!r,  when  Ahlx'  Daiidin  was  anvstcd, 
IMelion,  writing  to  Captain  Srott,  told  him  '•tlialtlif 
affair  of  Ablii-  Daiidin  was  making  a  great  stir  at  ISean- 
s<5joiir;  tliat  I^e  lioutre  had  preaclu'd  a  very  violent 
sernioTi,  in  which  lie  aluised  the  Knglish,  and  showed 
tlie  Aeiidians  what  they  could  expect  from  a  treacher- 
ous nation  whicli  thus  expelled  a  holy  priest  ;  that  the 
same  fate  was  in  store  f(»r  tli«f  other  priests,  and  that,  if 
tliey  recrossed  tin;  frontier,  they  would  peiish  niiserahU. 
deprived  of  the  sacraments  and  of  the  helps  of  thcii-  re- 
ligion."  Mr  requested  them — this  is  the  suhstaiice  nt' 
IMchoiTs  further  statements — to  meet  at  tin;  ("onniiaii- 
dant's  after  Mass,  .saying  that  he  liad  to  read  to  them  a 
letter  from  the  fJovernor  of  Canada.  Hut  the  refugees 
did  not  come.  M.  de  Vertjor  twic»?  sent  a  serm-aiit  to 
notify  them.  Only  about  twenty  canus  As  tlie\ 
seemed  loath  to  enter  the  house,  the  Commandant  got 
angry  and  ordered  them  to  enter  under  [)ain  of  heing 
]iut  in  iron^ 


The  letter  of  the  (lovcrnorof  Canada. 
which  Piehon  said  was  a  forgery,  was  then  read  to  them. 
It  promised  various  kinds  of  assistance.     '•  Vou   must 


know,"contLiiues  Piehon,  •*  that,  hist  month,  eiirhtv-thi 


ce 


numhcr  wiih 


of  tlie  Acadian  refuijees  sent  two  of  their 

a  p»'tition   to  the   Ciovernor  of  Canada,  in  which   they 

requestc'd  to  Ik.'  allowed  to  return  to  their  farms,  .seeing 


that 


we  ciMild  not  srivc 


thei 


n  sui 


lal>l 


e  ones, 


tl 


lose  w 


hich 


\N<'  offered  tliem  iM'iiig  claimed  liy  the  Knglish  (tovcin- 
ment.  They  furthei-  said  that  the>-  did  not  deem  thein- 
Belves  releiised   from   the   obligations  of  their  oath  of 


ninl'llKTir    AI.AIIM. 


381 


fiilelity  to  tin'  Kln^'  (tf  CJiviil  niitaiii,  mid  tliiit  tlicy 
wnc  thiTutt'iu'd  with  the  jmnislinu'nl  (»!'  rebels  should 
they  he  taken  iinioiij,'  the  French." 

It  is  ini[i()ssihle  for  nie  either  to  contriidiet  or  to  eon- 
liiin  these  assertions  of  Piehon.  T  quote  liiiu  because 
what  li»;  relates  is  not  unlikely;  on  {\\v  contrary,  his 
story  is  (|uitt'  in  kcepini,''  uith  the  idea  I  hav(^  formed  of 
the  situation  and  of  l,e  I.outre's  motives.  Theie  is  this 
contrast  In'tweeu  I'ichon's  accusations  anent  tlie  Howe 
uujrder  and  bis  j»resent  testimony  that  he  is  now  on  the 
sjiot  at  neaus^jonr,  and  therefore  able  to  bo  thoroughly 
well-informed.  In  this  ciuse  he  seems  to  liuvc  had  no 
motive  for  lyini;-. 

Alter  the  excitement  (laused  l)y  (^ornwallis's  eon<bict 
on  liis  hunling  at  Halifax.  Lo  Louti'((  had  eonsich'rabjy 
cooled  down,  m(»st  probably  because  tlie  danger  In;  had 
foi'cstvn  liad,  for  the  time  bein^;,  disappeared.  Hut  when 
he  saw  that  Hopson  was  not  coming  back,  and  that 
Lawrence,  whom  he  had  had  occasion  to  know,  became 
tituljir  governor  and  was  already  yielding  to  liis  erne! 
instincts,  he  once  more  took  alirm.  Ami  when  his 
colleague  Daudin  was  <b'agged  to  Halifax  and  con- 
deuuied  to  (piit  the  country,  no  doubt  his  impetuous  zeal 
found  in  this  incident  all  that  was  needed  to  set  it 
atlame.  Fi'om  his  point  of  view,  and  I  am  inclined  to 
think  it  was  the  right  one,  Daudin  was  a  victim  of  per- 
.secution.  This  was,  as  I'ichon  makes  liim  sa}',  the 
beginning  of  a  regime  which  would  soon  deprive  the 
Acadians  of  their  priests  and  of  the  free  exercise  of 
their  religion.  Was  he  mistaken  ?  Certainly  not,  and 
this  certainty  increases  in  the  light  of  subsequent  events. 
He  knew  enough  of  Lawrence's  character  to  suppose 
him  capable  of  any  crime.     Of  course  Le  Loutre's  ini- 


i 


3H2 


I'KOPHKTIC  ALAKM. 


jtulsivoncHs,  liis  religious  uiithusiaHin — some  would  say. 
Ills  faiiiiticiHin — might  (;loud  his  l)cttcr  ju(lgn)(!Mt  aiul 
make  him  scu  intcntinns  that  did  not  exist,  or  at  least 
«'xaL,'gerat«5  them;  hut  I  am  jonvincu'il  that,  Cassainlra- 
like,  he  saw  elearly  the  woes  that  were  to  whelm  tilu- 
Aeadian  people,  if  the  FruiM'h  wtire  dislodged  from  their 
lioM  oil  the  Hay  of  Fundy.  Ahhe  he  (Juenie,  who  was 
also  a  missionary  n»'ar  Hisius^jonr  on  the  French  side. 
without  sharing  he  houtre's  ardor  and  vehemence, 
thoroughly  shared  his  fears.  \\v  himself  tells  jis  that 
he  lioutre,  after  the  taking  of  iJcjaus^'jour,  and  on  leav- 
ing the  country,  strongly  urged  the  Aeadiaiis  to  Ikj 
suhmissive  towards  the  English,  in  order,  if  possible,  to 
avert  thu  niisiurtunes  which  hu  saw  threatening  thum. 


A    FOKGEl*    LKTTKK. 


383 


CHAPTKK  XXV. 

Pic'hon's  letttT  |)r<)V(ik«'H  an  <-\|M'<liti*>ii  iin'»''Jf*t  rU'iiUM«'jour— Pif|i- 
arutiuiiH  in  Now  Kngluiui— Moiiktoii.  ajtsistcil  liy  liit'Utciiaiil- 
t'oUdiflH  WiiiHlow  atxl  Srott,  aiiivcH  al  Fnrt  lijiwrciicf  with 
U,<KK)  iiii'ii,  June  Slid.  175r>_(:onHt«»ni  .'.'"U  of  till'  Frcncli  aial 
weakneHHof  tli«>K»<°>'i!^')i> — AKsiHtantt'  ini|>  «Mil)lt' — SicK''  "'  Fttaii- 
Ht'jour — TIh'  Acailians  ifl'iiHc  lu-li) — Tiirn'  liinidrcil  an-  lun  -d 
to  take  lip  arms— Capitulation--  .e  Loutn-H  (V,,lii— Piclion 
claims  his  reward — What  KiiK'nii-.  owes  to  th  •  Acadians. 

nri.MNo  till!  iiuiumii  pn'ci'iliii;^  tlf  liiptiirf  ••!'  lii'iui- 
s^^jmir,  IMchoii  romiiiimiciitcd  tit  (  aptiiiii  lliissi-y,  tlu'ii 
(toniniiinding  at  Knit  Liuvieii'M',  a  Ictti-r  supposi'il  to 
liavi'  lu't'ii  aililrt'sst'd  to  Im  Loiitro  In  I)iii|iH!siu-,  (iov- 
einor  of  Canada,  in  whioli  wis  the  t'ollowiiitr :  "J  invite 
yon  and  M.  dti  Vingor  to  seek  a  [)laM.sil)|i'  piiitext  for  a 
vigorous  attack  on  the  Knglisli.'*  Ilnsscu  wlicii  tians- 
niitting  this  letter  to  Captain  Scott,  cnmncrated  at 
some  length  the  reasons  for  which  he  helieved  that  it 
nmst  have  })een  fabrieated  bv  IMchon  himself.*  Yet, 
three  weeks  later,  Lawrence  wrote  to  Shirley : 

"  BtiiKi  ifill  hiforiiiiil  that  the  Froiich  havo  dosignsof  purroiirhin;; 
still  fartlicr  iii)on  Ills  Majesty's  right  in  this  Provinee,  and  that  they 
propose,  the  iiiouient  they  have  repaired  tlie  fortitications  of  Louis- 
burg,  to  attack  our  Fort  at  Chigiiei'to  (Fort  Lawrenee),  I  tliink  it 
high  time  to  make  some  effort  to  drive  them  from  the  north  side  of 
the  Bay  of  Fundy." 

*  See  Chapter  XVI. 


if 


I! 


384 


A  COMPIiETK   sriJI'iaSE. 


Under  other  cireumstiinces  Lawrence  would  have 
hesitated  to  base  an  iniporUmt  decision  u[)ona  letter  the 
spuriousness  of  which  was  demonstrated  to  him  hy  solid 
arguments  ;  hut,  in  view  of  the  projects  he  enteitaincd, 
he  now  thought  it  advisable  to  seize  the  opportunity  and 
to  act  as  if  there  were  no  doubt  as  to  the  contents  of 
that  letter.  I  Fe  said  Ik;  was  "  widl  informed,"  for  he  knew 
that  this  would  be  ([uitc  enough  to  make  Shirley,  whose 
ardent  natui'c  was  cousin-german  to  his  own,  chime  in 
with  him  and  help  him  Avitli  all  his  might.  Nor  was  lit* 
mistaken.  Sjiirloy  immt'diatcly  resolved  to  levy  2,000 
men  in  New  England  for  an  ex[)edition  destiiKul  to  dis- 
lodge the  Fi'ench  from  their  strongholds  on  the  istlnnus 
the  following  sj)ring.  I*rej)aralioiis  wei'e  pushed  on 
with  vigoi'.  and  tin;  lleet,  comprising  thirty-three  vessels 
under  the  oi'dfrs  of  Colonel  Monkton,  assisted  by 
luieutenant-(;olonels  Winslow  and  Scott,  appeared  befoie 
Fort  Lawi'cnce  on  the  2nd  of  June,  ITr)'). 

There  is  reason  to  believe  that  the  letter  sent  by 
Pichon  to  Ilussey  as  if  it  canii'  from  Duquesne,  was 
really,  as  Ihissey  thought,  "of  Pichon'sown  comjjosing;" 
for,  since  the  preceding  autunui.  the  French  had  done 
nothing  to  give  a  color  of  likelihood  to  this  letter.  Tlu! 
Indians  wei-e  quieter  than  tliev  had  been  for  a  long 
time.  The  garrison  of  lieansejour  had  not  been  rein- 
foi'ced  and  nnndxM'cd  hardly  100  soldiers  :  the  fortihea- 
tions  had  not  been  improved.  At  the  very  moment 
Avhen  the  fleet  aj)peared  at  the  entrance  of  the  Bay, 
Le  L<nitre  was  busily  engaged  in  the  building  of  those 
dikes  that  were  to  ensure  farms  to  the  Acadians.  So 
skilfully  and  secretly-  had  this  expedition  been  organized 
and  conducted  that  its  appearance  before  the  fort  was 
the  first  intimation  of  the  danger  that  threatened  the 


|i    ' 


1 


DE  vp:iu;oii  s  vain  thukats. 


:;«;> 


Frencli.  Altliough  the  two  nations  were,  ostensibly  at 
least,  on  terms  of  peaee,  tlieie  was  no  mistaking-  the 
])Uipose  of  this  display  of  force :  and  great  was  the 
consternation  at  Beansejour,  whieh  liecanie  (greater  still, 
a  fe'W  days  afterwards,  when  it  was  leali/.ed  thai  no 
assistance  eonld  Ik;  ho[)ed  for  from  Cape  Hrelon:  for 
English  vessels  werc^  (•rnisin<r  heforc;  Lonishnri"-.  and  to 
forct;  the  blockade  i:i  order  l.o  assist  lieaiisejonr  wonld 
expose  Lonisbnrg-  to  be  taken  b}-  snrprise.  'riitic  were, 
it  is  trne,  on  lim  I'"'rench  side  of  the  frontier,  from  twelve 
to  lifteen  hundred  Aeailiaiis  able'  to  bear  arms,  and  this 
was  ([uite  enough  to  hold  the  besiegers  in  cheek  and 
pei'haps  to  make;  the  ex[»edition  a  failure  ;  but  foi!uan\- 
reasons  De  Verg'or  could  not  count  nj)oii  them.*  '^i'hose 
who  had  always  lived  in  this  [)art  of  the  couiiliv.  and 
they  were  (he  majority,  were  undoubtedly  Freneli  sul»- 
jects.  So  were  also  those  who,  in  C'ornwallis's  lime  or 
later,  had  chosen  to  emigiale  ;  on  their  arrival  they  had 
taken  tlie  oath  to  the  French  government;  but  Law- 
rence, knowing  tlieir  dispositions,  had  shrewdly  ]»layed 
U})on  their  feelings  by  signifying  to  them  that  the}- 
.still  remained  British  subjects,  and  that,  should  they 
ever  be  taken  in  arms  airainst  Kniiiand,  thev  wiMild  be 
treated  as  ivbels.  lie  knew  that  this  detdaration.  how 
absurd  soever  it  was  from  a  legal  point  of  view,  would 
trouble  their  consciences  and  give  them  scruph's  of 
which  he  would  take  advantage.  These  scruiiles  coupled 
Avith  his  threats  would  produce  the  desired  effect. 

Do  Vergor  issued  severe  orders,  conniianding  all  able- 
bodied  Aca<lians  to  re[)air  without  delay  to  the  fo]t   for 


I       ! 


*  D(>  V(>rf;;iii',  in  ii  li'ttor  tn  M.  clc  Pruciiui-t  tin-  |irocoiliiif,'  yi'ar.  saiil  that 
ill  east'  of  attack  he  could  uut  rely  na  tin?  asbistaui'oof  tliu  At'adiaiis,  wLdiu 
tln' Eiiglifili  iutimidatoil  l,>y  their  throiit.s. 


<      \' 


:J«t; 


I.K    SIKCK    1)K    VKI.nllis. 


eiilistiiu'iit ;  I)Mt,  llioiij^h  his  oidi-rs  weiv  repoalud  and 
iici'OMipaiiit'fl  l)y  threats,  tht-v  li'iiiiiim'tl  deiif  to  his  cnm- 
niaiids:  '•  lie  sent  them  orders  U[»on  orch'i's,"  says  Mur- 
doch ;  "•  they  aiiswensd  that  lie  shouhl  have  used  them 
l)etter  when  (hey  wei-e  in  his  j»o\ver."  De  N'eri^oi'eoidd 
t,'et  tojifether  only  ahout  three  hundred  of  those  who, 
havinn"  no  homestead,  lived  in  Foit  lU'ausejour,  and, 
rei'eivinn'  rations  fiom  the  (lovernment,  were  under  its 
eontrol.  Hut  even  they,  in  the  straits  to  which  they 
were  I'educed,  with  a  view  to  |trotecl  themselves  anainsl 
disaster,  stipulated  that  the  orders  should  he  repeated  in 
writing-.  This  force  was  insullicient  for  a  long-  resist- 
ance, esj)ecially  as  two  thirds  of  it  were  men  who  had 
never  done  military  duly,  and,  what  is  worse,  were 
lighting  unwillingly  under  c(»m[)ulsi()u  of  the  most  tei- 
rihle  threats.  ^  Many  of  the  Acadians,"  Murdoch  a(hls, 
'•escajx'd  from  the  Fort,  hut  seventeen  of  them  were 
caught  and  hrought  hack." 

Nevertheless,  had  the  chief  heeu  hrave  and  deter- 
uiined,  it  would  hav(.'  still  heeu  possihle  to  make  a  line 
stand  and  save  the  honor  of  France  ;  hut  the  defence  was 
most  mi.serahle :  nothing-  that  I  know  of  in  the  military 
annals  of  that  nation  ai)proaehes,  in  point  of  stupidity 
and  cowardice,  the  conduct  of  this  siege,  which  the 
French  themselves  derisively  jueknamed  "  the  velvet 
siege."  With  Vergor  ami  his  kinsman  and  accomplice 
De  N'annes,  the  g^reed  of  gold  had  .stifled  every  feeling 
of  honor  and  patriotism.  Their  only  care  .seems  to  have 
been  to  save  their  ill-gotten  gains  an<l  their  precious 
persons.  Without  waiting  for  the  investment  of  the 
fort,  without  any  deadly  tight,  despite  the  protests  of 
Le  Loutre  and  some  officers,  De  \'ergor  made  overtures 
to  Colonel  Monkton,  and  on  June  ItJth,  only  fourteen 


THK   riJKNCII    WITHIMIAW. 


8»7 


days   after   the   arrival    of   the  ex[)edition,  Beaus>djour 
capitulated  on  the  foUowin*^  terms  :  * 

*'  1st.  The  cunimandant ,  otticors,  staff  and  otliers,  omployod  forthe 
Kin^,  and  the  garrison  of  li«>aust>j<)iir,  sliall  gc)  out  with  arms  and 
baggage,  drums  beating.  'Jud.  The  garrison  sliall  b«!  sent  direct  by  sea 
to  l^ouisburg,  at.  tlie  expense  of  tin-  King  of  (Weat  iiriiain.  ;!ril. 
The  garrison  shall  have  provisions  sutHeient  to  last  until  thfiy  get  to 
]iOuisl)urg.  4th.  As  tit  thr  Antdions,  as  fhii/  nun:  /orrcd  (n  hear 
iiriiiK  iiii<li-r  fiiNii  <)(' ilf'iilli.  tlii'i/  xlidll  lir  jiiiriliitifit.  .')th.  The  garri- 
son shall  not  bear  arms  in  America  for  the  space  of  six  montlis.t 

"  Ko»KRT  MONKTOX. 
"  At  THK  r.\MP  ni'.FOIlK  BKAt'S^.rOlJK. 

"  Kith  June,  IT-'w." 

This  capitulation  involved  at  the  same  time  that  of 
Fort  Ga.si)ereaii  on  Bay  Verte.  This  latter  was  de- 
fended hy  a  mere  handful  of  soldiers  and  ^va^^  strictly 
sjieaking,  only  a  storehou.se  for  provisions  and  ammuni- 
tion. Vergor  ordered  M.  de  Villerai.  the  commandant, 
t<^)  surrender  his  fort ;  which  he  <lid  a  few  davs  later. 
I'eausejour  was  mmcdiately  occupied  hy  the  Knglish 
troops  and  its  nan.  ;  changed  to  that  of  ('und)erland.  In 
tlu!  course  of  the  ton  days  that  followed  the  ca[titulation, 
all  the  Acadians  came  one  hy  one  to  surrender  their  arms 
to  Colonel  Monkton.  Not  long  afterwards  the  French 
also  evacuated  the  fort  of  the  River  St.  John  ;  thus  there 
remained  no  vestige  of  French  domination  north  of 
the  Bay  of  Fundy,  except  the  trading  posts  at  Mirami- 
chi  and  on  the  Cfulf  coast  in  the  neighhorhood  of  Bay 
<les  Chaleurs.     Le   Loutre  had    [)rudently   slipped    off 

*  B<>for«?  th(!  overtures  for  a  siuTondcr  a  Ixjiulj  thrown  by  tlii-  I.i->i.-gfrs 
fel!  on  one  of  the  casemates  that  was  usimI  as  a  prison,  and  l<ill -d  f.mr 
J'renchnieu  and  Mr.  Hay,  an  English  clTlccr  who  was  a  |)risuni'i-.  This 
olTlci'r  had  l)ceu  captured  some  days  liefm-e  by  the  Itidiaiis.  wh')  wt-re  t;i't- 
tiuK  ready  to  sciilp  him  wlien  he  was  snateiie<l  from  tln-ir  liarids  hy  an 
A<*adian  named  IJrassard  ami  led  tutlie  Pott,  wiicri-  !)«•  was  vi'ry  kindly 
tn'ated. 

t  Document  omitted  in  tbo  volurao  of  the  Archives. 


888 


ncnox  I'LK.vns  koi;  iwv. 


before'  the  oceupiitioii  ol"  Fort  lieaiisojour,  and  on  liis 
way  to  Quebec,  tlii'ou<^li  tlu;  solitudes  of  the  St.  John 
River,  h(.'  had  leisure  to  meditate  on  the  instability  of 
liunian  aft'aiis.  Fioni  Quebec  he  endKiiked  for  France 
in  ihe  foUowint;'  August:  but  another  niisfoitune  awaited 
jiiin  :  the  ship  he  was  on  was  taken  at  sea  by  the  Fng- 
lish,  and  he  was  imprisoned  in  I'ili/abeth  Castle  in  the 
Isle  of  Jersey,  whence  he  di<l  not  recover  his  freedom 
till  eight  years  later  on  the  conclusion  of  the  peace. 

The  captui-e  of  lieaus^^jour  was  really  I'iehon's  work. 
It  was  the  letter  of  T)u(|uesne,  whether  true  or  forged, 
that  gave  rise  to  the  expedition.  According  to  a  j)re- 
vious  agreeujent  between  him  and  Captain  Scott,  instead 
of  accom[)anying  the  l'"'rench  garrison  to  Louisburg.  he 
was  held  [)risoner  for  some  time  at  Ueansejour.  then 
sent  to  Foit  JMlwaid  at  l*igiguit,and  tiuallv  to. Halifax, 
where  lit^  remained  a[>parently  a  prisoner,  in  order  that 
he  nii'»ht  minole  with  Ihe  French  oflicers  who  weie 
already  there  or  who  would  be  biought  thither,  and  leain 
the  secret  plans  of  the  French. 

It  was  time  for  him  to  claim  the  full  price  of  his  serv- 
ices. The  memorial  he  addressed  on  this  subject  to 
the  rrovernor's  secretary  bears,  as  may  well  be  supposed, 
the  stamp  of  Ids  baseness  and  cupidity.  Men  of  this 
kind  can  hardly  possess  aught  else  than  second-rate 
skill,  ingenious  enough,  perhai)s,  in  the  [ilaying  of  their 
vile  parts,  but  puerile  and  lame  when  they  have  to  seek 
theii'  own  interest,  for  then  all  the  vileness  in  their 
make-up  oozes  at  every  pore.  Pichon's  memorial  con- 
tains, together  with  nnich  s^^cophancy,  a  long  enumera- 
tion of  liis  sewices  and  losses  :  "  I  have  lost,"  he  says. 
"a  fine  future  witli  m\'  countrymen,  in  order  to  attach 
myself  to  the  fortune  of  a  nation  which  I  loved,  and  which 


I'ICHON    I'LKADS    H)|;    I'.W. 


:1S9 


1  knmr  tn  Jtc  t/ic  most  i'i(tx.i>n'.il>h   uml  tin'  most  ijcneraiOi  of 

nUthoxi'  that  exixt  in  /mf/i  Jn-mixpherts ^[l■.  Scott 

liad  idoinistMl  that  he  would  sunoinid  mo  with  comrort 
and  case.  Am  1  not  now  warranlod  in  desiriiiir  the 
fulfdiiuiiil  of  those  promises,  hy  seeming  for  myself  a 
xolid  and  (i(h'(vtttti/co)is  position  '/  .  .  .  Kindly  boar  in 
mind  that  I  had  a  good  soeial  status  in  !•' ranee,  where  I 
still  own  propeity.  Tin;  Court  had  charged  me  witli  .... 
Tiieso  jiosts  would  have  been  V(,'ry  profitable;  I  have 
had  to  give  them  up,  as  well  as  all  I  have  in  Fianee, 
Mhither  I  nuist  never  think  of  returning.  I  have  lost 
the  extensive  2)i'oi)eity  I  liad  bought  near  Fort  IJeau- 
sejour.  moreover  two  liouses  and  gardens  on  a  very  liiu^ 
site.  By  the  taking  of  this  fort  I  have  lost  two  valuabh; 
hoisi's.  a  (luantity  of  piovisions,  furniture,  linen,  clothes, 
books  and  <i  f/ioiisainf  i/niin'ftK  xto/r/i  front  iiw 

••  There  are  eireumstanees  when  a  man  should  bo 
allowed  to  s[)oak  in  praise  of  himself,  and  when  it  is  his 
interest  to  make  himself  known  and  lo  direc^t  attention 
to  the  services  he  has  rendered.  .   .  . 

••  I  am  well  aware  of  all  the  power  the  Admiral  wields 
and  of  the  advantages  1  niay  hope  for  fiom  his  illustrious 
patronage  and  fiom  that  of  His  Exeelloney  the  (Jover- 

:  the  honor  of  a  reeommendation 


•y 


'p 


from  them  to  Cieueral  Sliirlo}-,  as  Tvell  as  to  the  other 
governors  of  the  English  piovinees,  in  oider  to  invit(; 
them  to  exercise  their  generosity  by  doing  good  to  the 


inosf  ili-voti'ij  of  mv 


t 


n  m 


th 


le  serviee  of  the  vixext  of  un- 


to ns  , 


The  main  point  would  be  to  beg  theii-  Excel- 
lencies to  giant  me  their  jtowerful  patronage  at  the  Court 
of  England  and  Avilh  the  Prime  Minister,  in  order  to 
obtain  special  favors  for  me.     I  am  pretty  well  stricken 


31W 


srnuKNiJKi:  uvi:  to  akcadians. 


in  yeiirs  uiid  liiivu  lejiclictl  an  age  when  mu'x  neiih  /'fcj/nr 
ycneraUif  ///•l7/^'/^" 

Among .servifesiendeied,  I'iehon  ineniionedliisluiving 
biouglit  about  the  surrender  of  H(,'ausdjour,  by  persuad- 
ing tlie  Aeadians  that  were  in  the  fort  to  refusL'  to 
fight  at  all  and  to  insist  on  inunediate  surren(K'r. 
Although  any  assertion  of  I'iehon's  earries  very  little 
weight,  es[)eeially  when,  as  in  this  instanee,  it  was  jiis 
interest  to  make  the  most  of  his  serviees,  still,  with  due 
allowanee  for  his  bragging  about  his  inlluenee  in  the 
matter,  his  anirmalion  may  Avell  be  true  as  to  the 
Aeadians  refusing  to  light,  a  faet  whieh  eoidd  easily  be 
verilied  at  the  time  and  which  is  sustained  by  nuieh 
other  evidence.  If  so.  as  we  already  have  i>roof  that 
the  great  majority  of  the  Aeadians  refused  to  iicar 
aims,  we  may  also  rest  assured  that  those  who,  under 
})ressure  of  cruel  threat.s  when  they  were  absolutely  at 
tlie  mercy  of  the  authorities,  consented  to  enlist,  did, 
by  refusing  to  tight  at  the  critical  moment,  bring  about 
the  surreiuler  of  Beausejoui-.  Ah  to  the  Ai'dtfimix,  said 
that  article  of  the  capitulation  which  concerned  them, 
an  the//  irere  forced  to  hearun/ix  under  jmin  nf  tJenth,  tln-if 
are  pardoned. 

All  this  proves  that  Lawrence  was  not  mistaken  wlu'ii, 
at  the  begimiing  of  his  administration,  he  wrote  to  the 
J^ords  of  Trade  concerning  the  Aeadians  who  had  emi- 
grated  :  '"•  I  believe  that  a  very  large  part  of  them  would 
submit  to  any  terms  rather  than  take  up  arms  on  either 
side.''  Lawrence  knew  them  well  and  could  make  correct 
forecasts  with  respect  to  their  future  conduct.  And  yet 
this  opinion  of  Lawrence  seems  strange.  Why  should 
they  not  have  taken  up  arms  for  the  French  ?  Wert; 
they  not  subjects  of  France  and  as  such  had  they  not 


LAWKKNCKS    ("OlIKKCT    l-OUKCAST. 


391 


tilt'  light  to  .serve  liei  cause  /  Uiuloubtedly.  Tlie 
greater  part  of  tliem  had  dwelt  tor  generations  in  this 
jiart  of  tlie  country  ;  the  leniaindei-  were  those  to  whom 
C'ornwallis,  revoking  the  ooniproniise  of  l|30,  had  given 
the  choice  between  an  unrestricted  oath  and  departuie, 
that  is,  the  choice  between  English  and  Frendi  alle- 
giance. "  My  friends,"  he  had  said,  "  the  moment  that 
you  have  declared  your  desire  to  leave  and  snf>niif  t/our- 
xelf  to  unothi-r  Gorcnimi-nf,  our  di'termination  was  to 
hinder  nolwdy."  Even  had  he  not  made  this  <leclaration, 
it  is  evident  that,  by  levoking  the  condition  of  their 
stav,  he  set  them  free  to  dei)art,  and.  once  <M»ne,  as  soon 
as  they  dwelt  on  French  territory,  they  l)ecame  French 
subjects.  It  mattered  little  that  the  jnirt  of  the  country 
where  they  took  refuge  was  then  dis[)Uted  by  the  two 
crowns.  The  telling  fact  was  that  it  was  then  occupied 
by  France;  this  was  enough  to  settle  the  (juestion  of 
their  French  citizenship  in  virtue;  of  the  nu)st  elementary 
principles  of  the  law  of  nations  and  esjjcciall}'  of  the 
diplomatic  formula  vfi  jinxs/'iji-fix.  IIow,  tlien,  could 
Lawrence,  in  the  teeth  of  this  evident  right,  l)elieve  that 
they  would  not  take  up  arms  against  him  ?  Simply 
because  he  knew  that  a  cpiestion  of  this  sort,  clear 
enough  in  itself,  would  not  appear  to  them  clear  enougli 
to  satisfy  their  conscience ;  that  the  scruples  that  would 
l>eset  them  v.'ould  sufTice  to  keep  them  from  acting  ; 
that  the  oath  they  had  formerly  taken  and  the  liabit  of 
looking  upon  themselves  as  British  subjects  would  be  a 
powerful  deterrent ;  that  long  years  of  peace  had  made 
them  lose  the  taste  for  fighting ;  and  that,  by  taking  up 
arms,  they  would  provoke  their  tyrannic  oppressor  to 
wreak  his  fury  on  their  brothei-s  of  the  Peninsula.  To 
make  his  belief  a  certainty,  Lawrence  had  taken  care  to 


3^2 


ACADIANS    DKSKUVK    (JKATITUDE. 


issue  ii  proL'liiinatioii  in  wliicli  lie  wiuned  tlieni  tlmt  they 
still  reiiiiiiiied  British  suhjeets,  that  they  were  not  re- 
leased from  their  oath  of  lidelity,  and  that,  should  they 
be  taken  armed,  they  would  he  treated  as  rehids. 

Lawrence's  forecast  was  fully  conlinued.  I)esj»ite 
the  efforts  and  threats  of  the  Freueh,  out  of  lifteeii  hun- 
dred Aeadians  only  three  hundred  took  up  arms,  and, 
even  of  these,  several  deserted  :  linally  those  who  re- 
mained refused  to  liyht,  and  lieausejour  had  to  cajutu- 
hite.*  To  an  impartial  ohservi-r  these  Aeadians  would 
seem  to  have  won  for  tluMuselves,  not  merely  the  par- 
don which  the  eajiitulation  i^rauted  them,  hut  tlic  eter- 
nal gratitude  of  l^n^land  lor  the  territoiy,  the  picstige 
and  the  glory  they  had  hrought  lier.  At  any  rate  the 
ofli(ual  pardon  in  the  deed  of  surnmch-r  should  have  im- 
plied perfect  inununity  from  annoyance  for  iinything 
that  might  have  hai)i)(Mied  in  tlui  [)ast.  "We  shidl  see 
that  it  was  not  so,  and  that,  for  want  of  valid  motives, 
Lawrence  made  the  events  just  related  serve  as  pre- 
texts for  the  de[)oi'tation  of  the  Aeadians  of  the  Penin- 
sula. Ilenee  the  importance,  on  the  reader's  part,  of 
deeply  fixing  these  events  in  his  menioiy;  tlu-y  will 
helj)  him  to  understand  subsecpient  develo[)jnents. 
Aleaiiwhile,  the  conduct  of  the  Aeadians  on  either  sich) 
of  the  frontier  shoidd  he  separately  examined.  I  will 
iirst  take  up  the  case  of  the  Aeadians  who  remained  on 
English  territory. 

*  Do  Vorgor  and  Do  VilloAy  wcro  brou>?ht  tioforo  a  council  of  war  at 
Quebec,  tlirue  years  later,  oujaccount  of  their  cowarilico  at  the  sie^e  «>t 
Beausejour  and  ftas])er<Niu.  '•  I)i'  Vorjjjor  and  l)i;  Villeray,"  says  /j^s 
Mnnoiren  siir  If  (Jantuld,  "were  diseharKod  ;  the  rtrst  explained  his  feeble 
defence  by  the  fact  that  tho  Acadiaus  refused  to  assist  them  and  raised  a 
mutiny." 


% 


<tlgtj 


